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This article explores the patriotism and national identity of English soldiers during the First World War. Using this conflict as a case-study, it draws together work on Great War mentalities and scholarship on Englishness. It argues that individuals' national identity focused on and formed around the 'implicit nation', which was primarily concerned with communities and parochial local (or regional) spaces. There was no 'essential' England: the homeland could be rural or urban, natural or human. English national identity embraced this plurality. Using published material, soldiers' newspapers and private letters, diaries and postcards, this article highlights the ways in which allegiance to an 'implicit nation' was nurtured by a military that championed local and regional identities. As subjects, not citizens, soldiers naturally centred their attention on the communities and landscapes of their homeland. The war did not diminish men's emotional connections to these homelands; in fact, it made them all the stronger. In concentrating on the subjective and emotional features of patriotism, this paper suggests that Englishness was inherently heterogeneous and drew its strength from this. Rather than a commitment to abstract structures such as the state, or theoretical political principles, it argues that English national identity embraced a composite, or patchwork, of mutually supporting patriotisms attached to particular homelands. It was a sense of these homelands that underlay men's identification with Britishness, the Empire and the monarchy. Importantly, soldiers' experience of the First World War gave this a new (or at least more vocal) articulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses and presents a reprint of the document "Notes From Discourses Touching Religion," by Samuel Pepys, a client of England's King James II and president of the Royal Society. It examines Pepys' religious views, commenting on his religious allegiance, biblical criticism, and church history. The author considers the patron-client relationship between James II and Pepys and reflects on James II's efforts to promote Catholicism. Pepys' views on the Church of England are also addressed.

Examines the inner thoughts of Chamberlain in the days prior to war in 1939 found in the National Liberal Club Library papers which were bought by Bristol University Library in England. Details on the contents of these documents; Evidence found in the documents on what Chamberlain understood by the British guarantee to Poland.

The article focuses on the article of C.A.J. Skeel concerning the copy book of letters wrote by Robert Plumsted, a merchant in London, England on 1752-1758. Skeel's article that was written in the journal "English Historical Review" 90 years ago, was appeared during the middle of the First World War in 1914-1918. It states that the letters highlight on some of Plumsted's problems that arose from the disruption of Atlantic trade by privateers which results in the adoption of the convoy system and the increase of insurance premiums. Moreover, the letter concerns on moral and political aspects and reveals on how the transatlantic Quaker community struggled to retain pacifism as the commitment of the community.

Presents a review of the book `The Diary of Bulstrode Whitelock, 1605-1675,' edited by Ruth Spalding. Profile of the parliamentarian statesman and lawyer Bulstrode Whitelocke; Whitelocke's popularity during the Puritan Revolution; He rose to political prominence in the peace negotiations of the Civil War of 1642 through 1646; His influential career; His `Memorials of the English Affairs'; More.

