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Journalism has an important role in making political participation visible to the public. In representing the voices of the public, journalism produces discourses on democratic engagement that tell us a great deal about the norms of how these discourses conceive of practices of political engagement. The aim of this article is to study the ways in which speaker identities are given to and taken by migrant activists participating in Swedish radio interviews. Employing Goffman's concept of footing, this article shows that there are conflicting speaker identities that the activists are adopting and are given by the framework of the radio interviews. The main conflict in how the speaker identities are made up is based on the negotiations around how the activists are talking about themselves or about others. The article further shows how talking about others in a public discourse such as journalism requires speakers to make difficult choices in how to represent oneself as a speaker, and that such choices might stand in conflict with a news discourse's preferred authentic and experiential identity of its sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research follows the tradition of Ethnography of Communication to discuss hitlahamut, an Israeli term for a distinctive type of public talk. After presenting the denotive meaning, I define the act and style hitlahamut encodes, using analysis of the type of talk it describes. The data are taken from phone-in interactions and online op-eds and news. Hitlahamut defines a self-centered emotive, exaggerated style of the confrontational and divisive message, and it encodes hostile relations between the participants. I then connect this term with other Israeli terms for talk and with terms for public talk elsewhere, suggesting that hitlahamut describes unreasonable criticism, enabling participants not to engage with the content of the criticism due to its (perceived) style. In addition, hitlahamut describes populist discourse (from both left and right) due to its combination of aggression and emotive style with divisive language and problematic argumentative content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent political trends in many countries have sparked renewed interest in populism. Despite general agreement that the affective/emotive aspects of political communication are particularly important in this, there is little recent analysis of how populists operationalise emotion or how they genuinely differ from mainstream parties in this sense. This article applies mixed methods to explore the 'affective-discursive practices' that characterise the discourses of two opposition parties in the United Kingdom: United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and Labour. Comparison of the frequency of semantic subcategories related to emotion in corpora of press releases published by these parties on their websites is complemented by qualitative analysis of how specific emotional areas such as fear, anger and anxiety are invoked by the two parties. Different 'affective-discursive practices' underpin their discourses, since Labour characteristically frames reactions to social phenomena in terms of worry and concern, while UKIP legitimates fear and anger, but also projects more positive emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the construction of social class division in Greek political discourse. More specifically, the focus is on 'ταξική πάλη' (class struggle) as a discourse that has started being carved in Greek media since the current leftist government party, Syriza, won the election in 2015 for the first time in the country's political history. Contrary to Syriza, which always frames its arguments on the basis of a divisive class fight discourse between the elitists and laypeople, New Democracy, the liberal and main oppositional party, tries to play down this discourse by advocating a more unifying and social class inclusive discourse. The analysis suggests that social class struggle is a theme framed within a wider shifting (anti)populist discourse constantly being negotiated linguistically in ironic ways among political elites. Both the government and opposition parties engage in tactical maneuvering of competing political discourses that, in different ways, articulate attachments to the 'people'. The theoretical contribution of this study is the discursive theorization of social class struggle as a digitally constructed and politically relevant discourse in the context of Greek populism and its discontents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the interview discourse of five African American speakers in Washington, D.C., particularly paying attention to their discussions on issues surrounding a marginalized section of the city, namely, Southeast. The study provides discourse-based evidence of Southeast's marginalization, which is reflected in the widely circulating discourse on Southeast's reputation. Drawing on Positioning Theory, the study shows how Southeast speakers and non-Southeast speakers exhibit different positioning in assessing the reputation. The study illuminates how different positioning characterizes some of the key aspects of a marginalized neighborhood, concomitantly reflecting how different groups in the city construct and evaluate their own identities and others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of the use by police investigators of presupposition-bearing questions (PBQs) in interrogation as a process for communicating certainty of guilt. Among the techniques of interrogational maximization employed by police is the communication to the suspect of the interrogators' certainty of the suspect's guilt. While social science research notes that such communication of certainty is given directly, for example by statements that they 'know' the suspect is guilty or by direct accusations such as 'you did it', this analysis shows that certainty of guilt can also be communicated by presuppositions embedded in interrogation questions. Discourse analysis of the complete transcript of the interrogation of a 14-year-old suspect reveals further that through the use of 117 PBQs, interrogators are able to accrue inadvertent admissions to three crucial global 'facts' about the suspect's involvement in the crime - each of which is composed of multiple subsidiary 'facts'. In addition to identifying the role of PBQs in eliciting inadvertent admissions, the analysis also notes how PBQs serve as 'a powerful instrument in the implicit assertion of debatable propositions' as part of the interrogational record. