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We investigated mean‐level changes in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) during (vs before) New Zealand's nationwide coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID‐19) lockdown at a time when New Zealand was led by a left‐leaning government. The number of participants in the study ranged from (Ns = 25,065–24,653). Using propensity score matching to approximate experimental conditions, results show that both ideological motivations decreased slightly during the lockdown but rebounded after restrictions were removed several months later. We also tested whether the lockdown differentially moderated the associations SDO and RWA had with institutional attitudes. Lockdown conditions exacerbated the negative association between SDO and government satistfaction but attenuated the negative association between RWA and government satisfaction. Similar patterns emerged for trust in police and politicians but not trust in science. Although SDO and RWA fluctuated in similar directions during New Zealand's nationwide lockdown, our results indicate that people high in RWA may become more supportive of the government and police under such conditions—even in countries with a left‐leaning political leader helming the pandemic response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostracism—being excluded and ignored—is commonly investigated in experimental settings, leaving specific societal risk groups greatly unexplored. Here, we examined whether individuals' employment status and age affect ostracism frequency and outsider feelings. Using panel data from two countries, we find that especially younger unemployed (vs. younger employed or older unemployed) adults report experiencing ostracism more frequently (SOEP‐IS; N = 1,750) and feeling more like outsiders (NZAVS; N ∼ 30,000 per wave). A subsequent survey study (N = 331) additionally tested three possible mediators for why younger (vs. older) unemployed individuals are more at risk of experiencing ostracism (occupational future time perspective [FTP], descriptive work norms, and work centrality). Moreover, unemployment stigma consciousness—expected stigmatisation—positively correlates with ostracism frequency and outsider feelings. The findings identify unemployed individuals as one at‐risk group for experiencing ostracism and make a first informative step in minimising ostracism experiences and their consequences for those affected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the extensive literature on relative deprivation theory, few studies have examined the longitudinal effects of individual‐ and group‐based relative deprivation (IRD and GRD, respectively) on individual‐ and group‐based outcomes, nor has research investigated the between‐person and within‐person effects of these constructs. Using two random intercept cross‐lagged panel models, we address these oversights by estimating the between‐person and average annual within‐person associations IRD and GRD have with psychological distress and collective action support in a nation‐wide longitudinal panel sample (N = 64,607). As expected, IRD and GRD were more strongly associated with psychological distress and collective action support, respectively, at the between‐person level and contemporaneously at the within‐person level. However, contrary to expectations, temporary departures in IRD and GRD predicted within‐person increases in collective action support and psychological distress, respectively. These results raise questions about how and when people respond to inequality and provide the foundations for future longitudinal research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People who feel powerless are motivated to gain power, which may include men endorsing hostile sexism to affirm societal power or women endorsing benevolent sexism to affirm power in relationships. We used four waves of an annual longitudinal panel sample (N = 58,405) to test whether within‐person changes in powerlessness predicted subsequent changes in men's hostile sexism and women's benevolent sexism. Results from a random intercept cross‐lagged panel model indicated that men who generally felt more powerless tended to endorse hostile sexism, but within‐person tests did not provide directional evidence linking men's powerlessness with hostile sexism. By contrast, women who generally felt more powerless endorsed benevolent sexism more strongly, and small within‐person lagged effects indicated that upward deviations in women's powerlessness in 1 year predicted stronger endorsement of benevolent sexism the following year. These results provide novel evidence that powerlessness motivates women's benevolent sexism and their toleration of gender inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social identity, shared grievances, and group efficacy beliefs are well‐known antecedents to collective action, but existing research overlooks the fact that collective action often involves a confrontation between those who are motivated to defend the status quo and those who seek to challenge it. Using nationally representative data from New Zealand (Study 1; N = 16,147) and a large online sample from the United States (Study 2; N = 1,513), we address this oversight and demonstrate that system justification is negatively associated with system‐challenging collective action, but positively associated with system‐supporting collective action, for members of both low‐status and high‐status groups. Group identification, group‐based injustice, group‐based anger, and system‐based dissatisfaction/anger mediated these relationships. These findings constitute the first empirical integration of system justification theory into a model of collective action that explains when people will act collectively to challenge—and, just as importantly, defend—the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colorblindness is a popular diversity ideology promoted as a means to intergroup harmony in ethnically diverse nations. While some research suggests that colorblindness reduces intergroup bias, other work suggests that colorblindness may increase it. The present research utilizes a national sample of European New Zealanders to examine whether the relationship between colorblind endorsement and outgroup attitudes is moderated by perceivers' individual differences in social dominance orientation (SDO). Data revealed that for participants low in SDO, colorblind beliefs predicted more negative attitudes toward ethnic minorities. However, for those high in SDO, colorblind beliefs predicted more positive attitudes toward ethnic minorities. Taken together, these findings suggest that colorblindness is not all good or bad for intergroup relations-instead, its effects may depend on perceivers' own egalitarian sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]