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In 1968, Equatorial Guinea's emergence as an independent nation signaled a pivotal chapter in Spain's national identity, deeply grounded on an imperial narrative. Around this juncture, Leandro Mbomio was etching his mark on Spain's cultural milieu as a sculptor. His success and persona reflected the image, voice, and thought the Francoist state sought in its former African subjects. Amid Spain's stringent media censorship, the official narrative that emerges from Mbomio's career is captivating. He was celebrated as "the black Picasso" and deemed emblematic of Black culture in Spain. This paper seeks to answer the following questions: How did the portrayal and reception of Mbomio reflect Spain's shifting views on Equatorial Guinea, "Black Africa", and the broader understanding of "Blackness" at the time? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ali Meghji’s A Critical Synergy provides a thought-provoking framework for putting two bodies of thought in conversation with one another. Doing so advances the project of imagining alternative, anti-racist futures. I reflect on the central argument of the book within the context of contemporary sociology. I then engage with three themes of the book: ways of knowing and being, methodological nationalism, and postcolonial melancholia. I approach each theme from my vantage point as a scholar of decolonial (and postcolonial) thought, taking up Meghji’s invitation to engage with critical race theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of anti-Muslim violence in Buddhist majority states in Asia, increased scholarly attention is paid to anti-Muslim Buddhist nationalism. These studies have paid particular attention to historical legacies within the confines of state borders, be they colonial or post-colonial. However, as this paper shows, the concerns raised in Buddhist anti-Muslim nationalism are not only shaped by local contexts. On the contrary, they are very much informed by global discourses and concerns. Drawing on media and globalization theory, this paper explores the transnational and global aspects of anti-Muslim Buddhist nationalism, arguing that it needs to be understood as a constituent element of global Islamophobia(s). Moreover, the paper shows that Buddhist Islamophobia cannot be reduced to being the result of Western export of Islamophobia globally. Rather, Buddhist Islamophobia has to be understood as a global as well as a globalizing phenomenon, contributing in its own right to global Islamophobia(s). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars in various academic disciplines have pointed out how national religious heritage is increasingly appropriated by the far right, to construct a false binary between secular Christian European states on the one hand, and Islam on the other. This article contributes to this literature by examining how these political developments, often deemed "illiberal", are enabled by "liberal" uses of religious heritage. Using the lens of what Étienne Balibar calls "fictive ethnicity", the article examines how both liberal and illiberal uses of religious heritage in Western Europe construct a historic nation to which only dominant groups can lay claim, which contributes to the symbolic and material marginalisation of minorities. This has repercussions for analyses of socio-political exclusion and for liberal nationalist theory: addressing contemporary inequalities requires not only limiting explicitly exclusionary forms of nationalism, but also actively unsettling the widespread ontology of homogeneity underpinning national fictive ethnicities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the gap in attitudes towards Muslims between Quebec and the rest of Canada (ROC) and compares this gap to the importance of other explanatory variables. To do so, the article provides a comprehensive model that constitutes the most extensive study of attitudes towards Muslims in Canada yet. This model boasts the highest explanatory power found in the recent literature. The article finds that while there is a difference in attitudes between Quebec and the ROC, these differences are modest in comparison to inter-individual differences within each region and have weak explanatory power. Group threat theory, social identity theory, and leader evaluations all show greater explanatory power than the aforementioned Quebec gap. Contact theory has weak explanatory power. None of the variables associated with Quebec nationalism appear to have a statistically significant effect in the analysis focused on Quebec cases either. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the state apparatus classifies who are the citizens to be symbolically included in the collective, and who are to be excluded by analysing interfaith marriages in the Israeli context, where ethno-national identity is society's main category organizer. I argue that the women's social-economic standing (working-class versus middle-class) and ethnic origin (Mizrahi Jews of Middle Eastern and North African ancestry versus Ashkenazi Jews of European ancestry) play an important role not only in their strategies but in the nationalist rhetoric against them. The paper also shows how interfaith marriages, although rather rare in Israel, determine that ethno-national boundaries are more permeable than they are first appear, although crossing and shifting them is never simple. Yet the importance of this phenomenon is not in its prevalence, but in its social and political impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is known for the problems of its religious minorities. Moreover, official Pakistani nationalism is religio-ethnic – a state created for the Muslims of British India. One would expect that Pakistan's religious minorities don't feel a sense of belonging to it. Drawing on more than 50 interviews and four months of extensive fieldwork among working class Hindu residents of