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how refugee advocates, and refugees themselves, manage social hostility towards refugees and migrants through their talk, specifically how this hostility is managed through orientation to the category ‘victim’. Case studies from the publicity materials of four advocacy organisations, as well as the ‘internal’ talk of their staff, volunteers and beneficiaries collected via Narrative Biographical Interviews, are analysed using discourse analytic methods, specifically Membership Categorisation Analysis. This allows insight into the differing aspects of the organisation’s talk and allows analysis of how orientation to the victim category is distributed and managed across the ‘dialogical network’. This discourse analytic approach, sensitive to how members of the ‘dialogical network’ make hostile and sympathetic voices relevant features of their local talk and manage categorisations of refugees in often tacit ways, highlights a pattern of category change, where a reworking of the dominant modes of refugee representation performed by the organisations in their publicity materials is achieved by their members and beneficiaries. The category work negotiated by advocate and refugee informants rearranges the components of the helping relationship, centring the experience, voice and strength of asylum seekers/refugees, and de-centres the objectives of the helping organisations – offering insights into new ways forward for refugee advocacy as a practice of solidarity beyond charity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on textual-contextual analysis in political communication and media research. It argues that taking into consideration both text and context throughout an analysis of the process of production enables the observation of the relation between the social and the linguistic. It opens up a non-deterministic perspective for the analysis of the above relation. The article rests upon an empirical study on the production of discourses for the campaign of European Parliament elections. The use of such a multilevel approach adds important elements to the research findings, particularly in terms of showing on the one hand how power relations within ‘Europarties’ results in the construction of common European identities in different European Union (EU) states, and on the other hand how professionalization of political communication reinforces discursive dissimilarities between parties of the same ideological family in different EU states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As in many other areas of life, the notion of risk has recently become central to discourses related to politics. This research article shows how political and media representatives use the notion of risk in their rhetoric, making it an important part of and a powerful resource for manipulation. It is demonstrated how stances taken by speakers on different political issues reflect their social, political and moral views, showing that risk has become a common construct around which a political situation in the modern world is described, organized and practiced. In most general terms, stance is understood here as the way of expressing one’s viewpoint concerning the object of interaction, which in this study is risk. The theoretical background of the research is situated within socially constructivist approaches to discourse analysis. We argue that risk has become one of the defining social and cultural characteristics of modern society. The research focuses on the ways stances on risks are constructed at the linguistic level by means of certain structural and formal qualities, and on how these linguistic features are related to social interaction under the conditions of political, moral, economic and social crisis in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we take a queer linguistics approach to the analysis of data from British newspaper articles that discuss the introduction of same-sex marriage. Drawing on methods from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and corpus linguistics, we focus on the construction of agency in relation to the government extending marriage to same-sex couples, and those resisting this. We show that opponents to same-sex marriage are represented and represent themselves as victims whose moral values, traditions and civil liberties are being threatened by the state. Specifically, we argue that victimhood is invoked in a way that both enables and permits discourses of implicit homophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the discourse of negotiation surrounding children’s media time use as it emerges from naturally occurring video-recorded interactions between parents and children. Specifically, it explores how children are socialized into thinking about prioritizing activities when one of them involves media. Also, this study examines how (un)availability of time with media is morally constructed in face-to-face interactions, paying special attention to processes of negotiation, authority and power through directive trajectories. Three trends of discourses around media emerge. First, when media use is framed as problematic, prioritizing certain activities almost systematically entails postponing media use. Second, when parents ratify their children’s use of media, it becomes a prize or a privilege to be earned by children. Third, even when