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This article examines the Critical Connections Multilingual Digital Storytelling Project through the lens of Language Policy and Planning (LPP) and considers the situation of heritage language learning within the policy on language education. We present our project as grassroots policymaking in practice and demonstrate how, through deep and meaningful collaboration, researchers, teachers, parents/carers, and students can exercise bottom-up agency to address key issues in learning languages and developing multilingual literacy. Our interdisciplinary approach embeds interculturality within all stages of the language learning process creating spaces that foster empathy, activist citizenship, and possibilities for a more sustainable future. We interrogate our Critical Connections Project and argue that this approach to LPP provides an alternative model of interculturally oriented critical cosmopolitan education which validates multilingual identities. We show how digital technology, virtual communities, and a growing concern for social justice have shaped the project and discuss how we adopted a critical ethnographic approach. In looking at purposes, principles and means in our project, the digital stories themselves are analysed and presented as vibrant data. To conclude, we engage specifically with the implications of our research for heritage languages and LPP. Finally, we make a series of recommendations for heritage language planning and policy.

Transnationals constitute one-third of the population of the economically prosperous Singapore. Applying a family language policy (FLP) framework and collaborative autoethnography from data (interviews, videos, and diaries) spanning 13 years, this study delves into the linguistic journey of an Italian-Chinese family with two children born in Singapore. The analysis demonstrates the dynamics of language ideologies, management, and practices, following changes in parental beliefs, children's linguistic proficiencies and agency, availability of resources within the family and the host country, and unexpected events like COVID-19. The article highlights how multilingual parents' ideologies shape up owning to individual experiences, beliefs, and aspirations, and how these ideologies are translated into language choices and day-to-day language maintenance, vis-à-vis Singapore's English-centric policies. This unique longitudinal case study also touches on features pertaining to transnational families in Singapore, such as the perception of the local variety 'Singlish,' caregiving, and schooling options, illustrating the intricate interplay of micro and macro factors governing family multilingualism.

This study took a mixed-methods approach to investigate family language planning (FLP) in Hungarian families raising children in Australia. The study aimed to explore the complex factors impacting FLP and how families responded to the rapidly changing social conditions during the outbreak of Covid-19. The pandemic highlighted the shifting spatiotemporal dynamics of the family domain. Therefore, the project sought a holistic insight into the shifting family ecology, incorporating language use patterns, motivations, language maintenance and learning strategies and family well-being. Data were collected through an online survey (N = 80) and parental interviews (N = 13). The findings provide empirical evidence of the translocal and transnational dimensions of intergenerational language maintenance. The paper argues for an ecological approach in FLP, which recognises the complex social, affective and ideological dimensions of the family domain and the translocal aspects of language planning. As the results demonstrate, Hungarian families experienced the impact of Covid-19 in contrastive ways: for some, new opportunities arose to establish the home domain as a dynamic multilingual space; for others, the social isolation further reduced the space afforded to the heritage language. Therefore, agency was crucial for responding to these shifting circumstances.

Over the past two decades, heightened migration has increased linguistic diversity in schools. For schools to cope with this multilingualism, many governments impose a monolingual policy where only the language of instruction is allowed. Although many schools adopt such a policy, the classroom practices may differ since multilingual students often revert to translanguaging-as-practice. Drawing on three key conceptual language policy (LP) models (Bonacina-Pugh, 2012. Researching 'practiced language policies': Insights from conversation analysis. "Language Policy," 11(3), 213-234; Johnson & Johnson, 2015. Power and agency in language policy appropriation. "Language Policy," 14(3), 221-243; Ricento & Hornberger, 1996. Unpeeling the onion: Language planning and policy and the ELT professional. "TESOL Quarterly," 30(3), 401-427), this study explores LP formation across macro (government), meso (school), and micro (classroom) educational levels in Flanders, Belgium. Macro-level analysis involves scrutinizing policy documents from the Educational Department of Flanders. Meso-level investigation includes policy documents from three secondary schools, compared with insights from interviews with the schools' principals and language coaches. Semi-structured interviews with teachers (n = 18) and classroom observations (n = 138 hours) provide nuanced perspectives at the micro-level. Triangulating data reveals declared, perceived, and practiced language policies at various levels. The study underscores LP's intricate nature within a multilingual educational context. Results highlight the contrast between macro-level policy straightforwardness and the complexity faced at meso- and micro-levels, where context-specific challenges arise. As schools navigate linguistic diversity, the role of language coaches becomes pivotal in creating inclusive and effective educational settings.