a mixed Hindu-Muslim neighbourhood in Karachi, Pakistan, this article evidences that they felt belonging to the Pakistani nation based on an embodied connection they had with the land of Pakistan through birth, nourishment from the land and similarly embodied connections of their ancestors. By presenting the idea of terric nationalism, this article critiques the ethnic/civic nationalism binary. Further it makes a case for nationalism studies to focus on the subjectivity of the subaltern to build theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A rejoinder to the critical reviews of The Integration Nation: Immigration and Colonial Power in Liberal Democracies by Janine Dahinden, Sara Wallace Goodman, Paul Statham, and Willem Schinkel. The Integration Nation lays out a manifesto for critical migration studies, that builds on a critique of the mainstream literature and its normative linear notions of immigration, integration and citizenship. Two readers see the argument and its conceptualization of the field as almost self evident, while two read it as a frustrating provocation that elicits a strong, critical reaction. The rejoinder responds to these reflections, and reiterates the book's goal of laying the foundations of a new political demography. Conventional thinking on international migration, minorities and diversity, it argues, sustains the colonial power of advanced liberal democracies in the North Atlantic West, built on vast global inequalities in citizenship status, and mechanisms of selection, extraction, exclusion and effacement of non-national populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metaphors are a feature of public immigration discourse, with "undesirable" immigrants referred to as invasions, influxes, and floods both in the press and by politicians. Within Australia, such metaphors date back to the arrival of Chinese immigrants during the gold rushes (1850s), reoccurring with every large-scale arrival of non-white immigrants. Enacting racialized immigration restrictions was one of the foundational acts of the new Australian nation (1901), with whiteness enshrined as fundamental to national identity within the White Australia policy. Yet despite the abolition of the policy in the 1970s and the shift to multiculturalism, increasing non-white immigration has been accompanied by an intensification of negative immigration metaphors. I argue that this is because metaphors which construct racialized immigrant Otherness simultaneously flag ethnonationalist understandings about what it means to be Australian by implicitly centring (Anglo) whiteness as the defining feature of Australian national identity in a way no longer explicitly possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A principal concern regarding nationalist sentiment is the tendency to sanctify "the nation" and support it as chosen and pure regardless of its complicity in injustice. Building on research showing the tendency to whitewash America's past is primarily localized to white Americans, and particularly those who stress its Christian heritage, we theorize Christian nationalism amplifies Americans' willingness to endorse "blind patriotism" (supporting the nation even in the wrong), but only for white Americans as opposed to Blacks or Hispanics. General Social Survey data affirm the more Americans conflate Christian and American identities, the more they agree citizens should support their country even if it is wrong. As anticipated, this association is pronounced for white Americans, but virtually non-existent among Blacks and Hispanics. Stemming from American religious and national identities being deeply racialized, conflating the two sanctifies "the nation" but only among whites, whose national membership and hegemony were historically assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twenty years, prominent theorists of citizenship envisaged cosmopolitan openings, the re-making of national identity, and progressive multicultural change. The paper explores perspectives on civic inclusion in Kymlicka's Multicultural Odysseys, Soysal's Limits of Citizenship, and Benhabib's Another Cosmopolitanism. It explores this work in light of two recent political episodes, the formulation of an "anti-separatism" law in France and "anti-ghetto" policies in Denmark. The paper contrast tendencies that theorists of inclusive citizenship envisage with the denial of associational rights in France and the assertion of racial logics in Denmark. It illustrates blinds spots in prominent accounts of civic inclusion, in particular the reliance on a prescriptive account of minority and post-migrant agency, a disembodied logic of human rights, and limited regard for status differentials on the inside of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions remain about nationhood's everyday salience – that is, whether and how nationhood is engaged with by "ordinary people" undertaking routine activities. We present an innovative methodology for investigating everyday nationhood at the international border. We created a social media dataset of 1,083 "tweets" made during British airport border crossings, where nationhood might be expected to be particularly salient – especially during a period corresponding to post-referendum Brexit negotiations. We used content analysis to generate descriptive frequencies, before analysing these broad patterns in further detail via qualitative analysis. Nationhood is found to be largely absent, at least explicitly. A large majority focus on the contingencies of everyday life in highly individualist and consumer-oriented ways. The most common identification – "non-EU" – indicates border-crossing experiences framed by geopolitical inequalities, but only rarely by nationhood. One possible exception to the dominant patterns is a highly individualist, tacit manifestation of Britishness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between nationalism and "sectarianism" in