children are rightfully engaged in media, parents often seem to be wary of their children’s ability to turn the technology off by themselves, and reinforce moral accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we identify discourse moves in small claims court that have the potential to affect procedural justice – the sense that a litigant has been treated fairly and respectfully. We focus on what judges do as they address three communicative challenges that are part of small claims court judging: (1) handling the potential for appeal, (2) keeping trials short while treating litigants fairly and (3) managing the paradox of informal justice. After providing background on procedural justice and how it links to facework, and describing small claims court procedures and research, we characterize the trial data and our discourse approach. Then we explicate the discourse moves judges employed to address each of the communication challenges. This article concludes by suggesting the likely consequences of judges’ moves for litigants’ perceptions of procedural justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I apply the notion of scaling as agentive discursive practice to analyze the construction of moral positionings by migrant women. I draw from semi-structured interviews with Uzbek women in the United States and use discourse analytic methods to focus on the relationship between linguistic choices and existing power structures. I show that although these women are caught between multiple moral orders, by linking behaviors associated with these orders to different time–space configurations and different scopes of generalizability, they are able to justify their choices and highlight the stability of their own morality. I further demonstrate that while these acts of scaling are agentive, they may also be used to reinforce rather than dismantle existing hierarchies, pointing to the need for further investigation of the relationship between agency, discourse and power in contemporary globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I investigate how political dissent is linguistically constructed and mitigated in memes that are circulated nationally on WhatsApp in Oman. I do so by drawing upon insights from relational approaches to face, the theorization of communicative strategies as polysemous and ambiguous, and research pertaining to the Islamic practice of lamenting. The data consist of a representative set of memes collected in the summer and fall of 2015 as part of an ethnographic project on social media and Arab identity. I theorize memes as cultural tools that take the form of ‘reasonably hostile’ lament-narratives, which enable citizens in Oman to engage in democracy while saving face. To create lament-memes that voice dissent while mitigating face-attacks, Omanis draw upon various communicative strategies: They use repetition, code choice, hashtags, and different genres; they juxtapose emojis with text; and they manipulate the production and participation frameworks of texts. Collectively, these strategies, which function via intertextuality, allow the concerns to be aired, but indirectly and playfully. The article demonstrates how political dissent is negotiated and mitigated through memes, the agency of social media users, and the validity of conceptualizing memes as cultural tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the historical role news elites have played in shaping public perceptions of immigrants as a distinct social group. To that end, we identify the discursive strategies used by The New York Times to construct the ‘American immigrant’ during the Ellis Island years (1892–1924), a pivotal period when some of the nation’s earliest immigration restriction laws were established. Data were collected from front page newspaper articles and analysis was developed using the techniques of critical discourse analysis. Drawing on Foucault’s (1977) theoretical understanding of the enmeshment of power relations in discourse as well as Blumer’s (1958) group position model, we develop and test five hypotheses about the role of news elites in constructing this social group. Finding support for all hypotheses, we show how the article’s discursive choices dehumanized immigrants, trivialized their experiences, silenced their voices and helped legitimate an unequal social hierarchy that positions immigrants beneath non-immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how we take responsibility for our past actions in language, using an ideational perspective. It focuses on the way we construe actions in transitive and ergative language patterns and from this develop a cline of responsibility, which has maximum responsibility at the one end and minimum responsibility at the other. The article examines a number of instances of language use from different genres and registers with this cline to determine the extent to which language users take responsibility (or not) for their actions through language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I evaluate competing discourses about the meaning of street remarks – the remarks men make to unacquainted women passing on the street – in 1000 comments posted to a YouTube video of street remarks recorded in New York City in 2014. One discourse prominent in the comments posted to the video defends the remarks as civil talk, highlighting the literal meanings of remarks such as ‘Have a nice evening’. A second, less frequent, discourse characterizes these encounters and utterances as sexual harassment, citing men’s ostensible sexual intentions and personal experience. I find that (a) difficulties in articulating the ways in which street remarks are injurious may veil their harm, thus contributing to the perpetuation of male domination of women in public spaces, and (b) the close juxtaposition of explicitly misogynistic comments with interpretations of the street remarks as civil casts doubt on the sincerity of such interpretations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the