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Motivation: In 2020, the UK Department for International Development (DFID) was merged with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) as the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO). This policy move strengthens the trend to "securitize" development, whereby the provision of aid is motivated by national security concerns. Purpose: Many researchers have raised concerns about the securitization of aid and its consequences for development, but little research has examined its impact on aid‐recipient countries. Approach and Methods: This study evaluates 144 securitized aid projects implemented by DFID between 2000 and 2018 in Kenya, Nigeria and South Sudan, using the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) evaluation criteria of relevance, effectiveness, impact, and sustainability. Findings: Our analysis finds that although most of the projects assessed were "relevant", i.e. formally aligned with recipient and funders' objectives, many struggled to achieve their intended outputs ("effectiveness"). Few of the projects had a positive "impact". We conclude that the securitized projects reviewed did not significantly strengthen the recipient countries' institutions, stability, or security but had some negative side effects. Policy Implications: In view of the merger of DFID with the FCO and the decision to reduce aid from 0.7% to 0.5% of Gross National Income (GNI), the UK is likely to draw an even closer connection between domestic security priorities and its development aid. In view of our empirical findings, the UK government needs to be more aware of the limitations of development interventions undertaken in the name of security and consider other means of enabling development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2003 Nigeria's economic growth has been consistently above 6% and has been driven by non-oil sectors. This article attempts to assess the contribution of the 2005 debt-relief agreement to this higher growth. The agreement eliminated Nigeria's US$30 billion debt to Paris Club creditors who cancelled US$18 bn, while Nigeria paid back US$12 bn. The article traces the three possible impact channels of debt relief, namely, the flow (reduced debt service), the stock (removal of debt overhang) and the conditionality channel, and comes to the conclusion that the debt-relief agreement played a key role in the country's improved economic performance, in particular through successful conditionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One influential view blames Nigeria's failure to translate its oil wealth into national prosperity on the country's social, political and institutional fragmentation, which provides little incentive for technocratic planning or policies based on shared growth or the public good. This article explores an alternative theory: that at certain periods Nigeria's development trajectory has in fact been influenced by technocratic planning and that the strategy followed typically neglected agriculture, subjected markets to excessive regulation, and involved exchange-rate policies which discouraged exports. These propositions are argued with reference to the contrasting case of Indonesia, which has pursued market-friendly, export-promoting policies, and a pronounced rural-agricultural bias in development spending. Five possible areas of explanation for the contrast are explored: differences in the political interests of the policy-makers, in their social origins, in their intellectual backgrounds, in their experience of economic management and mismanagement, and in their exposure to inclusive, egalitarian political movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arguments in academia over the effectiveness of foreign aid fall into two broad categories: those grounded in political economy and those focused on donor conduct and aid effectiveness. There have been policy attempts within the donor community to reconcile them, including the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. This article examines the key features of foreign aid to Nigeria between 1999 and 2007. Using the Declaration as a framework, it looks for ways of making foreign aid in Nigeria more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]