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This paper contributes to migration studies, settler colonial studies and critical internationalization studies by mapping as connected two concurrent settler colonial preoccupations, reconciliation and internationalization. In Canada, as in other Western countries, international students are a crucial resource as they increasingly sustain post-secondary funding. At the same time, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2015) has charged the educational sector to put reconciliation and decolonization at the heart of their mandate. Drawing on interviews with racialized international students in Ontario, Canada, this paper examines how racialized international students may have complex relationships to coloniality and be complicit in legitimating settler colonialism. We argue that the processes of reconciliation and internationalization must be understood as deeply interconnected especially because the obfuscation of coloniality is a key technology of settler rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on a set of qualitative studies in Vancouver, Canada, that investigated how migrants from different source countries re-made “home” in its various dimension dimensions – socially and symbolically, as well as in the form of a material space – through work, making friends, health practices and engaging with local institutions. Using a framework employing a lens of transformative agency and a feminist extension of Bourdieu’s theory of capitals, I argue that the quotidian activities of women as they re-make home and negotiate changing family relationships have broader implications for the “care” of the nation through the making of “new citizens”. Such mothering work, reframed as citizenship practices, is not highly visible activity in the public realm but rather the everyday activities of “being-in-place” that transform various forms of capitals in social reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using the example of a 2009 visa requirement imposed onto Mexican nationals travelling to Canada, this paper frames migrant illegalization as an assemblage that brings together transnational connections, discursive and affective productions, modes of racialization and migrant negotiations. More specifically, the paper maps the events leading to the crafting of the visa requirement and the ensemble of stakeholders – Canadian immigration officials, politicians and business representatives, the Mexican and American governments and Mexican migrants –who responded to it. Through that analysis, the paper argues that migrant illegalization is not always a consistent or predictable set of practices, processes and actors, but instead an often contradictory assemblage of actions and reactions dependent on the social and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I discuss my life history study on experiences of race in the lives of Jewish-Canadian and Jewish-American birth mothers of children from black/white interracial, inter-religious relationships. Opening with a reflection on my personal experience and what compelled me to undertake this research, I then provide a short introduction to attitudes about interracial/inter-religious relationships found in the literature, followed by an introduction to my research methodology. Finally, I compare and contrast the experiences of three Jewish-American mothers, excerpted from their published narratives, and the experiences of two Jewish-Canadian mothers from two recorded interviews, with my own experience. I conclude this paper with a brief summary of the emerging themes in my research and how they add to our understanding of mothering across racialized boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines how collective memory informs residential choices by analysing the residential patterns of Jews in Toronto. Our study extends the literature on collective memory and ethnic boundaries to include understandings about how our socio-historical and cultural worlds shape our environment and give it meaning. We argue that collective memory functions symbolically within Jewish neighbourhoods to reproduce meanings about group status and belonging as well as to direct association patterns that manifest as durable residential enclaves. Our findings show how residential clustering patterns reflect the behavioural consequences of the group's collective memory. Through an in-depth qualitative analysis, we identify four collective memory schemas for ethnic residential clustering which serve as prominent scripts that shape the Jewish residential landscape in Toronto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most recent migration of Roma from Central-Eastern Europe to Canada started in the 1990s. Several thousand people from former socialist countries, including Hungarian Roma, moved overseas. There were many reasons but for Roma, the motivations not only included a drastic loss of employment, but re-emerging systemic and increasingly violent racism. This article focuses on the discursive framing of these motivations and the reaction within both Hungarian and Canadian newspapers from 1999 to 2013. In the article we show how the press engaged in framing and counter-framing the policies and politics of the host country through their coverage of “the Hungarian Roma” issue. Specifically, we focus on the differing and shifting spheres of consensus and the changing political/policy contexts by conducting an in-depth comparison of the changing media frames in Hungarian and Canadian newspaper coverage. We show how the “Hungarian Roma issue” becomes an example and reflection of the changing political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research finds that non-indigenous peoples often hold negative racial attitudes towards indigenous peoples. Contact theory suggests that interpersonal contact can positively influence majority group members' attitudes regarding minority group members, raising the question of whether indigenous population growth in cities will alter non-indigenous peoples' attitudes. Using original 2014 survey data, this paper examines the relationship between interpersonal contact and racial attitudes in Canadian prairie cities. The analysis finds that while personal ties to aboriginal peoples are correlated with lower new and old-fashioned racism scores, general contact with aboriginal peoples only correlates with old-fashioned racism scores. As such, growing urban indigenous populations -- and thus increased aboriginal-non-aboriginal general contact -- alone should not be expected to result in positive racial attitudes. This research advances understanding of contact theory by considering how education interacts with interpersonal contact, and informs