This study demonstrates that linguistic landscape analysis is a powerful tool for assessing the effectiveness of a university language policy, as it provides "in situ" evidence for discursive patterns shaping language use in public space. It uses the official language policy of a Norwegian institution of higher education (Høgskulen på Vestlandet, HVL) as a case study, contrasting its language guidelines with the linguistic make-up of the signage in the linguistic landscape on one of its campuses. The comparison shows that the linguistic landscape prioritizes the national representational level (use of Bokmål) in its bottom-up signage, while the language policy of the university mainly highlights regional and international aspects (connected to the parallel use of Nynorsk and English). At the same time, it is shown that the top-down signage issued by the university does not efficiently implement its language policy goals, as bilingual Nynorsk-English signs are rare, Nynorsk faces substantial competition from Bokmål, and English is both neglected and constructed as a less important variety.

It is increasingly recognized that agency plays an essential role in shaping language-in-education policy (LEP) and influencing the learning process. Research on agency has not yet adequately engaged with the field of heritage education and maintenance in diasporas. Drawing on Shohamy's and Bonacina-Pugh's conceptualization of declared, perceived, and practiced language policies, we examine the individual agency of three groups of actors--people with power (principals), people with expertise (teachers), and people with interest (students)--in a variety of policy or planning activities within two Chinese heritage language (CHL) schools in Brussels. On the basis of collected ethnographically informed data in conjunction with the conversation analysis of audio-recorded classroom interactions, our findings illustrate how three types of agentive roles are effective in forming language policies and constructing discursive spaces within the CHL schools, with a clear orientation shift from monolingualism to multilingualism. This study contributes to research on heritage language maintenance in a highly multilingual, diasporic, and educational context by providing a portrait of how educational practitioners and learners assert their agency to explore locally appropriate language policies that maximize actors' potential to teach and learn heritage languages.

As global migration and transnational mobility have increased steadily in the recent few decades, interests in equity-based theories and pedagogies have intensified to respond to racially and linguistically diverse student needs in today's classrooms. Raciolinguistic ideology is a theoretical framework challenging monoglossic language ideologies and the 'White gaze' that privileges White speaking and listening subjects (Flores, N., & Rosa, J. (2015). Undoing appropriateness: Raciolinguistic ideologies and language diversity in education. "Harvard Educational Review," 85(2), 149-171. https://doi.org/10.17763/0017-8055.85.2.149). While raciolinguistic ideologies aim to critically examine the idealized monolingualism, the framework is typically adopted to analyze racial realities in Western or European educational contexts. In this study, we intend to (re)imagine raciolinguistic ideologies situated in non-Western educational contexts by examining language-in-education policies in Turkey and South Korea. Using raciolinguistic ideologies and Kaplan and Baldauf's (Kaplan, R. B., & Baldauf, R. B., Jr. (2005). Language-in-education policy and planning. In E. Hinkel (Ed.), "Handbook of research in second language teaching and learning" (pp. 1013-1034). Lawrence Erlbaum) language-in-education planning framework as our analytical lenses, we interrogate raciolinguistic ideologies manifested through language-in-education policy and planning in Turkey and South Korea, where transnational mobility and diversity are drastically increasing to shape language education. The analyses suggest broadening the definition and viewpoint of race to understand space-specific and localized interpretations of raciolinguistic ideologies while dismantling new contemporary racism in non-Western educational contexts. Recommendations and implications for future critical examinations of racial regimes and educational policies are discussed.

