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The article discusses how the U.S. federal government can address the problem of poverty in the country. It commends government programmes for helping poor people in the country. The problem has been attributed to the lack of intervention. According to statistics, 40 million people are poor in 2017 and a fifth of children remain poor after government benefits.

The article reports that household incomes are growing again in the U.S. after a lengthy period of stagnation. It mentions that the low-income Americans appear to have fared the best in the upside-down post-pandemic period, in addition, shifts in taxation have failed to keep up with the explosive growth in incomes for America's wealthiest.

The article discusses Black Americans are spending more of the day being kept waiting according to analysis of Bureau of Labour Statistics. It mentions poorer people have to wait longer for basic services; and low-income neighbourhoods often have fewer shops and medical centres; and the worse-off claim unemployment benefits or food stamps, means interacting with government administration.

The article discusses the economic impact of COVID-19 transmission particularly on the poor people in the U.S. as of July 2020. Topics covered include the state of poverty according to economists from the University of Chicago in Illinois and the University of Notre Dame in Indiana from April to May 2020, impact of the government-provided stimulus on the poor, and the state of unemployment.

The article explores the transfer of the concentration of poor people in the suburbs in the U.S. It attributes the changing geography of poverty to the declining median household income and the mismanagement of city finances. The effect of increasing housing costs and income inequality on the condition of poor people is discussed, as well as the rising number of poor children in cities across the country.

The article explores the high poverty rate in California despite its developed economy. According to statistics, California has 7.4 million poor people based on the official poverty line. The impact of the high number of undocumented immigrants on the economy of California is discussed, as well as the success of the state's high technology industry and the motion picture industry.

The article looks at the plight of poor Americans as of November 2012, in the aftermath of the 2012 U.S. presidential election. It notes the U.S. poverty rate has risen in recent years, and that poverty is not prominent on U.S. politicians' agenda as it was under U.S. President Lyndon Johnson. Factors including the changing nature of jobs, stagnant wages, and a high rate of incarceration are cited.

The article discusses the method employed by the U.S. federal government in measuring poverty. It identifies the problems present by the country's antiquated poverty line, including the calculation of income before taxes and transfers. The supplemental poverty measure (SPM) is criticized for taking benefits and cost of living into account.

The article discusses the areas pertaining to the poor in the U.S. which need to be addressed despite their progress. Economic expansion, accelerating productivity growth, growing equity markets and low unemployment rates have initiated progress of the poor. But one in four black American families is still poor. A recent survey of 26 big cities by the Conference of Mayors shows that more than two-thirds of them saw requests for emergency shelter increase in 1999.

The article explores the benefits of gentrification efforts in the U.S. It discusses critics' claim that gentrification leads to the displacement of poor residents, as well as the results of several studies that refute their claim. It also describes trends underlying the benefits of gentrification, including the lack of investment in poor neighborhoods and the promotion of affordable-housing schemes by city governments.

The article focuses on nomination of Ben Carson by U.S. President Donald Trump for leading the Dept. of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). It mentions that Carson's significant policy decision has been a two-year delay of the "small-area fair market rents" (SAFMR) rule, finalized by former U.S. President Barack Obama 's administration, which aimed to help voucher-holders move to better neighborhoods. It also mentions that the HUD funds rental-assistance schemes for poor people in the U.S.

The article discusses the relationship between mortality rates and income in the U.S., referencing a study conducted by social scientists Janet Currie and Hannes Schwandt published in the journal "Science." The increase in life expectancy among poor people in the U.S., including the role that decreasing smoking rates plays in health improvements, is discussed. Decreases in mortality rates among middle-aged white Americans are also discussed.

The article discusses the efforts to eradicate poverty in the U.S. in relation to the costs that low-income Americans incur while conducting financial transactions with banking and non-bank financial services facilities. According to the article, there is a discrepancy between the costs of money orders issued by banks and U.S. post offices. Bank fees and the process of cashing a pay cheque at a credit union are examined, along with pre-paid debit card and credit card costs.

The article discusses the link between unhealthy eating and low income in the U.S. Topics include the problem of food deserts or areas without grocery stores, the impact of income inequality on public health patterns, and the influence of time constraints on the eating habits of poor people. The costs of health problems related to obesity are noted.