on-going dialogue about current racial relations between non-indigenous and indigenous peoples in Canadian prairie cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several countries have imposed bans on the wearing of face veils, a controversial option considered in Bill 94 by the province of Quebec in 2010. This paper examines non-Muslim women's support for the acceptability of the niqab in public spaces. Analysing the 2010 Quebec Women's Political Participation Survey, we find that key feminist arguments – that wearing the niqab is a woman's free choice, a matter of freedom of religion and a visible symbol of women's oppression – are important drivers of opinion. Their role in shaping opinion, however, is complex and mirrors divisions among feminist groups in the province. Additional attitudinal drivers include generation, exposure to the practice and openness to immigration. Equally important, our findings suggest that being a member of a racial minority, feelings of cultural insecurity and religiosity are of little consequence for thinking on the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a unique survey experiment in the 2011 Canadian Election Study data set, this paper examines the ways in which racial cues influence attitudes towards redistributive policy. While work in the USA points to a strong racialization of welfare attitudes, little research explores the ways in which racial cues may structure attitudes about welfare elsewhere. In the Canadian context, Aboriginal peoples have faced both historic persecution and continue to face severe discrimination. They also experience much higher levels of poverty than other groups in Canada. Our results examine the effect that (hypothetical) Aboriginal recipients have on public support for social assistance. Results suggest that respondents' support for redistribution is lower when recipients are Aboriginal rather than white. As we have seen in the USA, then, support for welfare is related to racialized perceptions about those who benefit from social assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada is often characterized as a multicultural country with two official languages associated with two official population groups: the national majority of white, anglophone Canadians and the national minority of white, francophone Quebecers. Racialized minorities, including immigrants, are situated as the third node in the construction of Canada as a multicultural society. While there is often discussion of the minority/ majority relationship between the national majority and the national minority, or the national majority and racialized minorities, there is much less attention given to the relationship between Quebec and racialized minorities in the province. This paper examines the construction of difference in this relationship through the experiences of Pakistani Muslims living in Montreal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the virtualization of sovereignty today in the context of the Arctic debates. These are debates in which various parties, including the Government of Canada, First Nations groups, Inuit, international organizations, scholars, policy-makers and others, use the term sovereignty in diverse and at times divisive ways. We investigate several of the epistemological and ontological stakes of these discussions. We draw attention to the ways in which sovereignty as an abstract concept is actualized in the course of social and political disputes in the North in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past two decades, Canada has accepted hundreds of LGBT asylum seekers, including gay Iranian men. Sociologists of sexualities and migration have yet to study this group as immigrants whose sexualities play a central role in their social interactions, immigration, and integration practices. Taking integration as a category of practice and relying on Halbwachs's theory of collective memory, I provide an empirical study of integration practices of gay Iranian refugees in Canada. I draw on 32 interviews with gay Iranian refugees to analyse their interactions with Canadian society at large, the Canadian gay community, and Iranian Diaspora. My findings indicate that memories play the role of proxies that inform gay Iranian refugees' interactions in Canada at the intersection of race-ethnicity, gender and sexuality, and nationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-ethnic friendships are at the heart of the immigration experience. We examine the incidence and change of co-ethnic friendship groups among 1.5 and second-generation immigrant youth in Canada using the nationally representative Ethnic Diversity Survey. We find that visible minority immigrant youth friendships are more co-ethic than those of non-visible minority immigrant youth. We also find visible minority individuals' friendship groups become more co-ethnic over time. In addition, we find differences in the pattern and direction of change across different visible minority immigrant youth groups. We interpret these findings in light of theories of assimilation and segmented assimilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Canadian beliefs and policies regarding the admission of Ugandan Asian to Canada. Numerous instances occurs when Canada accepted qualified British or Indian citizens, while not admitting less qualified stateless Asians. The analysis has shown that strict immigration criteria, rather than a lenient refugee policy, were in effect for Ugandan Asians including a small number of less qualified Islamics. Canada failed to implement its traditional responsibility to disadvantaged refugees and thus, Canada indulged in an immigrant grab, a questionable policy even in normal times. Ugandan refugee selection was tied primarily to manpower needs heightens the inadequacy of present policy and of idiosyncratic flexibility. There ought to be a place in immigration policy for acceptance of the destitute, physically and socially handicapped, and for various ethnic and racial groups. The majority of Canadians in our sample thought that such a policy had been in operation, for Canadian publicity indicated that the same leniency was being exercised toward Ugandan Asians as had been previously extended to other groups of refugees. Currently, Canada's refugee policy is justifiably under review in Ottawa. Yet implications of the article go far beyond one country and one group of refugees. It is quite possible that, in the face of international unrest and ethnic animosities, time has come for representatives from the United Nations High Commission on Refugees to meet with representatives of the worlds nations to effect a refugee admission strategy which would be uniform and would not rely upon spontaneous flexibility.