Egyptian public discourse on the United States, this article lays out the foundation for building a general theory of pictorial framing. In this theory, at the most general level, the concept of pictorial framing refers to subtle alterations in the visual presentation of judgment and choice problems. Specifically, pictures are viewed as constructions, and pictorial meaning is seen as an intricate web of connected frames. The article thus adopts the view that a visual grammar is part of cognitive science and is fundamentally concerned with the relation between what goes on in the human mind and manifestations of this activity. The article draws on insights from blending model (Fauconnier and Turner, 2002), Relevance Theory (Sperber and Wilson, 1995) and frame semantics (Fillmore, 1985), discussing a large corpus of 90 multimodal cartoons on the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how president Xi Jinping’s political discourse legitimizes the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as China’s ruling Party through representations of political ideologies. It probes two dimensions of the representations: thematic representations concerning the topics and topical patterns in Xi’s discourse, and evaluative representations concerning the attitudes and emotions associated with these topics. This study adapts Fairclough’s three-dimensional approaches to Chinese political discourse analysis: description regarding the linguistic features of the discourse, interpretation and explanation of the discourse by considering China’s social, especially political and cultural, particularities. Through the analysis, this article reveals the discursive practice through which the CCP utilizes a range of political ideologies to legitimize its politics. It is hoped that this study can shed light on adapting critical discourse analysis (CDA) to Chinese political discourse analysis in the context of China’s particular culture and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurozone crisis and the remarkable convergence of national governments towards austerity policies draw scholars’ attention to the discursive strategies that they have used in order to legitimate their economic decisions. This article studies the common features of austerity discourse beyond national and partisan boundaries. It relies on an in-depth analysis combining lexicography and the study of metaphors in speeches of the Italian and Spanish heads of government between 2011 and 2013. While drawing on recent work addressing the legitimation of economic policies, this research takes a step back in order to shed light on the broader discourse on which austerity policies rely and in order to explain the common patterns in various political actors’ discourse. Rooted in a post-foundational approach, it identifies several discursive strategies for depoliticising economic issues (e.g. the construction of an economic common sense, the appeal to external constraints and the metaphorical naturalisation of economics), thus unveiling their political nature. The ‘restructuring’ and ‘rescaling’ of social practices are identified as the main mechanisms pertaining to the articulation of such a broader hegemonic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to present the findings of an analytical framework we have designed to monitor discriminatory political discourse on immigration. Through the understanding of how some of the most relevant studies in three disciplines (political science, social psychology and linguistics) have framed racism, we try to infer how such racism may manifest in discourse through particular discriminatory tendencies. The combination of these tendencies has contributed to the designing of the proposed analytical framework that aims, by means of 12 standards, to systematically certify political discourse as discriminatory, quantify how much discriminatory discourse is and assess how such discrimination is legitimised or justified. By implementing such a framework within the context of Catalonia, this pilot study offers a global picture of how Catalan political discourse on immigration is constructed and how each of the standards appears (or does not appear) in discourse. Once the viability of this framework is proven, we conclude it could be the basis of comparative research in other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to fill a gap in the existing research by analysing the construction of leadership and group identity in a corpus of 13 party conference speeches by the party leaders of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the British Labour Party between 1997 and 2003. The comparative approach chosen will demonstrate the context sensitivity and strategic use of the pronominal self-references. The article will demonstrate how changes of pronominal self-reference in party conference speeches can be understood as strategic changes of footing to foreground either the voice of the party leader or the voice of the party. It will conclude with the results of an analysis of the combination of pronominal self-references and verb forms construing competence and responsiveness, as suggested by Fetzer and Bull, and demonstrates that these verb forms are used differently in combination with the various forms of self-reference, a fact neglected in their analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the different ways in which a group of Chilean women of the lower socio-economic group dynamically construct their identity as mothers. The data collected through qualitative interviews were analyzed bringing together insights from the Appraisal Framework and Critical Discourse Studies. The findings show that these mothers instantiate three evaluative patterns to represent themselves: the mother-instructor, the attached mother and the striving mother. The linguistic resources deployed in the construction of these roles include the repeated use of modulation of obligations directed both at themselves and at their children in order for