contemporary Scotland. Constitutional disruptions have reopened fault lines around religion, ethnicity, and a "clash" of nationalisms. Sectarianism, which had long been ostensibly confined to residual culture, frequently features in media and political discourses. At the heart of debates is the question of contested national identities – Scottish, British, and Irish. Based on qualitative research with football supporters in Glasgow, this article examines how identities are reproduced and negotiated in people's everyday lives. While Scotland has undergone significant political, socio-economic, and cultural shifts which have disrupted traditional patterns of belonging, the legacy of sectarianism is relevant in how people negotiate these changes and make sense of competing aspects of their identities. Further, participants' narratives suggest that these tensions can influence political behaviours, particularly as the binary nature of referendums poses challenges for reconciling multiple layers of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much attention has been devoted to the salience of nationalism in crisis times. At the micro-level, people often talk about the nation when they perceive established social norms as disrupted. Yet, the role of individual agency in reproducing nationalism in such contexts has been underexplored. Everyday nationalist practices are understood as following an unreflective adoption of nationalist ideology. This article challenges this perspective and proposes approaching nationalism as an "engaged ideology". This means attending also to people's active reflection on nationalist principles. A discussion of in-depth interviews from Russia provides an empirical illustration. I show how interviewees deliberate over the continuity and progress of the nation in making sense of uncertain times. The discussion highlights the interaction of ideology and agency in everyday nationalism. In doing so, it opens new avenues for exploring connections between nationalism and crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many ways, the 2015 New Year's Eve celebrations in Cologne marked a turning point in the German refugee debate. The sexual harassment by mostly North African asylum seekers sparked a paradoxical alliance between the Far-Right and some feminists. This paper sheds light on the origins of this convergence. Did feminists betray their emancipatory ideals? Or did the convergence result from shared ideological values? Drawing on a discourse analysis (N = 111) of two far-right newspapers, a right-wing blog, and a major German feminist magazine, this paper traces the construction of a rhetorical device I call geography of trauma. The device allowed feminists and the Far-Right to justify their shared vision of an exclusive, homogenous German nation by dramatizing, collectivizing, and spatializing individual trauma. Ultimately, this case study highlights the active role that seemingly progressive forces can play in normalizing racist nation-building projects more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War II nostalgia in the UK is mired in a postcolonial melancholia that not only fuels Brexit nationalism, but carries implications for how the UK relates to the European Continent. This paper presents an empirically engaged examination of Gilroy's concept of postcolonial melancholia by exploring how British migrants negotiate this "complex ailment". Engaging with empirical research conducted with British migrants in Berlin, I will examine how migrants negotiate this form of nationalism through their relationships with family members in the UK. The particular position of the British migrant in Germany illuminates how postcolonial melancholia's entrenchment shapes British nationalism and Britain's relationship to mainland Europe. It explores discourses of British exceptionalism before examining how Brexit's foregrounding of empire nostalgia pushes migrants to redefine their relationship to Britain. Meanwhile, black British migrants inhabit a different orientation to the postcolonial through their practical engagement with complex colonial histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northern Ireland (NI) has been one of the central issues in Brexit. Yet, it barely featured in the discussions in the run up to the EU Referendum in 2016. This blind-spot regarding NI has been a long-standing feature of social science research on the UK. This article examines the NI blind-spot, with a particular focus on its operation in ethnic and racial studies. The article examines the NI blind-spot as a methodological issue, through an application of, and then critical reflection on, the concept of "methodological nationalism". The article also examines the NI blind-spot in relation to two key areas of applied ethnic and racial studies: immigration and "race relations". We conclude by reflecting on the implications of our analysis for ethnic and racial studies in, and of, the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This symposium commentary on Alana Lenin's Why Race Still Matters considers the terms by which apologists of racism deploy the alibi of nation and (white) identity. The increasingly efficacious claim to 'mere' nationhood and the allegedly organic immutability of majoritarian identity both enables racism whilst impugning anti-racism. Attention will be given here to the chicanery by which racism often ceases to something to be ideologically justified or defended; but instead, the demands of anti-racism are simply deflected through asserting the seemingly superseding dictates of national righteousness. My commentary also speculates about certain connections between the white majority settings surveyed by Lentin and wider postcolonial settings where comparable politics of bordering, chauvinism and 'racial capitalist' stratification are pursued but without the same overarching reference to whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The