Despite declarations of race's irrelevance, the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) stance on race-related policies under former Prime Minister Stephen Harper's leadership was key to every electoral campaign it fought. Moreover, it is not despite but because of their race that racialized political elites have been incorporated into the CPC and its antecedents. Indeed, beginning in the 1990s, the inclusion of Asian Members of Parliament (MP) became for the Reform Party of Canada, a weapon in the struggle for electoral success; that is, part of an era of Conservative racial realignment. By tracing the role of Asian Conservative MP in the rise of the Reform Party since its 1987 inception and the electoral success of the CPC (2006–2015), this article explores how racialized political elites become crucial to the legitimization of the racial state when it is through a discourse of inclusion that exclusion is crafted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many right-leaning politicians claim that normative Islamic perspectives on gender are at odds with the Western values and act as barriers to immigrant integration. Our interviews with 256 second-generation Somali-Canadians, however, suggest that gender-egalitarian identities are achieved – they are constructed and deployed by our participants to practice integration and express belonging in Canada. In this study, we move beyond analysis of attaining gender-egalitarian roles as a result of immigration and propose an understanding of gender as a form of Bourdieusian cultural capital that, depending on social values, functions as symbolic capital rendering individuals and groups as advantaged or disadvantaged. We, therefore, analyse modalities of "doing" gender as potential strategies of accumulating capital in furthering successful integration. Our study contributes to the emergent literature in migration studies that examines gender in relation to ethnic and national identities, and the extent to which it may impact integration experiences of second-generation Muslim immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Canadian Experience" is a paradox for many immigrants in Canada and contributes to their exclusion from the labour market. Through an analysis of Canadian English print media, from 2006 to 2011, we illustrate how "Canadian Experience" discourse places the responsibility of immigrant labour market integration on immigrants themselves and constructs their experiences of exclusion as non-racial. This is theorized as a "post-racial" strategy that relies on anti-racialism (avoidance of racial references) to deny the existence and effects of racism, thereby allowing the Canadian public to maintain its façade of innocence but perpetuates "racism without racists". The discourse de-historicizes postcolonial racial hierarchy and promotes a de-racialized neo-liberal model for immigrant inclusion. This has implications for anti-racism and settlement service provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In western countries the mixed race/ethnicity population is experiencing a rapid increase in numbers and growing diversity, raising challenges for its capture in censuses and surveys. Methods include exact combinations of interest, multiticking, and open response, as exemplified by the censuses of England and Wales, the USA and Canada, and Scotland and Northern Ireland, respectively. However, investigations of question face validity, reproducibility of findings, and efficacy of capture reveal quality problems with all three approaches. The low reporting reliability of this population urgently requires research and testing to identify optimal strategies. While there is clearly no one gold standard method of capture and current approaches have developed within national contexts, it is timely to review these methods across the three countries and to make recommendations for the upcoming 2020/21 censuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relative distribution of immigrants who have: strong sense of belonging to both Canada and the source country; strong sense of belonging to Canada only; strong sense of belonging to the source country only; and weak sense of belonging to Canada and the source country. It further examines four sets of determinants of these acculturation profiles, including source-country socio-economic and cultural characteristics, immigrant entry status, post-migration experience, and demographic characteristics. Using a large national representative sample of 7,000 immigrants in Canada from over 100 countries, this study finds that the overwhelming majority of immigrants have a strong sense of belonging to Canada with or without a strong sense of belonging to their source country. Source-country attributes are as important as immigrant entry status and post-migration experience in affecting immigrants’ sense of belonging to Canada and their source country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the problems associated with categorizing race and ethnicity through census. Topics discussed include the various ways in which the term race is interpreted as shown by international comparisons of census surveys, an illustration through Canadian minority classification of how statistical categories used in surveys and census can create methodological challenges for studying race and the factors that influence people's interpretation of the words race and ethnicity.