This study investigated multilingual students' linguistic challenges at English-medium instruction (EMI) universities in Kazakhstan. Using language policy and planning as a theoretical lens, this study looked at EMI policy in general, particularly the academic English challenges of students due to a haphazard implementation of the EMI policy in Kazakhstani universities. The data were collected through an online survey and semi-structured interviews held with students and instructors at eight purposefully selected EMI universities in Kazakhstan. The data analysis revealed that over 70% of students had no prior exposure to EMI, 66.9% were dissatisfied with their English proficiency, 65.3% were dissatisfied with their literacy skills, and 72.6% did not enjoy reading and writing in English. Therefore, their transition to the EMI environment was chaotic and stressful. The EMI policy and practice seem to have failed because the macro-level policy from the top is not in sync with the resources and preparation at the micro-level (teachers and students). The ambitious goals of internationalization, global competitiveness, and human capital development through EMI cannot be achieved without careful planning, systematic implementation, and appropriate support mechanisms for students and instructors.

In 2018/2019, the Government of Austria instituted a new language support model to Austrian schools that included segregated language support measures for non-fluent German-speaking students. The central research aim of the paper is to investigate how the implementation of this new language support model compares to the policy requirement by examining different models of implementation. In the framework of the initial phases of the project 'A multi-perspective study on German language support', 12 interviews with German language support teachers and school principals were conducted. Following a prototypical case study analysis, four models of implementation were identified: (1) Segregationmodel, (2) Mixed segregated and integrated model, (3) Individualized language support, and (4) Inclusive support model. Given that thisis the first study in Austria to show the concrete implementation models of German language support in schoolsFindings highlight important implications for school principals and educational policy makers.

This paper proposes a framework for multilingual language-in-education policy implementation, offered as a critically constructive response to India's recent "National Education Policy 2020" (GOI, 2020). Rooted in India's existing educational language policy, our linguistically inclusive 'Languages for Learning' (LFL) framework is, we believe, structurally flexible, socioculturally feasible, economically viable and academically relevant. It aims to foster equity and also to ensure first language support and cognitive independence. Before presenting the framework, we critically review the multilingual policy guidance offered in "NEP 2020," then lay out a theoretical foundation for the LFL framework based primarily on current translanguaging theory, and also discuss the history of India's much maligned three-language formula (TLF), which forms the core of language policy in India. The framework itself is presented with reference to specific contextual challenges in India that may also serve to indicate its relevance for other multilingual contexts around the world. As such, the LFL framework is offered as a more multilingually-appropriate alternative to the reductive construct of 'Medium of Instruction', which itself originates in the monolingual habitus of historically outdated language-in-education policy theory. We invite critical evaluations of the utility of our framework, both for India and other multilingual contexts.

This paper examines minority language education in the Dutch province of Fryslân from a rights-based approach. To conduct the analysis, we employed a qualitative (legal) content analysis. We explored minority language rights at different levels to answer the following question: To what extent are international and regional standards on minority-language education applied domestically to education in Frisian and through the medium of the Frisian language? We discuss the historical trends in the international community regarding minority-language education and elaborate specifically on the Netherlands' shifting approach on the matter. Our analysis of international, regional, and domestic regulations shows that the issue of exemptions and the reduction in the Frisian core objectives have weakened the position of Frisian in education. Owing to the lack of proper implementation of the current regulations, the Netherlands has been deficient in fulfilling the right to mother-tongue education in Frisian primary schools. The analysis further shows that the Netherlands do not treat Frisian education as a right. Legal solutions to remedy this situation are discussed.

Multilingual education (MLE) is increasingly recognized as a means to ensure equitable access to education for children with a nondominant first language and to retain endangered languages. UNESCO has championed MLE and identified 10 essential components in planning implementation of MLE implementation. This article examines these 10 components in Cambodia's implementation of its first Multilingual National Action Plan (2014-2018), drawing on an independent in-country evaluation conducted by the authors in 2019. The findings suggest that UNESCO's 10 essential components are a useful guide for planning MLE, but that three even more foundational components are missing from this formulation. Visible, collaborative national leadership is critical to assure stakeholders, especially teachers and parents, that MLE is authorized in government schools. Adequate financial and technical resources must be provided to subnational actors charged with ensuring quality education. The nondominant language speakers and advocates are at the root of MLE: without the language and proficient speakers, MLE is nearly impossible. These three elements -- leadership, resources, and input from nondominant language speakers -- are often missing in language planning and partnership development, and they account for many of the gaps in the implementation of MLE in Cambodia during its five-year term.