The article focuses on the calls for post office banking in the U.S. in 2014, which describes the offering of financial services to consumers by the U.S. Postal Service (USPS). Topics include how post office banking could offset revenue losses caused by the widespread use of electronic mail (e-mail), the number of Americans that are underbanked in 2014, meaning that they lack a bank account, and how post office banking could increase financial services for low-income or distressed Americans.

The article considers finance for U.S. poor people. Research by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. (FDIC) finding that approximately one in 12 U.S. households do not have a bank account and that 20 percent more rely on alternative financial services such as payday loans is discussed. The increased use of stored-value cards by households without bank accounts is examined.

The article looks at the U.S. Supreme Court's June 2012 decision to uphold the U.S. Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, focusing on the impact on poor Americans. Topics include the changes to the Medicaid health programme, states' concerns that the law is unfairly coercive, subsidies available from the federal government for the uninsured to buy insurance on newly-created health exchanges.

The article discusses who in American qualify as the top one percent of the wealthiest Americans in 2012. Information is provided on the profile of the top wealthy who often work in finance, make half of their annual income from interest, dividends, and capital gains, and often have wealthy parents. It is noted that the wealthiest Americans are more likely to be married and have children than middle class or poor Americans.

The author discuss the case for free trade in the U.S. Topics discussed include increase in job losses and unemployment in the country due to its dynamic economy which created and destroys jobs each month, according to a study by American Universities majority of decline in factory jobs being caused by Chinese competition; and increase in imports of clothes, shoes, furniture, toys and electronics from China increased the spending power of those in low incomes.

The article discusses the economic success for the black people in the U.S. It highlights the increase number of student protests due to the poor handling of racist incidents and racial tensions between the blacks and the whites. It also examines the influence of discrimination to the educational failure of blacks that could reflect to drop out of the black students from poor families.

The article discusses reports that the average American income has risen slightly while poverty rates have slightly fallen. The number of Americans without health insurance, however, has continued to increase. These figures are questioned, as the author points out that poverty censuses do not take into account government health insurance, subsidized housing, or food stamps.

The article focuses on U.S. President George W. Bush's foreign aid program known as the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). George W. Bush's flagship foreign-aid programme is under fire. Since 2002, when the president promised to set it up, the Millennium Challenge Corporation has found only four relatively small poor countries to give money to. Last week, the MCC's chief executive, Paul Applegarth, announced that he was quitting. The MCC is unloved by both left and right. A Republican-led House of Representatives sub-committee has just recommended nearly halving its budget, to $1.75 billion next year. American liberals suspect it is part of Bush's conspiracy to conservatise the world. And Europeans mock the MCC as slower, meaner and more ideological than their own aid programmes.

This article considers what widening inequalities in incomes and wealth reveal about the United States, and considers the chances that this issue will become a factor in the 2004 presidential race. Does America really have an inequality problem? Statistically, the answer is "Yes, but". Much the same applies to the question of whether the Democrats can turn this into a winning political issue. By whatever measure you use, the richest Americans have done very well over the past few decades. Take wealth rather than income, and America's disparity is even more startling. The wage incomes of the bottom 20% of households have barely grown in real terms since the mid-1970s. As for wealth, the bottom fifth has debts that exceed its assets, making its wealth a negative number. The bottom fifth's percentage of national wealth worsened from -0.3% in 1983 to -0.6% in 1998. These depressing statistics, though, come with two caveats. First, poorer Americans are better off than they once were. Second, America is a remarkably mobile society. As this year's Economic Report of the President points out, 50-80% of the unfortunates in America's bottom quintile push themselves into a higher quintile after 10 years. Most Americans seem to understand that inequality is not just to do with tax cuts for the rich.

Comments on United States contributions to global economic development. Impact on the U.S. of an impoverished country collapsing; View that the U.S. should pledge assistance of at least 0.3 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP); How the U.S. compares to other countries in providing aid to poor countries; Guidelines suggested for U.S. investment in foreign policy.

The article comments on policies of U.S. President George W. Bush toward the poor in the U.S. Bush has laid out proposals for reforming Social Security, a public-pension system. The proposals, as stated, make a contrast to Vice-President Albert Gore's refusal to touch the pension programme at all. On education, Bush has offered voters more choice and competition in schools. By offering more choice, as also stated, he is focusing on the poor.