targeting of social difference by the extreme right is no longer on the fringes of the nation-state. Instead, the far right provides the contours of national community while also dominating the arena of international politics. This paper traces the transnational dialogue that shapes the far right's ideologies by examining the interconnections between Hindu and white nationalisms. I argue that their projects of cultural nationalism are not only global in their reach, but that they knit together conceptions of racial and religious difference that initially emerged within the contexts of settler colonialism in the United States, colonial science in India, and the strands of Indian anti-colonialism that fixated on majoritarian rule. I examine this mapping of identity/difference across a spatio-temporal terrain that moves from Aryan racial theory to right wing representations of contemporary protests against systemic racism that pose a challenge to both Hindu and white nationalisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the racialization of discourses about national identities, and explores the implications for populations racialized as white. Two extensive datasets have been brought together, spanning a decade and 560 interviews, to explore discursive interplay, the oppositional nature and relationality of majority and minority claims about national belonging. We demonstrate that national identity claims are constructed discursively from positions of relative advantage and disadvantage: here the English majority and Polish minority. Discourses of national identity involve positioning and using resources differentially available. Dominant majority groups, perceiving themselves as entitled through their conceptualization of the nation-state and indigeneity, interpret and police minority claims in ways that equate to a gate-keeping function. The analysis examines the contingent hierarchy of whiteness and the discursive implications for entitlement, deservingness and resentment. The framework of whiteness helps illuminate the construction and contested racialization of hierarchies around national identity and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comparative statistical analysis is of tolerance and how it was perceived and experienced by minorities and majorities in the UK and Germany before and after two defining national events that both focused on immigration and national identity. Based on combined sweeps of the European Social Survey (2012–2018), this study applied logistic regression modelling to determine that during the Brexit vote in 2016 and the German Refugee Crisis in 2015, majorities from lower socioeconomic backgrounds were more likely to be intolerant towards minorities, who were more likely to experience discrimination. Majority intolerance and minority perceptions of discrimination increased after both events among less well-off groups. However, majorities from higher socioeconomic backgrounds were less likely to exhibit intolerance towards minorities before these national events and after. This study offers an original perspective on race and ethnic relations at times of national crises over identity and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore identity formation among adolescents, using the first wave of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study in Norway (CILS-NOR). The results show that immigrant origin youth gradually adopt a stronger self-identity as Norwegians, regardless of regional origins and religious affiliation. However, while adolescents of European immigrant origin report that others see them as being even more "Norwegian" than they identify themselves, children of immigrants from Africa and Asia report that others see them as being far less "Norwegian" than how they identify themselves. Non-recognized national identity – the product of an asymmetrical relationship between self-identity and ascription – is most common among well-established minority groups, and we show that both ethno-racial origins and religious affiliation are major hurdles for acceptance. Ethnic identities associated with the parental homeland, which are closely related to religion, are more stable, and only very weakly related to the formation of a national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public debates proclaim that Muslims have turned their backs on Western societies and their "core values". Quantitative studies have shown that Muslim migrants identify more with their origin nation and less with their host country, and that they support gender equality less than other migrants. While often attributed to Muslims' religiosity, migrants' denominations also reflect whether they belonged to the dominant religious majority or a marginalized minority in their origin country, which also shapes national identifications and support for gender equality. EURISLAM data on 1,500 migrants from Turkey and Pakistan show that Alevi and Ahmadiyya minority-migrants identify less with their origin country and more with their host society than Sunni majority-migrants. Pivotally, marginalized minority-migrants acculturate faster, as their support for gender equality increases more strongly over the years than majority-migrants'. Altogether, focusing on essentialist views of Muslims' religion overlooks other mechanisms that shape diversity in acculturation among Muslim migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Afrodescendant ethnic renewal in Latin America has mostly focused on how identities become politicized as Afrodescendants demand legal recognition, affirmative action policies and multicultural rights. This article instead directs attention to individuals' everyday negotiations and struggles over the definition of who is authentically black and who can legitimately claim an Afrodescendant identity. Through ethnographic observation and in-depth interviews with individuals who identify as Afrodescendants in northern Chile, I