One of the products of globalization in sociolinguistics is the emergence of transnational regimes in language policy, in which power is exercised across boundaries of traditional nation states. This paper engages with audit culture, a transnational policy mechanism which involves the continuous evaluation of nation states' performance through the use of purportedly neutral, typically quantitative instruments. As achieving broader visibility in public discourse is a key part of how such evaluations enforce language policy regimes, the paper presents an analysis of how an audit instrument, the Education First English Proficiency Index, was recontextualized in media discourse in Thailand over a 6-year period. The findings highlight an apparent discontinuity, as much of the neoliberal rhetoric in the audit instrument was not taken up in Thai media. Rather, the recontextualization was selective, with elements of the audit texts being integrated into an already established language policy regime in Thailand, built on nationalism and developmentalism. These findings point to the need to consider how language policy mechanisms like audit culture can facilitate synergies between hegemonic ideologies, particularly when they are recontextualized across different scales.

Drawing on the ethico-political framework of hospitality, this paper investigates the communicative practices of three administrative support staff as they attempt to manage the twin challenges of working in adherence to state and institutional language policies while communicating ethically in an internationalising workplace. Academic administrative staff rarely feature in studies on internationalisation yet are crucial to understanding the complex day-to-day realities of contemporary university life. Empirically, this study reports on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork, including observations, interviews, and email records. The data demonstrate language work being carried out on an ethical basis, before the consideration of any particular languages, beyond the participants' political obligations, and in excess of institutional support. The current national and institutional responses to the multilingual realities of Swedish university life, I argue, are failing to do justice to and facilitate the ethically grounded, bottom-up language policy-making as practised by this study's participants. This paper thus promises to open up debate on hospitality within language policy and planning for internationalising Higher Education, and, in its re-evaluation of the ethical and political dimensions of hospitality, it emphasises the framework's critical potential within sociolinguistic research, more generally.

This article explores Yugoslav education policy in Vojvodina (Serbia), one of the most multilingual regions of the country, which was implemented in the period between the 1960s and 1980s through the school subject the 'Language of social environment' (LSE). Based on archival and field research, this case study is devoted to the school subject Hungarian as LSE intended for students whose L1 was Serbo-Croatian. The article addresses the discourses of policy makers who advocated for the introduction of LSE and how former students and teachers remember the school subject, which was abolished in the 1990s. The analysis shows that LSE was based on the values of societal multilingualism for all members of society and in line with a 'language-as-resource' orientation to language planning and policy, both as an etic concept at top-down policy level and as an emic concept at local level where nostalgic memories and bottom-up initiatives for its reintroduction emerged.

The teaching of native languages is seen as being key to the development of cognitive skills, better academic performance in early grades and a resource for linguistic (re)vitalization and cultural revival. This study examines the institutional challenges in teaching and learning native languages in Pakistan. The study uses teachers' agency through the public sphere paradigm as a theoretical framework to investigate the concerns and opinions of teachers and their agency regarding the challenges to native languages policy. The majority of teachers overwhelmingly support native languages, and endorse their importance in education, particularly in the development of cognitive skills and better academic performance. However, several institutional challenges hold back the teaching of native languages in public schools in Pakistan. The participants argue that native languages need an effective language-in-education policy. In addition, students, teachers and parents are not likely to deem native languages as resources until they gain some economic value. The study suggests that the current policy regarding native languages should be reviewed and refashioned considering their importance to students' academic performance. Further, a dynamic policy-making mechanism is proposed where stakeholders at every level are able to coordinate in policy formulation and its effective implementation.

Whereas early childhood professionals can play a pivotal role in fostering young children's home language development, little is known about what determines the kind of multilingual parenting advice they offer families. The objective of this study was to deconstruct the processes culminating in two types of such recommendations: "advice highlighting the usage of the home language in the family domain versus advice to include the dominant language." Different theories, including Spolsky's insights on language policy and Ricento and Hornberger's Onion model, were used to investigate several aspects influencing professionals' interpersonal language policy. Logistic regression analyses were performed on a sample of 305 professionals employed at Flemish infant welfare clinics in Belgium. Our findings indicate that advice highlighting the home language is connected to manifold variables on the national, institutional, and interpersonal language policy levels. However, only few variables at the interpersonal and institutional level were associated with advice to include the dominant language. Hence, future research could further investigate the hitherto unidentified mechanisms underlying this type of advice. Overall, our results show the complex and nuanced ways in which the national, institutional, and interpersonal levels intersect in shaping different types of multilingual advice.