The production of indicators is intimately linked to the political context and therefore meets a social demand based on historical issues. Quebec is no exception. The use of official ethnic and linguistic categories has evolved from a purely ethnic perspective based on ethnic ancestry aimed at assessing the demographic balance between French and English (1860–1960) to linguistic categories with a strong ethnic content defined by mother tongue and language spoken at home (1960–1990). In the more recent period (since the 1990s), the official linguistic policy in an increasing diversified population aimed at favouring the use of French as the common language in the public sphere. Clearly, mother tongue and language spoken at home do not meet the public sphere criteria. My main argument here is that language monitoring today should be a policy-related issue and therefore aimed at measuring the evolution of the French language in the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the past decade, the hijab has increasingly come to be regarded in the West as an unambiguous symbol of female oppression. Such an orientalist framework rests upon a feminist rhetoric using gender equality as a vehicle for the racialization of Muslims. Correlatively, from the 1970s onwards, conservative Islamist movements have converted the hijab into a natural(ized) symbol of cultural resistance to Western imperialism. In this context, what room is left to Muslim women's agency in the production of the social meanings embedded in veil wearing? I explore this issue by presenting the findings of an interview-based research with veiled and non-veiled high school Muslim female teens in Montreal (Quebec). I show that, although these teenagers have much leeway to bypass and subvert the dominant framings of veil wearing, one should not overestimate their capacity to disrupt the dominant gendered religious framework through which this practice is socially construed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While black–white intermarriage is uncommon in the USA, blacks in Canada are just as likely to marry whites as to marry blacks. Asians, in contrast, are more likely to marry whites in the USA than in Canada. We test the claim that high rates of interracial marriage are indicative of high levels of social integration against Peter Blau's ‘macrostructural’ thesis that relative group size is the key to explaining differences in intermarriage rates across marriage markets. Using micro-data drawn from the American Community Survey and the Canadian census, we demonstrate that the relative size of racial groups accounts for over two-thirds of the USA–Canada difference in black–white unions and largely explains the cross-country difference in Asian–white unions. Under broadly similar social and economic conditions, a large enough difference in relative group size can become the predominant determinant of group differences in the prevalence of interracial unions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using data from the 2001 Canadian census and the 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey, we find greater gender inequality in labour force participation among the newly growing religious minorities in Canada relative to mainstream Canadians. This gender inequality is only partly conditioned by the presence of young children. Although greatest among Muslim immigrants, other groups including Hindus and Sikhs also exhibit greater gender inequality in labour force participation relative to mainstream Canadians. These patterns fade with time in Canada. Lastly, the differences in gender inequality among religious groups reflect national cultures in the countries of origin more than differences in religious beliefs per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genealogy, or the study of one's ancestral patri-lineage, has a long and esteemed pedigree in French Canadian and Québécois history. From Cyprien Tanguay's late-nineteenth-century encyclopedias to René Jetté's updated versions more than a century later, genealogy has been an important component of French Canadian nationalisms. Tracing one's ancestry back to the early St. Lawrence settlement in the seventeenth century has provided Québécois subjects with opportune political and social capital with which to make territorial and national claims legitimate. Through a case study approach, I explain how genealogy provides the grounds upon which Québécois and French subjects remember a shared past. Specifically, I examine a variety of sites of memory in the French countryside, including a museum that relies on ‘genealogics’ to call the French Canadian Québécois back to its roots. As such, I demonstrate how the biological, read as a contemporary articulation of Balibar's notion of the racialsupplémentnecessary to nation building, travels across the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the factors that lie behind Canada's success at earning the support of its newcomers. It examines the extent to which feelings towards Canada are grounded in immigrants' experiences in the host country, predispositions inherited from their lives prior to migration, and their comparative assessments of the host country and the country of origin. The findings indicate that although feelings towards Canada are partly shaped by post-migration factors, immigrants also interpret experiences in their new host country through the lens of their pre-migration experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses how disenfranchised grief, that is grief that has been invalidated in some manner, is experienced by African Canadians who have lost friends and family to gun-related violence. It is based on research findings suggesting that the violent deaths of young black men are partly rooted in racial stratification and perceived criminality. These factors have implications for how the deceased person is grieved. Covictims, the bereaved families and friends of deceased people, are impacted by the treatment they receive as a result of their social location as raced bodies. Police scrutiny of co-victims and the media representation of the victims as ‘known to police’ are just two of the ways in which grief is invalidated. The analysis points to the complexities of coming to terms with the death of loved ones in a liberal racial state where a group's precarious status signifies social meanings in life and death. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What kind of arguments can be used to justify a coercive language policy favouring the language of a cultural minority over the majority language of a state? To answer this question we will focus mainly on the language policy of the Catalan government and, to a lesser extent, on the language policies of the Basque Country and Quebec. Our aim is to develop a typology of arguments and try to show that each argument resorts to a different reason for coercion and has both virtues and flaws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents the agency of indigenous women in negotiations surrounding major resource projects on indigenous lands. The dominant view in the academic and activist literature is that indigenous women are excluded from negotiations, which helps explain their failure to share in project benefits. The author's experience as a negotiator for indigenous communities in Australia and his research in Canada reveals a different picture, indicating that indigenous women often play a central role in negotiations. The article seeks to explain the inconsistency between the findings reported here and much of the literature, in terms of a broader tendency in the latter to downplay the agency of women in relation to mining; and its failure to adequately recognize the multiple and complex ways in which indigenous women can influence negotiations, and the role of specific cultural, institutional and political contexts in shaping women's participation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article draws on ethnographic research with Canadians who practise the Afro-Brazilian martial art, capoeira, to discuss, renew and perform African heritage, black circulating cultures and Canadian nationalism. I make several incursions into Paul Gilroy's theory of the Black Atlantic. First I draw attention farther north to Canada to show that diaspora cultures reference an ‘elsewhere’ as they also come to represent ‘here’; capoeira is used to engage with local Aboriginal and multiculturalism politics. I overcome the little attention that has been paid in Gilroy-influenced black cultural studies to embodiment, corporeality and the particular movements of the sporting body, which are deployed to preserve and share diaspora cultures. This examination of the micropolitics of sport reveals the past, ‘tradition’ and ‘African’ symbols and heritage (roots), along with antiphony, innovation and transnational circulation (routes) as essential elements of black expressive cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Antiracism research often examines how stigmatized groups transform the meanings associated with their group. A complementary approach analyses the tactics that dominant and subordinate groups use to defend or advance their ‘group positions’ in situations that threaten the status quo. A case study of the proposed relocation of an Aboriginal child welfare facility to a rural Ontario township sheds light on both processes. Before rejecting the proposal, white residents and municipal councillors used delaying tactics, searched for race-neutral justifications, offered unsolicited advice, created new rules, and censured ‘traitors’. The Native agency (and its few white ‘allies’), guided by traditional decision-making practices, initially tried to provide ‘neutral’ information, stay positive, and emphasize common interests. When these tactics failed, they considered others before foregoing the opportunity to appeal to an independent tribunal. Ultimately, this case shows how laissez-faire frames and small-town dynamics can limit the choice and effectiveness of antiracist tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study investigates assortative mating patterns with respect to race (visible minority status) in Canada. Using the 2001 Census data, the article analyses the occurrence of White/non-White unions in Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver. Log-linear models indicate that the relative levels of interracial relationships vary across racial groups, immigration status, and place of residence. First, the highest odds of cohabiting or marrying a White person are found among Blacks. Whereas the high level of racial exogamy of Blacks is observed in all metropolitan areas under study, the relative position of other groups varies. Second, the highest levels of racial exogamy are found among couples composed of an immigrant and a non-immigrant but this effect varies across racial groups. Third, our hypothesis that residents of Montreal (Quebec) will inter-partner less was confirmed only for unions between two native-born Canadians. Finally, we found that French Canadians are not more inclusive of their linguistic counterparts than Anglophones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the social capital literature as a base, we explore the impact of interaction with others on voter participation with particular emphasis on exploring the differences between Canadian-born majority and minority residents. We use the 2002 wave of the Equality Security Community survey to explore the relationship between voting and personal characteristics, work characteristics, social capital attributes and ethnic characteristics. We find that the odds of voting are largely a product of socio-demographic and social capital attributes. The impact of immigration and ethnicity is largely overridden. This suggests that it is not the minority attribute that impacts voting. Rather it is age, level of schooling and level of civic engagement which affects the probability of voting, both federal and provincial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a longitudinal map of three overlapping organizational trajectories developed by Latin American immigrants in the city of Toronto. We propose the concept of bridging and boundary work to specify how new (1) intersectional political identities and organizational agendas are constituted by Latin American feminist women and artists in the interstice of (2) country-of-origin