look at how they construct boundaries to define membership into their community. I find that in their effort to present themselves as both Chileans and Afrodescendants, Afro-Chileans construct boundaries to distance themselves from three groups: "regular" Chileans, Aymara Indigenous people, and recently arrived black immigrants. Each boundary helps them emphasize different aspects of their local, ethnic, and national identity, promoting distinct and sometimes conflicting ways to define what it entails to be Afro-Chilean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three approaches to portraying ethno-racial and national identity for Iran are common: a discretizing approach that groups and conflates ethnicity, language and geography; a civic-territorial conception of nationalism as supra-ethnic Iranian-ness; and an ethno-nationalist approach that criticizes the former for privileging a state-centered, Persian-Shiite majority's culture and status. Instead of arbitrating between them, we propose a sociological approach that compares different forms of ethno-racial self-identification in modern Iran. Using the 2016 Iran Social Survey, which asks open-ended questions on ethno-racial self-identification, we find wide variation in how ethnic identity is expressed. On the one hand, the findings suggest that a sizable degree of mismatch exists, where concepts of ethnic groupness are confusing or not fully recognizable to many individuals. On the other hand, we also find that multi-ethnic self-identification is common, including across the ethno-racial boundaries often portrayed as closed and mutually exclusive groups in Western discussions on Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the ethno-nationalist populism of Donald Trump's Twitter communication during the 2016 presidential campaign. We draw on insights from ethno-symbolism – a perspective within nationalism studies – to analyse all 5,515 tweets sent by Trump during the campaign. We find that ethno-nationalist and populist themes were by far the most important component of Trump's tweets, and that these themes built upon long-standing myths and symbols of an ethnic conception of American identity. In sum, Trump's tweets depicted a virtuous white majority being threatened by several groups of immoral outsiders, who were identified by their foreignness, their religion, and their self-interestedness. The struggle against these groups was framed as a mission to restore America to a mythical golden age – to "Make America Great Again." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the role of music in Arab public schools during Israel's early decades, as a unique window into the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion that underline the encounter between the state and its Palestinian citizens. We interpret the case of music education in Arab schools through the lenses of a larger historical process of the "subordinate integration" of Palestinians into the Israeli polity. In addition to reviewing the emergence of formal music education for the separate Arab school system, we analyze state-sponsored songbooks produced in the 1960s, discussing editorial motivation and the musical practices reflected and inscribed therein. We then focus on the role of a well-known Independence Day song, exploring both its emergence and early reception, and its persistent function as a lieu de mémoire, representing the larger trauma of forced spectacle of loyalty for an entire generation of Palestinian citizens of Israel schooled during those years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Excessive redevelopment and gentrification in Jaffa produced liminal extra-territories which serve as fertile grounds for the emergence of unruly urban agencies. Drawing on seven years of ethnographic observations, interviews, and social media analysis of Anna Loulou bar, we outline the contours of a new social type – the political hipster. Unlike the archetypical hipster that could flourish in any urban setting, this specific agent is the product of the particular blend of centre and periphery, characteristic of Jaffa and the Anna Loulou bar in particular. On the seam line between "Palestinian" Jaffa and "Jewish" Tel Aviv, Anna Loulou offers the wild nightlife of the centre, complemented by the rugged authenticity of the binational periphery. The bar serves as a unique intersection between two opposing fields – the cultural and the political. This allows the political hipster to juggle between the fields – commodifying identity and erotizing politics: dancing with tears in her eyes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racism and xenophobia associated with the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic disproportionately affect migrants and minority groups worldwide. They exacerbate existing patterns of discrimination and inequity, impacting especially those already facing intersecting social, economic and health vulnerabilities. In this article, we explore the nature and extent of racism sparked by COVID-19. We briefly introduce the relationship between historical pandemics and racist sentiments and discuss ethnic and racial disparities in relation to COVID-19. We contextualize racism under COVID-19, and argue that an environment of populism, resurgent exclusionary ethno-nationalism, and retreating internationalism has been a key contributor to the flare-up in racism during the COVID-19. We then discuss links between racism, nationalism and capitalism, and consider what intercultural relations may look like in a post-outbreak world. We conclude by highlighting the potential effects of COVID-racism on intercultural relations, and the national and global implications for social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although immigration is the domain of the federal government, recently there has been a movement to introduce anti-refugee legislation in state legislatures across the country. In 2017 