The article focuses on the impact of gentrification on the poor in Washington, D.C. in 2015. Topics include the number of black residents that have left urban centers between 1990 and 2010, the use of rent control regulations in metropolitan areas, and if minorities are disproportionately displaced by gentrification.

The article focuses on research concerning the role geography plays in unemployment. It states that the use of cross-sectional research made it difficult to separate cause and effect and talks about small samples in research. It mentions a paper using longitudinal data published by the National Bureau of Economic Research that examined job searches of 250,000 poor Americans who had lost their jobs during mass lay-offs living in nine Midwestern cities over six years and their employment options.

Opinion. Discusses the economic divisions among Americans. The mistaken idea that the problems are generational; American generosity toward the elderly; Priorities of the young and old generations; The supposition that social-welfare problems are helping the poor in the United States; The fact that most government support goes to middle and upper class Americans.

Declares that U.S. President Bill Clinton has said he would sign away the federal guarantee of welfare to poor families that has existed since 1935. Reasons behind the welfare program; Information that poor Americans to get help only for limited periods; Impact of reforms on single mothers and children in the country who depend on the existing system; President's declaration that the existing system encourages a cycle of dependency; Argument on the political risk associated in the president's decision; Polls suggesting that most Americans dislike the welfare system.

The article focuses on the three-year research project, run by William Julius Wilson, a black academic, and presented at a conference at the University of Chicago last week. Wilson is now co-operating with Mayor Richard Daley's team to work on anti-poverty programmes. His ideas for better local politics include--inner-city blacks often have trouble getting jobs by word of mouth, because many of their friends who do work, and might be able to recommend them for vacancies, move out of the ghetto and lose touch. A job advertising service that publicized vacancies across the city through local inner-city offices would help spread the news. Wilson's project focused on blacks because they dominate Chicago's poor.

Examines key economic principles and policies that widen the gap between the rich and the poor in terms of wealth distribution and economic status in the U.S. Emphasis on the role of the government on spending and financial allocations; Focus on the economic policy and practice in the U.S.; Policies relating to social security, taxation, income and budget allocation; Proposals to improve living conditions for the rich, middle and the poor through faster economic growth.

Reports on the arguments in favor of reviving the military conscription in the U.S. Compulsory national service schemes; Complaint that U.S. military is made up disproportionately of the poor and the black; Increase in education standards demanded of recruits; Proportion of blacks in combat roles than in non-combat roles.

The article focuses on hobo culture in the U.S. Topics include the National Hobo Museum in Britt, Iowa, the increase in hobos in the U.S. after the Great Depression, and the 'hobo convention' held annually in the U.S. Information is provided on hobo traditions, which include respecting nature, finding work whenever possible, and staying clean.

The article discusses financial services for the poor in the U.S. Topics include the trend of poor people to use non-bank services, services offered to the Latino and immigrant community, and efforts to provide more services such as savings accounts and bank account promotion. Loans from banks such as Grameen Bank, a microfinance institution, and financial housing services such as Boston Community Capital (BCC) are also discussed.

The article considers companies in the U.S. and other developed countries which offer products and services for poorer consumers. It is noted that the real income of U.S. consumers has declined since 2005, and that 44 million persons have an income below the government definition of poverty, making this group a significant market. The fast food restaurant chain company McDonald's, whose sales have increased annually since 2006, is cited as an example.

The article reports that although raising the minimum wage in the U. S. makes political sense, it will likely do little to help the poor. Economists and politicians cite conflicting studies saying that minimum wage increases impact employment numbers, high-school dropout rates and wages later in life. Teenagers are the main beneficiaries of a higher minimum wage.

The article discusses the failure of United States citizens to save. The personal saving rate, currently running at around 0.5% of post-tax disposable income, is at a record low. Poorer people, in particular, have too few financial assets. Politicians' main method for boosting thrift is a swathe of tax-advantaged retirement accounts. These accounts will cost some $150 billion in foregone tax revenue. Most of this subsidy goes to richer Americans, who have higher marginal tax rates and who are more likely to save anyway. Economists at the Retirement Security Project, a research group set up by Georgetown University and the Brookings Institution, studied the impact of offering poorer households saving accounts with various levels of matching contribution. Unlike tax credits, matching contributions give poor people an incentive to save. The incentives seem to have worked. The higher the match, the more people saved.