and (3) mainstream pan-ethnic organizations. Boundary work occurs as activists with intersectional priorities carve out a distinct political agenda; the 'out-group' relations based on a shared sectoral focus constitute bridging work. Tracing changes in the local and transnational political opportunity structures, we consider how negotiations over resources, representation and agendas between these three Latin American organizational forms generate multi-directional political learning and socialization and the coexistence of different Latin American political cultures. We define political socialization as in-group and out-group encounters between political cultures understood as civic toolkits or ways of doing politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay examines the role of The Ontario Society for Services to the Indo-Caribbean Community [OSSICC], a historic organization that sought to assert the dignity and re-discover the identity of Indo-Caribbean persons as a fragment of the Caribbean diaspora in Toronto, Canada. While it points to the achievement in representing the interests of its members for symbolic cultural recognition, it underscored the limitations in the political arena for empowerment, power sharing, and equality in employment opportunities and for an equitable share of the resources of the state. Further, it describes how the ethnic conflict in the homeland persisted in the new site of the diaspora, about lost opportunities for healing, and about inter-generational discontinuities in the reconstruction of the Caribbean self. On a larger scale, the article is about membership and citizenship in the new homeland of the diaspora, its seductions and betrayals in the new frontier of Canadian multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The racial category "black" is not merely an excluded category in a history of documented Western preference for "white" immigrants. Comparative historical evidence shows clear strategies to keep black persons out of First World nations, except as temporary labour. In this climate, black migration occurs partly because each nation has an ambivalent relationship to the black labourers, soldiers and seamen who offer their service expecting membership in the polity in return. Finding such membership objectionable, Western governments individually avoid black immigration. They also watch, imitate, and respond to each other's admission policies vis-à-vis blacks to ensure each limits the size of the black population they "welcome" relative to the other nations. When seen as a policy corpus , these actions may be interpreted as an anti-black immigration policy operative on a global scale. This article theorizes a transnationalization of racialized (anti-black) immigration policy in the histories of the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relationship between the socio-economic success of the Chinese in Canada, news discourse and the problematization of nearly 600 undocumented Fujianese migrants who arrived on Canada's western shores from July-September 1999. Our interests rest in examining the thematic patterns of the coverage, i.e. how the migrants' arrivals were 'problematized' and transformed into a discursive crisis centred on the constructs of 'risk' and, more precisely, 'risk avoidance'. It is our contention that news reporting on the migrants holds broader ideological resonances, extending beyond a unilateral concern about the perceived failure of the Canadian immigration and refugee systems. We argue that the reporting of these events serves as an index for collective insecurities stemming from social change, racial integration and contested Euro-Canadian hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on business strategies among East Indian entrepreneurs in Toronto, Ontario and role of group resources and opportunity structure in their strategies. The typical path followed by East Indians into the small business sector has been two-pronged. One element has accumulated financial resources over a period of years through employment in the mainstream work-force, while another has arrived in Toronto equipped with skills and investment capital, leading quickly to the establishment of an enterprise. Even those business owners who rely on goods and services directed at the ethnic community engage in little networking among themselves. Regarding financial and informational needs collective institutions and networks are not consequential. The reliance on ethnic labor, both family and co-ethnics, does demonstrate the utilization of ethnic resources, however, and in this, East Indians evince a rather typical ethnic entrepreneurial pattern. Other than the exploitation of family and co-ethnic labor, ethnic ties do not seem to be significant explanatory causes for these individuals entering the small business world.

In this article the author makes three points, that ethnic identity is self-referential, that changing social environments cause a fragmentation of social identity and that, given the fragmented nature of social identity, ethnicity becomes a resource to be manipulated in the creation and communication of social identities. This self-reflective nature of ethnic identity stems from the fact that perceptions of ethnicity are based upon the recognition of difference between self and other. In expressing perceptions of Indians, settlers are exploring and communicating these differences in a social arena. Thus, it follows that settler perceptions of Indians say as much about settlers' perceptions of themselves as they do about Indians. These self-reflective perceptions of Indians arise from the changing social, economic and political influences experienced by the settlers, which have altered their relationship to the Indians. North West River is located on a set of narrows which separate Lake Melville from Grand Lake at the head of Hamilton Inlet in central Labrador, Newfoundland in Canada. Social experience for North West River settlers, then, has been fragmented by the changing social environments of its past, and this fragmentation is represented in the present day community by the multitude of perceptions which settlers hold about themselves and their relationship with the Indians.