In just a few short weeks, between 19 February and 26 March 1582, the small coastal town of St Osyth, Essex, became the centre of an outbreak of witch-hunting that saw fifteen suspected witches investigated, two of whom, Ursley Kempe and Elizabeth Bennet, were hanged. Almost immediately, some of the pre-trial materials were published in the pamphlet A True and Just Recorde (1582). These materials have been used to argue that Brian Darcy, the investigating magistrate, hunted witches out of godly zeal, perhaps as part of the earl of Leicester's campaign against seditious Catholics in the county. Yet, as this article shows, he was neither a 'contentious person' nor a witch-hunter. There were genuine reasons why people felt compelled to accuse their neighbours of witchcraft that were rooted in a short-term mortality crisis in and around St Osyth, and fragile personal relationships which made Darcy receptive to their anxieties. Darcy was certainly credulous and played an important role in the examination of the alleged witches who came to his attention, but he did not hunt them out. He was a willing magistrate who reacted to a situation that arose because there existed authentic suspects, accusers with genuine fears and grievances, and local problems which made accusations of witchcraft seems plausible. The St Osyth witchcraft episode was not the product of one man's actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores popular politics and royalism during the English Civil Wars through the reaction of magistrates to the riot in Norwich on 24 April 1648 that was referred to by contemporaries as the 'mutiny' or the 'Great Blow'. On the eve of the Second Civil War, this confrontation between urban rioters and New Model Army troopers led to the largest explosion of gunpowder in seventeenth-century England, when ninety-eight barrels were ignited at the Committee House. The article analyses the 278 witness statements that were produced as part of the judicial inquest, making this the best documented provincial riot of the early modern period. These previously neglected proceedings can do much to advance our understanding of popular politics, royalism and urban culture. Therefore the article focuses on how the rioters mobilised and generated crowds through petitioning, subscription, print, preaching, rumour, health-drinking, seditious words, and gestures. It assesses participants' social origins and places them within contrasting local religious and political cultures in a battle for control of the key public spaces of the city. The seditious words revealed in the testimonies cannot be dismissed as merely anti-parliamentarian, and in many cases illuminate how a politics of popular royalism was revived in the city. The episode highlights how both national and local, and elite and popular politics overlapped and were entwined by civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses historical research which focused on the monitoring of the Cypriot community in London, England due to their perceived criminality in the 1930s. Topics explored include the link of the Cypriot community to communism during the said period, the murder cases involving Cypriots from 1931 to 1934 in London, and the restriction of Cypriot migration to Great Britain in addition to their control by British authorities.

The article discusses the implications of the Royal charters and inter-urban networks in England from 1439-1449 for wider narratives of English and European political history in the later Middle Ages. Topics discussed include patterns in urban charter acquisition in 15th century, political relationships which tied the recipients of urban charters together, and suggestions about the ways in which the study of inter-urban networks can influence the analysis of later medieval English politics.

The article discusses the political discourse surrounding coinage in England during the mid-Tudor dynasty from the 1540s through the 1560s, including Tudor governors' control of how currency was perceived in England. An overview of rumours about coins and minting in Tudor England, including about counterfeit coins, is provided.

It is now generally accepted that there was a fall in the number of homicide prosecutions in early modern England, perhaps signifying broader shifts in violent behaviour. So far, however, apart from J.S. Cockburn’s 1991 study of long-term developments in homicide prosecutions in Kent, there has been little in-depth analysis of this transition. This article provides a detailed study of homicide prosecutions in Cheshire over the seventeenth century, focusing on the records of the county’s Court of Great Sessions, the local equivalent of the assizes. Cheshire is the only northern county where the surviving records permit this type of analysis over the seventeenth century, and hence constitutes an important point of comparison with research completed on homicide in the south during the early modern period. Cheshire homicide cases, and especially cases categorised as manslaughter, were running at a much higher level in the first half of the century, with a peak in the 1620s. Throughout the century, homicide in the county was an overwhelmingly male activity, with men of all classes being involved. It is suggested that, in the first half of the century at least, Cheshire was a weapon-carrying culture. The decline in homicide in the second half of the century is ascribed to a set of interrelated factors including the relative social stability of the period, and the greater integration of the county into the national political system, especially after 1688, and into the national economy. These and other forces worked together to create a major transition in the culture and social psychology of the early modern English population, in which the decline of homicide was an important element.

The article explores the constitutional history of England with a focus on the debates over political authority and the divisions between church and state at Whitehall Palace in London, England, during the civil war era of 1648-1649. Emphasis is given to topics such as religious toleration, interpretation of the Bible in reference to state policy, and support for the regicide of King Charles I.

The article looks at a Scottish anti-Catholic satirical document entitled "Ane bull of our haly fader the paip, quhairby it is leesum to everie man to haif tua wyffis". Particular focus is given to its relationship to the 1575 border skirmish between England and Scotland known as the Redeswyre Raid. According to the author, this and other satires expressed a need for religious reform and offered criticism of the commonwealth. Details on the circulation of satires are also presented.