the latter to become socially valued through access to education. In addition, they construct their identities through the voice and affective behavior of their children, positioning themselves as the most important figure in their lives. The patterns of self-representation displayed suggest that these women’s only source of validation is their maternal function and their children’s love, in a context of poverty and invisibilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has shown that immigrants tend to be negatively constructed in the discourse of the media. In the context of the European Union (EU), British newspapers reportedly offer largely negative or partial constructions of these individuals. These representations contribute to jeopardizing the integration of this group of people, as their social construction reflects and influences the attitudes of EU citizens and the immigration policies. Our research examines the collocational profile of the lemma ‘migrant’ in the UK legislation and UK Administration informative texts from 2007 to 2011. While our results show that the UK Administration avoids an explicit negative construction of immigrants coming to the United Kingdom, we have found that they are partially constructed as a homogeneous, well-categorized group through an extremely limited set of lexical items that tend to prime their adscription to tiers. We argue that the representation of immigrants in the legislation points to the fact that UK laws and official information during the period 2007–2011 were more focused on legitimating the control over this group of individuals than on creating the conditions for better integration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the immense communicative potential of visual methodologies, surprisingly few community-based research studies have meaningfully considered participants’ visual meaning-making processes. When working with youth participants from contexts with which researchers are unfamiliar, the use of visual methodologies and analyses is able to transcend much of the developmental and cultural barriers to communication that are inherent in many linguistically focused research methods. By employing a visual discourse analysis on six photographs captured by Ethiopian youth in a Multi-Country Photovoice Project on youth representations of safety, this study aims to showcase the value of analysing participants’ use of ‘alternative’ visual discourses. It was found that participants drew predominantly on two discourses, Humanising Capital and Unity, both of which resisted a number of Western hegemonic discourses surrounding youth constructions of safety. Participants’ visual constructions served as a meaningful mode of communication, as well as a relevant approach to facilitating youth ownership of meaning-making processes within community-based research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of politicians’ laughter in broadcast news interviews and of mass media representations of Hillary Rodham Clinton’s laughter during her failed bid for the Democratic nomination for President of the United States in 2007–2008. It examines spoken, interactional data and written, representational data, each requiring different theoretical and methodological apparatus. The first component of the analysis employs the methodological framework of Conversation Analysis to examine the interactional work accomplished by Clinton’s laughter and other politicians in situ (i.e. in the interviews themselves). The second component employs an indexical approach to analyze the post-hoc recontextualization of Clinton’s laughter by mainstream media as a gendered representation, namely, as a ‘cackle’. Analyzing Clinton’s laughter in talk-in-interaction and its subsequent representation in talk-out-of-interaction reveals how communicative behavior that is not gendered by original participants may nevertheless become gendered by other participants. This article thus makes a distinctive contribution to a central question in discourse studies – when exogenous categories such as gender should be invoked as an explanatory category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the mobilization power of online grassroots discourse often criticized by researchers as a threat to the Habermasian public sphere. The study takes a historical perspective and attempts to see elements of grassroots discourse as a recontextualization of Chinese revolutionary discourse. The high-profile Yao Jiaxin murder case is taken as the background, and an online open letter and its reply that have attracted wide attention to the event are selected as data for analysis. The theoretical approach utilizes Fairclough’s discourse analysis investigating discursive transformation in social and cultural change, and his synthesis of intertextuality analysis and Gramsci’s hegemony theory is found to be particularly helpful in the discussion. Two aspects of the text will be analyzed in detail – the emotional appeal and the strategy of inclusion/exclusion based on class division, as well as how such rhetoric is challenged and marginalized in new social contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enlightened by Van Dijk’s Context Model Theory and Wodak’s Discourse-Historical Approach, this article puts forward the Discourse-Historical-Contextual Approach as the analytical framework for the study of the recontextualization and transformation processes involved in media discourse. It is then applied to the analysis of the First-Instance Judgment of the Peng Yu Case. Through exploring the relevant context models, the article examines why a text is interpreted differently when it is circulated in different contexts. The study also reveals, by investigating the traces of previous texts in subsequent texts, how intertextuality is formed as well as how specific transformations are used in the processes. It is hoped that this study will provide some insights into the understanding of recontextualization and transformation processes