The article discusses whether United States President George W. Bush means what he says about being a compassionate conservative. Back in 2000, Bush defined himself as a compassionate conservative. This was partly a matter of branding: he softened the image of his party by talking about spending more money on education and health. But compassionate conservatism was also presented as a new way to help the poor: its aim was to use public money and private donations to involve churches, temples and mosques in America's social policy. Yet compassionate conservatism has been inadequately financed, not supported by any real political commitment and representative of a huge gap between the president's rhetoric and practice. David Kuo, the former deputy director of the White House's Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, argued in Beliefnet.com, a religious website, that Bush's "promises remain unfulfilled in spirit and in fact."

Judged by their rhetoric, rich countries are falling over themselves to help the world's poorest. The current multilateral round of trade negotiations is called the Doha Development Round, because it is meant specifically to help poor countries. France's to-do list includes a moratorium on subsidies on exports to Africa, trade concessions and new efforts to stabilise commodity prices. George Bush, who in 2002 proposed a 50% increase in America's aid budget over three years, this year offered to triple spending to combat AIDS in Africa. Promises aside, which rich countries actually have policies that help the poor? The traditional gauge of a country's commitment to development is foreign aid. Total aid flows rose in 2002, by 4.8% after inflation. America is the biggest donor in absolute terms, but the stingiest relative to the size of its economy, spending only 0.12% of its GDP. A new index drawn up by the Centre for Global Development (CGD), a Washington think-tank, with Foreign Policy magazine, attempts to rank 21 rich countries by averaging their scores in six development-related policies: aid, trade, the environment, migration, investment and peacekeeping. America scores well on trade but badly on everything else, and so is ranked second-bottom, above only Japan.

It was not a surprise, since the idea of children's trust funds, or "baby bonds," was included in Labour's manifesto. But British Finance Minister Gordon Brown's announcement in the budget that the government would put money into a savings account for children at birth is nonetheless a welcome and intriguing idea--and one that has support from both left and right. Most children will get £250 at birth, though poorer families (a third of the total, says the government) will receive £500 and their families will also qualify for full child tax credit. Like many original ideas in political economy, this one was born in America. The debate was started in 1999 by two American academics, Bruce Ackerman and Anne Alstott, in their book "The Stakeholder Society." Growing wealth inequality, they said, meant that few in America had a fair crack at life. In Britain the idea has been pushed hard by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), a left-leaning think-tank.

Reports on the success of welfare reform in the United States as of summer 2001. Importance of the social policy change encompassed by reform which has rekindled the nuclear family; Data on the economic success of reform; Challenges for America and Europe in the treatment of the poor.

Reports the results of a study by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities that examined the income disparities between the rich and the poor. Changes in the disparities, including a growth in the amount of wealth inherited by the top one percent of the population; Statistics from the study; Possible causes of the changes in disparities.

Reports on the research by Gary Burtless of the Brookings Institution showing that one of the bigger wage differentials in the United States is the changing pattern of marriage. Decline in marriage in the 20 years preceding 1999; Poor men affected most; The increase in the number of women with rich husbands going to work; Their wages versus women with poor husbands.

Presents information on the number of poor people in the United States for October of 1998. Reduction in the number below the poverty line; No year-to-year change in overall income inequality; Fewer blacks and Hispanics among the nation's poor; Comments from Robert Rector of the Heritage Foundation on the state of the US poor.

Looks at results from a statistical model that predicted what would happen to United States children's prospects if poor families incomes were increased from $15,000 to $30,000 a year. Susan Mayer of the University of Chicago as developer of the model; Two reasons for the results; The suggestion of an important factor overlooked by Mayer.

The article reports that after two decades in which liberal social scientists have tip-toed nervously around the question of family break-up and welfare dependency, debate on the campus has begun to shift ground towards the poor in the U.S. Two books about the inner-city poor published this year illustrate the change. Among a recent crop of studies that returns to this tradition, one, at the University of Chicago, has been particularly instrumental in persuading liberals to recognize what is happening in the ghettos. Part of the impetus behind this new consensus has been several academic studies of the inner-city poor, known in the jargon as ethnography.