This article examines the transformation in family welfare work precipitated by the post-war expansion of the welfare state. While existing scholarship has suggested that welfare work pathologised working-class families, and particularly working-class mothers, I argue that many family-welfare workers advanced a progressive understanding of poverty’s causes that sympathised with those living in hardship. These workers’ experiences of talking to clients in working-class homes led them to realise that poverty could never be eradicated simply by helping ‘the poor’ to help themselves. Some of these workers came to believe that poverty could be destroyed only by government intervention. Following recent revisionist historiography, I suggest that the 1950s were not a decade of moral conservatism or political consensus, but rather a time of heated debate over the pattern of class and gender relations. However, I offer two caveats to this new direction in scholarship. Firstly, this article suggests that the influence of the psy-sciences in shaping discussion over social relations was more qualified than existing historical studies suggest. Secondly, the impact of this debate on practice and policy was extremely limited until the late 1950s and the 1960s. This indicates that the connection between discourse and experience is far from straightforward, and that more studies of the connections between them would be valuable in helping us to understand the history of post-war Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As a punishment for heresy, forfeiture of property had originated in Roman law, was decreed by canon law, and applied across late medieval Europe. English ecclesiastical and secular legislation of the early fifteenth century formally adopted confiscation in response to the threat of Lollardy. Prompted by Oldcastle’s rising, in 1414 an Act of Parliament ordered that heretics should henceforth suffer the penalty of felony forfeiture. This identification of heresy with criminality justified greater lay involvement in the suppression of religious dissent. Because heresy was designated as a type of felony, the Crown claimed offenders’ personal possessions and lords their real property; the Church had no right to heretics’ estates. Although the Act provided the common-law basis for forfeiture, the penalty was imposed in other circumstances that paralleled practice outside England. Notwithstanding the Richard Hunne affair, forfeiture for heresy generated little controversy during the break with Rome. Legislation in the 1530s, in fact, extended the use of forfeiture as a punishment for religious dissent. The Act of 1414 was repealed under Edward VI, revived under Mary I, and again repealed under Elizabeth I. Following this second repeal in 1559, forfeiture lapsed as a penalty for heresy. The association between heresy and crime was thus loosened. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the role of tithes in creating some of the most pervasive relationships within society during the eighteenth century. Whereas previous studies have approached tithe relationships from the records of litigation, and hence from the perspective of harmony against conflict, this article contends that tithes should be viewed as being far more interesting than merely signs of tension within the rural world because they were responsible for numerous relationships between groups and individuals in almost every parish. These relationships will be reconstructed from an analysis of hitherto neglected records such as tithe account books, diaries and estates correspondence. Unlike other studies, this article will not limit its analysis to rural parishes but will demonstrate that tithes also played a vital role in generating relationships in coastal parishes and in urban and industrial areas. It will be demonstrated that tithe relationships were remarkably adaptable and flexible, with many adjustments and modifications taking place in response to local and regional socio-economic changes. It was not inevitable that tithes ‘poisoned social relations’ because the contractual and social framework within which tithe relationships operated endured relatively unscathed for most of the eighteenth century. This framework was not immune from the wider economic and political challenges of the later part of the eighteenth century, however, and this article will assess the close correlation between the changing quality of tithe relationships and the economic conditions of the 1790s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Anglo-French Treaty of Dover has acquired notoriety due to its secret ‘Catholic’ clauses: the promised conversion of Charles II and the declared goal of reconciliation between the churches of England and Rome. Hitherto, these terms have been examined either as a cynical diplomatic gambit by Charles II or the start of a push towards catholic absolutism by a Stuart court faction. This article aims alternatively to locate the treaty within the ideological traditions of the English Catholic community, concentrating on the circle of priests and scholars connected to Lord Treasurer Thomas Clifford, whose writings incubated the vision of a grand reunion of Christendom. It argues that the new alliance was envisaged as an opportunity not merely to change the English religious settlement but to promote reform within the catholic world, unravelling Tridentine standards of uniformity to accommodate the practices of national churches. The project was designed to respond to trends in international diplomacy, to engage points of intellectual attraction between England and France, and, above all, to raise awareness of shared principles that could unite Gallican Catholicism with the Church of England. Yet the conception of French religion presented by the architects of the treaty was drawn out of encounters with an irenic minority within the Paris convents and seminaries, unrepresentative of the attitudes of church and state. As the treaty became exposed to public scrutiny, the disjuncture between this image and the reality embodied by Louis XIV brought serious implications for those English Catholics who had invested so heavily in the reputation of the kingdom of France. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the Latin chronicle "Flores Historiarum," which provides a historical account of facts centering around the English period of reform and rebellion between 1258 and 1265. It argues that a large portion of the "Flores Historiarum" was written at Pershore Abbey in Worcestershire, England, rather than the common assumption that it was written exclusively at St Albans Abbey in St Albans, England. The author discusses why this would make the content of the chronicle more believable and analyzes how it would have been acquired by Pershore, and later by Westminster Abbey in London, England.