in media discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores one challenge facing critical discourse studies (CDS) in today’s mediatised world: the ontological and epistemological assumptions which prompt studies to analyse the construction of social orders (such as right-wing, racist or neoliberal orders) rather than the fissures and dislocations of these social orders. The former foregrounds stability, and the latter foregrounds instability. In this article, I first sketch postfoundational thinking, arguing that this thinking brings breakdown, disruption and instability to the centre of attention. Although postfoundational thought is most prominently associated with a particular set of thinkers (Nancy, Lefort, Laclau and Rancière), I also include approaches often omitted from current discussions (Lather, Haraway, Malabou and Sedgwick). Second, I consider three central concepts in CDS from a postfoundational perspective: critique, rationality and validity. Critique is conceptualised as a generative criticality which addresses unequal power relations through (fine-grained) analysis of hope-giving, reparative discourse which is oriented to well-being. Rationality is positioned as mobile, contingent, political and positioned, rather than universal and non-subjective. Validity is separated from understandings of objectivity and bias and associated instead with surprise and transgressive validities. Finally, two brief examples illustrate how postfoundational approaches to discourse have engaged with reframing social movements and democracy and rethinking what counts as the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the way multimodality as a field has expanded, becoming more diverse and complex, it is important to pause to identify exactly which concepts, theories and processes of multimodal analysis are more or less suitable for the needs of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and the wider field of critical discourse studies (CDS). The article argues that the field of multimodality remains fragmented both internally, with a range of divergent core interests, and externally from academic fields that have long dealt with the topics to which it is turning its interest. In this article, looking at some key ideas from visual studies, I reflect on what kind of multimodal approach best aligns with the needs of CDS. I argue for an affordance-based approach and one driven by the social and not by need to model on the basis of language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although discourse analysts often conceive of their work as critical, there is little theoretical discussion regarding the possibility of normative critique in the scientific community of discourse analysis. Rarely are the normative grounds and normative scope of such a critique clear. Thus, this article attempts to find theoretically robust and practical answers to the following question: ‘How is a normative critique possible?’ In seeking my answer, I first provide a short overview of the possibilities of normative critique in critical discourse analysis. Second, I offer an argument in favour of immanent critique while explaining both its advantages and its theoretical and practical problems. Finally, I demonstrate how sociological discourse analysis and immanent critique can mutually benefit from one another. The theses I formulate and defend are as follows: Although the notion of immanent critique cannot adequately answer methodological questions, these answers can be found in several recent proposals on discourse analysis. Additionally, a combination of the dialectical approaches to immanent critique and discourse analysis might help overcome the methodological deficit of Critical Theory. Finally, this combination can resolve several theoretical deficits in discourse theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the use of economic metaphors in the particular case of the European sovereign debt crisis, by the examination of the public discourse as reflected in the daily press. Three countries of the European Union with severe sovereign debt problems (Greece, Italy, and Spain) and three countries without them (Finland, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom) have been selected for analysis. The general hypothesis, in accordance with the research undertaken in similar studies on economic metaphors and on the uniformity of economic journalism frames, is that one can expect a fairly common use of the same metaphors and with the same weight among countries, types of newspapers, and diverse economic conditions. The findings basically support this hypothesis, showing how difficult it is for the media, even when using rhetorical devices such as economic metaphors, to stand aside from the experts’ discourse or to forge new ways of analyzing economic events outside the traditional and prevalent frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Online racist discourse, in contrast to offline varieties, is often assumed to be emotionally unrestrained due to the anonymity of online settings. Taking an affective–discursive practice approach, this study challenges that assumption by analysing online racist satire and other forms of racist humour targeting European Union (EU)-migrants begging for money, as well as responses evoked by such humorous attempts, appearing in two discussion threads on the Swedish website Flashback. A discourse analysis is conducted, drawing on insights from theories of satirical discursive practice, critical approaches to humour and the sociology of emotions. The results show that online racism may be articulated in subtle and restrained as well as more explicit ways through different humorous techniques. Furthermore, laughing and unlaughing responses to satire and other forms of humour reveal an online racist affective–discursive order in the making, which demands clarity in articulating racist messages. This points to online racism’s restrained nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]