and 2018 there were 86 anti-refugee state-level bills introduced to limit refugee resettlement in the US. We examine public testimony from South Carolina's 2016 anti-refugee bill, S-997. Building upon the literature on racist nativism, we find those who sought to eliminate refugee resettlement reconstructed the meaning of a legal status, refugee, to be synonymous with Brown, Muslim, Terrorist, Third World, by presenting these population categories as unified in a legal status in opposition to the white, Christian, civilized, United States. We show how even those who supported refugees and refugee resettlement engaged in and supported the logic of white Christian nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While new regimes often seek legitimation by forging banal ties between state and nation (or "banalization"), there have been few attempts to explain how nationalism becomes banal, to account for variations in the process across different types of regimes, or to establish clear criteria for identifying successes or failures in banalization. This article presents an original theoretical framework for understanding banalization as a social and political process involving attempts to either incentivize or monopolize national expression, depending on the type of political regime. Drawing on interviews and focus groups conducted during 2014–2016, a case study of post-Soviet Russia fleshes out the process and outcomes of banalization across different kinds of regimes from the 1990s to the present. It further suggests the value of examining banalization as a regime process in accounting for the ways that the successes or failures of banalization influence their successors' pursuit of legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the tumultuous early twenty-first century, vigorous appeals to whiteness in Britain are largely attributed to populist ethno-nationalism. This article offers a complementary critical account focusing on the use of "racialism" as a purportedly non-invidious theoretical framework for describing racial differences and resultant societal impacts. Drawing on recent examples, especially the work of David Goodhart and Eric Kaufmann, I consider the deployment of racialism to characterize a benign white ethno-racial communalism based on "self-interest" and a positive preference for "co-ethnics" sharing common values. I suggest that racialist local whiteness is used to pursue two repudiatory projects: first, politically weakening black, Asian and minority ethnic groups by constituting white disadvantage; and second, disarming accounts of pervasive and systemic racism by naturalizing racial stratification. Ultimately, I argue that an understanding of racialist local whiteness guards against the racial reification of populist nationalism and illuminates the deeper entrenchment of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an endeavour to understand connections between immigration policy and contemporary colonialism on Indigenous territory, this study investigates how state-led immigrant integration policies and practices reproduce colonialism in Swedish Sápmi. It explores the applicability of scholarship on settler colonialism on Sweden and develops the notion of banal colonialism by combining scholarship on settler and everyday colonialism with banal nationalism. Drawing from state documents regulating immigrant integration and semi-structured interviews conducted with integration workers in Swedish Sápmi, the study shows that immigrant integration policy largely silences the colonial past and present of Sweden. While the implementation of national-level policies on Indigenous land reproduces majority-centred narratives, also practices challenging the colonial order are identified. The study shows how the notion of banal colonialism captures mundane colonial practices, but also brings attention to instances where immigrant integration policy has the potential of challenging settler colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a longitudinal survey of 1,400 Mexican Americans and 70 in-depth interviews, Telles and Sue examine the ethnic and national identity of third-generation-plus Mexican Americans. The book is a direct response to recent highly publicized nativist anxiety about an unassimilated Mexican presence in the United States. What Telles and Sue find is a largely working class ethnic-racial population that espouses a dual identity as Mexican and American, retains and favours bilingualism, generally marries within the group, and more often than not distinguishes itself from Mexican immigrants. Telles and Sue explain such persistence over generations through the concept of a self-sustaining "Mexican American ethnic core" that has been maintained through racial exclusion. Although a majority of Mexican Americans continue to live in visible ethnoracial enclaves, they identify as American and pose no political or cultural threat to the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present surge in imperial nostalgia in Britain has been widely remarked and critiqued. This article considers the relationship between imperialism and nostalgia, from their historical interconnectedness to their potential decoupling. I conceptualize nostalgia as the recognition of a gulf between past and present, the judgment that the past was somehow preferable to the present, and the longing for a "home" in which there is no longing for any other timespace. Nostalgia may engender a paralyzed longing for the past, a critical engagement with the present, or an imagined utopian future. After tracing the history of nostalgia, I provide an overview of nostalgia in social theory, including imperialist as well as anti-racist and anticolonial thought. In pursuit of nostalgia's decolonizing potential, I trace its development in Fanon's writing. Finally, I ask how an expanded understanding of nostalgia might provide insight into the logic and expression of imperial