A case study is presented concerning the late second earl of Essex Robert Devereux and the Elizabethan regime in the 16th century. It examines his military ambitions and his encounters with counties and local officials, particularly his negotiation of a system established by previous generations of Elizabethan ministers, particularly William Cecil, Lord Burghley.

A case study is presented that examines three properties belonging to the church of Hereford, England, known as Prestbury, Beckford, and Inkberrow, between 700 and 1300. It discusses the properties as way-stations for medieval English Episcopal itinerant bishops and the importance of travel for bishops in Anglo-Saxon England.

One of the principal narratives woven around the 1912 sinking of the Titanic is that the tragedy united people around the world in a shared sense of horror and grief. This study examines the administration of the relief fund collected for victims and questions the established image of social unity and collective suffering. The records of the Southampton Titanic Relief Fund reveal welfare processes imbued with class and gender prejudices that consigned many of the relatives of victims to poverty-stricken lives, despite the massive fund collected in their names. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article explores the organization, practice and popularity of episcopalianism in England during the 1650s. The authors reflect on pastoral responsibilities during the Interregnum and increasing demand for episcopal ordination. Topics discussed include social networks connecting bishops to ordinands, historical evidence such as exhibit books, and the significance of ordinands' university and college affiliations. Other topics include the popularity of the Presbyterian Church in England and Wales, the career development of clergy, and the role of Irish bishops.

A case study is presented that examines the late medieval period sale of the lordship of Dunster in Somerset, England and explores how the sale relates to 14th-century dispute resolution, land transactions and legal rights in England. The article examines how the sale was determined to be legal despite violating the established conventions that typically governed the inheritance of large estates.

Manuscript F of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (the ‘Domitian bilingual’) contains a laconic but tantalising addition to the annal for the year 784, stating that an obscure king named Ealhmund who ruled in Kent at that time was father of Egbert, king of the West Saxons. The claim of Kentish ancestry built primarily on this annal has provided fuel for considerable debate on the emergence and antecedents of Egbert's dynasty. This article critically re-examines the authority of this Kentish connection, and suggests that it is based on later extrapolation rather than any authentic ninth-century tradition. Other evidence for Egbert's ancestry and background is thin, but points more towards Wessex and its line of kings, especially from the time of Ine (688–726) and before. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an in-depth examination into the large-scale English military invasion of Scotland in 1400 under the newly elevated King Henry IV. Details are given highlighting Henry IV's actions within context of the common medieval political practice of raising a new army and initiating a military campaign to further solidify a monarch's regime. Along with description of the invasion and its events, additional subjects discussed concerning the campaign include the extent of participation of the English nobility and their political importance, the timing and logistics of the invasion, and the characteristics of the army itself.