The race relations policies which emerged in local state institutions in Toronto, Ontario in Canada during the 1970s and early 1980s were neither completely coercive nor progressive in their consequences for minorities. The Toronto Board of Education's race relations policy provides legitimacy for the anti-racist concerns of visible minorities, establishes new vehicles for the redress of minority grievances and enlarges community control over local education. Interventions of this type do not by themselves eradicate the racism which was revealed in the Board's own investigations to percolate through virtually all educational practices. But they do represent an important first step in countering the institutional sources for the denigration and subordination of ethnic minorities through a process that has made educational policy more accountable to local minority communities. Such successes in the radical democratization of the educational system stand in sharp contrast to the staunch resistance to anti-racist reforms and democratizing pressures shown by the Metro Toronto police institutions.

he article discusses the concept of nationalism from the perspective of the theory of group solidarity. The theory proposes that groups will form when individuals desire to attain jointly-produced private goods that cannot be obtained by following individual strategies. Groups supplying joint goods can be established when obstacles like interest articulation, constitutional choice, and of production and allocation is overcome. The theory predicts that any factor that reduces members' dependence on the group, or the group's control capacity, will lower its solidarity. The less the importance of extra territorial ties to the inhabitants' welfare, the greater is the potential nationalist support. Linguistic and religious homogeneity of a territory is directly related to the establishment of a national party. The size of nationalist party membership will increase when the party is able to provide more patronage resources to its members. Sovereignty is only likely to occur in territories where upward mobility is blocked due to the impermeability of a cultural division of labor. A brief overview of nationalist movements with special reference to Quebec City supports the theory.

The article focuses on an historical feeling of uniqueness in Newfoundland as well as an emergent sense of a more politicized group consciousness. Whether this translates into an ethnic identity or a sense of nationhood may be a debatable point still to be resolved, but Newfoundlanders appear to have the basis for such a sense of uniqueness. Indeed, their geographical status as an island people, their longevity as a resident population without large permanent infusions of non-Islanders, and federal-provincial conflicts amidst underdevelopment and blocked mobility suggest that such solidarity could be politicized still further. What has occurred in Newfoundland could be considered politicized regionalism or merely aggressive province building. But on the other hand, the confrontations with the federal government have occurred at the same time that cultural revival has taken place. These tensions have changed Newfoundland from being merely a place to reside to a homeland of Newfoundlanders as a people. Perhaps the best symbol of the distinctiveness between Newfoundland and Canada can be found in the reverence, which Newfoundlanders hold for the first day of July. On that day in 1916, the regiment that was Newfoundland's only contribution to the World War I was decimated in the first day of the Battle of Somme.

The article presents information on the Constitution Act incorporating the Charter of Rights and Freedoms of Canada which was passed by the Canadian government in 1982 and protested by native Indian tribals. The difference are over the western-liberal and Native American tribal philosophies of the individual and the state. In western-liberal tradition the dominant conception of society is that of an aggregate of individuals, each with their own self-interest. The state is a product of collective agreement, an emanation from the individual will, created to perform functions necessary for the common good. Individuals within the state place themselves under common political authority and agree to a common political obligation to the state. North American Indians had a very different conception of man and society. Society was conceived of as cosmocentric rather than homocentric. Their reference point was not individual but the whole which is the cosmic order. Their conception of the individual was one of subordination to the whole. Indian leaders have identified several potentially critical consequences should the charter apply to them. They perceive the charter as threat to their aboriginal rights. The generalized imposition of wester-liberal human rights legislation on Canada's Indians need rethinking. With different historical experiences, different social structures, and different cultural patterns and ideas of human nature, Indians deserve a hearing of their claim that they have a different but not inferior approach to human dignity and freedom.