nostalgia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sivamohan Valluvan's The Clamour of Nationalism offers a convincing diagnosis of how a protean ideology of nationalism has successfully wound its way through the mainstream politics of the right and the left in the UK, laying the ideational foundations for Leave's victory, and the rise of Boris Johnson to power. Bringing to bear the powerful legacy of critical race studies after Hall and Gilroy, it sucessfully shows how and why English nationalism in the UK has marginalized its previously pioneering context of multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism. Aside from some hopeful examples of conviviality and multiculture in the Corbyn era, the book does not offer much to guide more positive thinking forward in the post-Brexit era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The generous contributors to this symposium all reiterate a certain resignation to the suffocating ubiquity of today's nationalism as surveyed in the Clamour of Nationalism. But also implicit in their searching commentary is a wider call to continue to reckon with the contradictions that live amidst the nationalist closure and its constitutive racisms. This rejoinder tries accordingly to cleave open those elements of popular political formation that might remain unmoved by the overtures of nation. My attempt at wilfully optimistic critique also maps some potentially generative openings presented by the right's overdetermined capitulation to 'disaster nationalism'. Finally, much of the symposium rightly cautions against an excessive extolling of multiculture's political possibilities. The rejoinder concludes herein with a duly caveated account of the everyday multiculture that might furnish us with the resources to dream against and beyond nationalism's ability to monopolize the terrain of political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece considers the intrusion of forms of nationalism into movements for democracy or social justice. It is argued that the landscape of political participation is always uneven and reflects histories of inclusion, exclusion and variations in entitlement to participate and be safe. This unevenness can lead to non-participation, opposition or non-engagement in popular movements by groups with recent histories of marginalization or persecution, with the danger that the minoritized group is regarded as aligned to a previous regime or, even more dangerously, aligned against the will of the popular movement. This piece raises some questions about the nationalism that can inform responses to such dilemmas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chosing the late Stuart Hall, Paul Gilroy and Achille Mbembe among his intellectual ancestors, Sivamohan Valluvan has with "The Clamour of Nationalism: Race And Nation in Twenty-First Century Britain" written one of the most lucid and informative analyses available to date of the multiple and intertwined ideological strands that make up contemporary "nationalist populism" in Britain and elsewhere. Valluvan accords primacy to "race" in the making of the nationalist exclusions, and allows us to see how the rise of "nationalist populism" has been premised on the damage to the social and political fabric of Western societies wrought by neoliberal hegemony in recent decades. Valluvan's analysis is particularly useful for its profound insights into the rise of "nationalist populism" in Scandinavia, which can not be accounted for by economistic analysis alone, and for taking issue with reductionist accounts of the "white working class". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I focus on the arguments Sivamohan Valluvan puts forward in The Clamour of Nationalism regarding nationalism and the left. Valluvan shows that, in all its ideological registers, nationalism is underpinned by racialized exclusions; in order to develop an adequate response to the contemporary political crisis, the left must reject nationalism favour of a race-conscious politics of class. Although Valluvan acknowledges that liberation movements are essential to anti-nationalist socialisms, there is less attention paid to axes of difference other than along the lines of class and perceived ethnicity. Responding to his call for a renewed leftist politics, I expand on Valluvan's conceptualization of "everyday multiculture", putting it in conversation with Avtar Brah's understanding of England as a "diaspora space" as a way of thinking with histories of empire and the intersectionality of difference in order to deconstruct the nationalist myth of the English North–South divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central issue in contemporary debates over immigration concerns how immigrants from diverse origins become integrated into their host nation. The children of Asian immigrants in the United States often give the impression of fitting neatly into American society and therefore into the American nation as a model minority. We argue, however, that such perception is a misleading overgeneralization and can bring about simplistic interpretations. The apparently successful integration of Asian Americans is not due to intrinsic cultural characteristics, but to the positive modes of incorporation juxtaposing unique patterns of selective acculturation. Moreover, the model minority image renders the continued distinctiveness and diversity of the Asian American population invisible and often has unanticipated consequences for individual group members. The seemingly positive outcomes result in new stereotypes, which serve as mechanisms of social exclusion for even the highly integrated immigrant groups and create new complications for understanding the national identity question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Introduction first proposes a definitional map applicable to the racial nationalisms currently ascendant in Britain (and Western Europe, more broadly). The