Religion has been increasingly reintegrated into the study of later seventeenth-century English politics. Nevertheless, historians of the later Stuart period have not displayed the same gusto for case studies of individuals’ careers as their colleagues working on the pre-civil war era. This article looks at the important role of religion within the career of Laurence Hyde, earl of Rochester (1642-1711), a very significant but under-studied politician whose long career in public life stretched from the Restoration to the latter part of Anne’s reign. It is argued that a vital dimension of Hyde’s religious beliefs can be supplied by a detailed consideration of his family life. His father’s example, his sister’s conversion, a series of early deaths, and his relationships with his brother-in-law – James II – and nieces – Mary II and Anne – all combined to define Hyde’s public status. The interplay of these factors would lead to acute crisis in the winter of 1686/7, when his position as the protestant chief minister of a catholic king became untenable, and chronic discontent thereafter until his death in 1711. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses local conflicts involving burial rights in Hereford, England from the late 13th to the 15th centuries to gain insight into the formation of personal and collective identity in the late Middle Ages. The source of conflict was the requirement that residents of Hereford and surrounding villages bury their dead in the local cathedral cemetery, and pay mortuary dues and burial fees to the cathedral church, placing a logistical and financial burden on parochial clergy and villagers.

Many studies over the last century have portrayed the liberties of medieval England as entities which enjoyed little autonomy and were of limited local significance: in Helen Cam's phrase, they were ‘cogs’ in the ‘magnificent machine’ of royal government. In the last decade important works on Cheshire and Durham have done much to modify this picture. They have described liberties with vigorous institutions and communities which fought hard to preserve their independence from royal demands, and set much store by their distinctive political cultures. This article builds on such studies by presenting new evidence of the vitality and popularity of Durham's court of pleas in the later Middle Ages. It argues that final concords made by the liberty's inhabitants provide some index of this popularity, and demonstrates that the lost palatinate archive of medieval feet of fines can be reconstructed to a significant extent from later sources. The reconstructed archive leaves little doubt that the liberty court was widely used, even in the district of Sadberge, where the authority of successive bishops of Durham was weakest. The paucity of final concords relating to the liberty in the archives of Common Pleas also suggests that Durham's inhabitants rarely chose the king's court over the bishop's. The Durham court was a genuine boon for local people that provided a solid institutional foundation for the development of ‘community’; the same may well have been true in other liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This Note takes as its subject a unique inventory of gifts from the reign of King Henry III of England. Covering a seven-month period between November 1234 and June 1235, the inventory records nearly 200 objects that were exchanged by Henry, his subjects and visiting dignitaries. The inventory, which is almost certainly the earliest and fullest record of royal gift-giving to survive from medieval England, shows how Henry III used objects (chiefly belts, brooches and cups) to signal and smooth the start of what historians term his ‘personal rule’. Henry is known for his (often profligate) largesse. Charting the disbursal of gifts at royal palaces and during his kingdom-wide perambulations, the inventory suggests Henry’s munificence was more calculating. The inventory also contains the earliest explicit reference to New Year’s gift-giving in medieval Europe. After the fall of his former guardian, the bishop of Winchester Peter des Roches, Henry III used this feast to unify his court and draw a line under recent turmoil. Gifts to the imperial representatives, who escorted Henry’s sister Isabella to Worms for her marriage to Emperor Frederick II, are also described. A transcription of the inventory is appended to the Note. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