The article presents information on employment of Ugandan Asian refugees in Great Britain, Canada and India in terms of statistical analysis. For all migrants the dominant problem during the first year was to find employment. After 12-16 months in their new homes, 12 percent of the Ugandan Asians refugees had not sought employment, 22 percent had tried unsuccessfully to find work and the remaining 66 percent were employed. Most of the latter had been downwardly mobile. Age explained much of the voluntary and involuntary unemployment but did not explain downward mobility. Those who had money or property outside Uganda were a little more likely not to have sought work, but if they had sought it were more likely to have found it, and to be employed at or above their Ugandan occupational level. Relatives were another resource that made immediate job-seeking less necessary. Poor health and temporary residence helped to explain non-job-seeking, while the highly educated were more fortunate then the less educated both in finding work and in finding it at or above their previous occupational level.

In Canada, migration and redefinition of political boundaries have had important consequences for the redistribution of the French speaking population by creating enclaves of French speakers in provinces to the west and to the east of Quebec and Nova Scotia, the two original centres of French colonization. Though the population of Quebec is over 80 percent French speaking, less than 20 percent of Canada's French speakers live outside Quebec. Throughout the 1970's, regional resistance to the expansion of French schooling led to conflict in every French speaking minority region in Canada. On the Francophone side, new leaders were drawn from a new middle class who were aware of the movement for self determination in Quebec. French minority schools were a reality when the referendum was called in 1979. The Quebec referendum renewed both public sympathy and antipathy toward Francophone minority rights. As a political force, Francophone minorities exercised considerable influence on referendum politics that were external to the campaign within Quebec. Quebec took further steps to discredit the symbolism of a unified French Canada by expanding its Francophone network beyond Ontario and New Brunswick. Now that the referendum is history, there are indications that Quebec may expand its ties with the Canadian Francophone minorities.

This article focuses on class base of the Quebec independence movement. The Quebec referendum took place under the aegis of the independentist Parti Québécois (P.Q.) government. Quebec would have become an independent country which would maintain an economic association with the rest of Canada. However, the Quebec electorate defeated the P.Q. proposal. Intellectuals were the social stratum most likely to intend to vote for the proposal. Two-thirds of them supported that option, while only 20 percent intended to vote against the proposal. Intellectuals from lower stratum were more likely to vote for the proposal. Among the intellectuals of the upper middle class, 61 percent intended to vote for the proposal, only 30 percent intended to vote against the proposal. Among liberal professionals of the upper middle class, 56 percent voted for and 22 percent voted against the proposal. The strongest support for the P.Q. proposal was not so much found in the middle class or even in the upper-middle class as a whole, but only in segments of those classes, the intellectual proper first, then in other groups which could be considered as constituting various layers of a larger intelligentsia. Within the latter, professionals, semi-professionals and technicians proved more favorable to the proposal than clerical workers. The strongest support against the proposal was not only located within the less privileged classes, but also within upper middle class managers and businessmen as well as small, lower middle class ones.

The article focuses of life and social conditions of various classes of persons who migrated from Hong Kong, China to Victoria, British Columbia in mid 19th century. The average time it took to move to British Columbia was around 35 days. By the time the first Chinese immigrants who arrived in Victoria on June 28, 1858, the entrance fees, custom duties, and commercial taxes were imposed as part of official process. In Victoria they lived in cluster of disorganized tents with apprehensions pertaining to social rejection in their minds. By 1860 the Chinese population crossed a thousand figure, that aroused anti-Chinese sentiments against them. The low ratio of women to men was seen by anti-Chinese agitators was a clear indication that Chinese never wanted to permanently settle in Canada. The 1880s saw the emergence of Chinese broker firms that secured railway workers with Lian Chang being the only one to compete against the local broker firms. Gradually the ethnic-bias towards Chinese declined by the late 19th century.

The article focuses on language status policies in multi-lingual states. The principle of territoriality is the one under which an individual has the right to receive services in his or her language within certain districts. It is appropriate when a multi-lingual country consists of clearly defined unilingual regions, as in Belgium or Switzerland. Alternatively, where there is high degree of individual bilingualism and where the constituent official-language groups are not so spatially concentrated. The Canadian Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism favored the Finnish model of language districts. The commission popularly known as the B and B Commission, defined bilingual districts as special areas within which a defined language regime would be established for Federal, provincial and local jurisdiction. These were to be designated after consultation between the Federal, provincial and local government levels but were to remain the joint responsibility of the Federal and provincial authorities. Any future Federal language policy will have to be passed less on theoretical symmetry and more on socio-linguistic reality. This involves a greater emphasis on community participation and a precise definition of the scope of Federal services.