paper then outlines the respective contributions to the Special Issue – with an emphasis on the politics of bordering that organizes today so much of nationalism's claim on the state. The second half thereupon establishes a wider conjunctural context within which such analyses can be most productively read. Drawing on Stuart Hall's formative analysis, we argue that it is an understanding of the distinctly contradictory drives intrinsic to recent capitalism that is required. Through mapping the uneasy nation/market bind constitutive of the "Little Englander" political subjectivity that Thatcherism forged, this section focuses on the "disjuncture" that has emerged in the intervening period: a disjuncture, compounded by complementary forms of "postcolonial melancholia", that has seen the various nationalist drives in the body politic obtain today a more pronounced political autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2015 refugee crisis is at the center of public and political discourse across Europe, especially among nations that have accepted refugees. Utilizing ethnographic fieldwork and 48 in-depth interviews conducted in 2011 and 2016 with Iranians in Hamburg, Germany, this paper considers how the refugee crisis impacts the racial boundaries between Germans and immigrant communities. It details how the crisis has made ethnic nationalism, Islamophobia, anti-foreigner prejudice and racism more pronounced and salient throughout Germany. The interviews demonstrate that this climate affects Iranians in several ways: they cite feeling more threat and stigma, as well as experiences of marginality, perpetual foreignness, and discrimination. This research contributes to sociological scholarship on migration and race by examining how critical international events influence and shape processes of racialization, identity and belonging, and social boundaries and hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the author discusses the various topics within the issue, including model minority, symbolic political identity, and Hindu nationalism.

The early twenty-first century is marked by new postcolonial nationalist ideologies and their indifference to modern histories of colonisation and the urgent need for anti-nationalist theories of racialised subjectification. I discuss the importance of work on 'intersectionality' and consider how some theoretical formations reproduce core elements of 'common sense' nationalisms such as universal, fixed racial categories, the gender binary and the idea of separate cultures. I then argue for a transdisciplinary theory of racialised subjectivity that I call 'biocoloniality'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do national economic crises affect citizens' feelings of attachment to the nation? Does a country's loss of economic status trigger expressions of nationalism as is often assumed? Building on insights from social identity theory, we hypothesize that crises of the national economy do not lead to a generalized increase of nationalism but that the effect is conditioned by individuals' perceived socio-economic status. In addition, we explore whether framing national economic difficulties as a result of policies imposed at the level of European institutions enhances the conditional effect of the crisis on nationalism. Drawing on data from a survey experiment in Spain, we find that when exposed to messages about the crisis of the national economy, national pride is strengthened among lower-class individuals but weakened among the upper class and that the effects on nationalism are important only if the loss of national economic status is framed in terms of European responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theorists of post-nationalism examine the (re)configuration of national identity, membership and rights. Yet while normative scholarship has conceptualized post-nationalism as an ongoing practice of discursive contestation over the role of national group membership in liberal democratic societies, more empirical studies have tended to overlook these features to predominantly focus instead on top-down legal and political institution-building as evidence of post-nationalism. In this article I argue in favour of an empirical conceptualization of post-nationalism which more effectively captures micro-level practices of discursive contestation. Specifically I posit that post-national activists, or actors engaging in post-national practices of contestation from within the state, are a key focus of analysis for scholars of post-nationalism. I develop this claim through the analysis of data collected with individuals working on civil society campaigns for migration rights in Europe, Australia and the USA who - I demonstrate - embody many of the characteristics of the post-national activist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article on national populism in South Africa brings a view from the South to scholarship overwhelmingly concentrated on the north Atlantic and European world. While in white majority contexts, national populism seeks to capture formal political power, the white minority’s lack of political leverage in post-apartheid South Africa sees an assertion of white autonomy emerge in the civil society arena. The article examines the discursive strategies of the Solidarity Movement, a broad-based social movement which claims to represent the white minority, particularly white Afrikaans-speakers, amid black majority rule. It shows how through a reinvention of the past, recasting of race, and reformulation of nationalist narratives by neoliberal logics the Movement discursively undermines black majority rule, and seeks to create spaces in which white privilege, power and identities are maintained. These findings provide new insights into the relation between populism and democracy, and hold important lessons for the increasingly multicultural global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]