King John's testament is the first royal testament or will to survive in its original form in an English context. The purpose of this article is to make the original text (together with a translation) of the testament generally known for the first time and also to offer some thoughts about its meaning and significance both in terms of the diplomatic of will-making in the twelfth and early thirteenth century and in terms of the events that took place during the last days of King John's reign. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In his biographies of Lorenzo de’ Medici and Pope Leo X, the Liverpool Unitarian William Roscoe (1753-1831) explored a mutually-dependent relationship between individuals and the political structure within which they lived. Roscoe recorded that history and biography were regarded as distinct genres, but he saw the roots of change in history as grounded both in the political structure and in the human mind and thus integrated the two, investigating change in history through a physiological understanding of the human mind and the nature of personal identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses all the available evidence for Marie of Saint-Pol's association with books. It attempts to shed new light on this fourteenth-century countess of Pembroke's networks of literary patronage, which included identifiable figures including three queens, an abbess, and a Franciscan confessor. The larger goal is to illuminate how a French-born widow such as Marie could act as the nexus for networks that moved books across lines of region, sex, and ecclesiastical status. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While historians have long appreciated the political and cultural importance of the famous Covent Garden development of the 1630s, they have neglected one of its remarkable features, namely the building of an entirely new church combined with the creation of a new parish - an almost unparalleled phenomenon in post-Reformation England. This article investigates the previously-unstudied arguments and conflicts surrounding this new creation, located at the heart of the emerging West End. It maps the clashes between Covent Garden's developer, the earl of Bedford, and Laud's chaplain, William Bray, and then the continuing upheavals between Bedford and his allies in the new chapelry on the one hand and the ‘tradesmen’ of the chapelry. These disagreements, and the flood of petitions that they generated, focused on arguments over who should appoint the minister and pay his wages, who should pay for the new church and its furnishings, and how the parish should be governed. Broader issues lay behind these conflicts - which spread to involve Archbishop Laud and the king--regarding the role of laity in the church, the appropriate behaviour of lay benefactors, the location of authority within a new parish, and the legitimacy and representativeness of ‘popular’ petitioning. This episode also offers an intriguingly reconfigured religious politics of the period, where church building was the work of a non-Laudian layman, and popular petitioning was the work of non-puritan groups who yet failed to dissuade the king and Laud from supporting a puritan-connected peer seeking control over his church. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Almost as important as the terms of Magna Carta negotiated at Runnymede on 15 June 1215 was their widespread distribution in England. Writs were addressed to sheriffs and other royal officials to have the famous charter of liberties read in public and to ensure that it was acted on. The only writ known to have survived – that addressed to Gloucestershire and possibly Herefordshire too – is preserved in Hereford Cathedral's library.ereford cathedralHereford Published by William Capes in 1908, it has nevertheless been neglected by historians of Magna Carta and is accordingly printed here in a new and corrected edition, together with commentary. The enrolled writ on the patent roll is dated 19 June but the Gloucestershire writ is dated the next day and it seems likely that the batch of dispatched writs was distributed over several days. The intended ‘dispatch list’ (to use J. C. Holt's phrase) on the patent roll names thirteen individuals who received the writs and were charged with communicating the contents to thirty-one counties, as well as to London and the Cinque Ports. The number of recipients mentioned matches the number of English dioceses ‘with a pastor in place in the summer of 1215’. This, and an analysis of the recipients of the writs, suggests that initially the writs were distributed on a diocesan basis and then communicated to the appropriate sheriffs for publication − which, in turn, reflects the English Church's critical support for the 1215 Charter. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The case that religion alone can account for radicalism in the later eighteenth century has been persuasively argued and has received some empirical support. We test it using data from Bristol during the American crisis. Literature from the 1774 election shows that contemporaries assumed commonality of interest of poor voters with other poor voters and with the anti-establishment/radical candidates, and commonality of interest of richer voters with other rich voters and with the establishment candidates. To a lesser extent voters were encouraged to vote as loyal Anglicans or religious Dissenters. To see how this rhetoric translated into action, a poll book (1774), a city directory (1775), and rate and tax returns (1773–7) were combined by nominal record linkage. Using the linked data we found that poorer Bristolians voted preferentially for anti-ministerial candidates and particularly for the radical candidate, while richer Bristolians tended to support the ministerial candidates. The divisions were clear when voting was compared with wealth (using fiscal data), and when compared with occupation provided an appropriate classification was used. To see if radical action was sustained in Bristol, loyal addresses and petitions for conciliation of the Americans were examined. The rhetoric surrounding petitioning/addressing again assumed commonality of interest based on socio-economic circumstance. This carried over into action: petitioners for conciliation tended to be poorer people, whilst addressers, who favoured coercion, tended to be richer. The study refutes the thesis that religion alone accounts for radical behaviour, and suggests the need to examine the totality of people's experience before their political behaviour can be fully understood. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the impact of German commercial community in Manchester, England on the development of bourgeois public culture in the city. It relates that the community, which was considered as the most significant cosmopolitan element in the bourgeoisie of Manchester, has transformed the cultural and intellectual life of the industrial city. It says that the German industrialists and merchants have created a distinctive regional middle-class culture, and became key players in the formation of middle-class cultural institution. Moreover, it indicates that the Germans had brought with them a historical tradition that saw gymnastics as intimately linked to the outdoor movement.

The article focuses on the relationship between Catholics and the post reformation state under the regimes of Elizabeth Tudor and Mary and James Stuart in England. It reflects on the monarchial authority over the Catholic church, creating a godly and protestant patterns of worship and ecclesiastical propriety. In the historiography of the Catholicism in England, the nature of the sovereign power of the church, the catholic loyalism and disloyalty issues, and debates between the Catholics and protestants were examined. An overview of the discourse on catholic loyalty is offered, along with the oath of allegiance created by King James Stuart. Meanwhile, the royal discourse about the relationship of religion and politics offered a good deal for the oath of allegiance of King James.

This article offers information on the soldiers, citizens, and urban culture in restoration England. Lieutenant George Butler explained to his commanding officer John Reresby, in a letter sent from New York on January 1686, the burial of Henrietta Mary Stanley at York Minster. It mentions that the solemnity of the burial turned into a battle between citizens and soldiers from the garrison. From the east of the city to the west, Reresby had ordered Butler to escort Strafford's hearse on its procession from Micklegate Bar to Minster Yard.

The article discusses the impact of the 1883 Corrupt Practices Act on the electoral system in England. The act is described as the important mark for the development of democracy in the country. The legislation leads to the implementation of the maximum schedule that will place restrictions on the spending of the candidates during elections. It is also considered as a comprehensive attempt of discussing the issues concerning electoral corruptions as it provides penalties to all illegal practices in the country.

The article discusses the use of the remarkable projector developed by Grocers' Company member William Anys in 1626-1628 in England. Anys has inspired the royal government ruled by Charles I to build a monopoly for the production and distribution of tobacco across the country. He deals with projectors and peddling to extract money in Whitehall. Charles I has rebuilt the transatlantic tobacco monopoly through the use of the remarkable projector after he rejected the scheme due to colonial oppositions and parliamentary criticism.

A biography of Thomas Sackville, one of Queen Elizabeth's most senior counsellors, is presented. Sackville enjoyed considerable acclaim among his contemporaries as a poet whose verse was repeatedly published in his own lifetime. It is noted that Sackville's writings establishes his cultural identity as a humanist but offers no insights into his personal religion.

The article focuses on King Henry III of England, whose spiritual life revolved around his veneration for Saint Edward the Confessor. It is noted that while many scholars have written about Henry's devotion to the Confessor, there exists no detailed consideration of exactly when and why Henry became attached to the saint. The article argues that Henry's attachment to the Confessor was established between 1233 and 1238. His devotion was the result of the peculiar circumstances of those years, which rendered him desperate for the support of a spiritual patron.

The article examines the nature and role of special constables in the policing of Chartism in England from 1839-1848. It investigates how these special constables were recruited, how they were deployed and how efficient they were. It describes the attitude of the Chartists towards the special constables. It explores the significance of special constables in the policing of Chartism and the development of provincial policing during the early Victorian period.

The article examines the earliest publications by political economists John Houghton and Nicholas Barbon, which address the politics of consumption in England in the late seventeenth century. It explores the history of consumers and consumption in England. It discusses the political context and intellectual content of Houghton's and Barbon's writings about the benefits of consumption. It also explains the importance of their writings on the history of political economy.

The article discusses the cases of English lords Roger Bigod and Thomas de Clare, who held land in Ireland in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The relationships of Bigod with the MacMurrough chiefs of Leinster, and De Clare with his ally Clan Brian Ruad are discussed. It is stated that the local rule had differing intensities and took varying forms, and the English lords were subject to the local and regional variances.

The article deals with the excerpt from the pipe roll of 25 Henry I in a manuscript made at Saint Albans Abbey in Hertfordshire, England. It reveals that the excerpt from the pipe roll of 25 Henry I appeared on folio 98v of Tiberius E. vi, pt. I. Moreover, it asserts that the transcripts from the pipe rolls are frequently found in the cartularies or registers of houses. Issues on how the excerpts came to be copied into monastic archives are also addressed.