Many universities in non-English speaking countries have been adopting English as a medium of instruction to internationalize their education. We set out to compare the language policies of a Finnish and a Japanese university using the lens of language ideology -- a set of normative beliefs about the social dimension of language. Data were collected from selected documents of the two universities, and analyzed utilizing critical discursive psychology. This social constructionist approach allows mapping out language ideological landscapes -- interrelationships among different co-occurring language ideologies -- from which students may draw ideas about how they orient themselves towards their peers on international campuses today. Our analysis shows that different language ideological landscapes are constructed in the language policies of the two universities, affording them different positioning in the phenomenon of internationalization. The findings suggest that both multilingualism and languaging would be important discursive resources for universities to maintain ethnolinguistic nationalism and ensure equality among students with different linguistic backgrounds, in the process of internationalization of higher education through English. On international campuses where multilingualism is prevalent, students are likely to be constructed as cosmopolitans for inclusion, locals and foreigners for exclusion, or 'native/native-like and non-native speakers' for hierarchy through different monolingual language ideologies.

This multimodal critical discourse analysis is part of a larger equity audit of how the websites of 11 of the largest U.S. school districts discussed access to dual language bilingual education (DLBE). Prior research has frequently documented how administrators utilize DLBE programs to compete with one another for the supposedly necessary resource of privileged students, while deprioritizing language-minoritized students in ways that resemble gentrification. This study assessed how website content of these large (and thus influential) districts reflected or contradicted this pattern. Findings showed DLBE programming was linked frequently and strongly to themes of the school choice movement and exclusive tracking or within-school segregation. The themes were (1) a normalized scarcity of seats, (2) the privatized responsibility for transportation to those seats, (3) a discourse of having to earn one's seat, and (4) the potential to lose one's seat. We theorize this framing of DLBE policy as based in what we term mercenary exclusivity, which inequitably benefits privileged populations by inviting stakeholders to see their participation through a competitive, warlike lens. We offer equity recommendations for scholars and policymakers and call for the adoption of countervailing peaceful discourse and praxis for the benefit of language-minoritized and racialized students within DLBE.

This article adopts a gendered take on Family Language Policy (FLP) by questioning the way that gender impacts on the issues faced by refugee woman during and after flight. For this reason, the ethnographically informed research addresses the concerns and experiences of mothers and daughters in the Somali community in Bristol, one of the fastest growing communities in the city but one that remains a 'neglected social group … everywhere present but in many ways invisible' (Wallace & Kahin [2017]. "Somali parents and schooling in Britain" (p. 1). UCL Institute of Education Press.), with little known about their experiences on or after arrival (Warfa et al. [2006]. Post-migration geographical mobility, mental health and health service utilisation among Somali refugees in the UK: A qualitative study. "Health & Place," 12(4), 503-515.). The study of FLP not only contributes to our understanding of the processes of language shift and change, it also sheds light on broader language policy issues at societal levels. Analysis suggests that it is principally mothers who take on the demanding, yet invisible work of FLP in the home and that mis-matched fluency between mothers and daughters results in a fracturing of family relations with the potential for long-term emotional repercussions. The findings have implications for educational and public sector organisations involving immigrant communities.

Language policy and planning in Nepal has been contested due to the co-existence of multiple contradictory discourses concerning teaching and learning of local, national, foreign, and international languages. Recently a multilingual policy was issued to create space for the once-banned ethnic/indigenous languages in public schooling, further complexifying the landscape. A few studies have paid attention to teaching and learning of the lesser taught ethnic/indigenous and foreign languages; however, what discursive orientations have contributed towards enabling (or constraining) the use of such languages in education and how have yet to receive scholarly attention. Framed by the perspectives of the intersectionality of discourses, and drawing on in-depth interviews with policymakers, headteachers, teachers, students, and their parents of five schools of Nepal, this paper concludes that the interplay between broader discourses such as globalisation, neoliberal marketisation and nationalism has played a significant role in shaping language policy decisions and localised practice of language(s). It also reveals that the spaces for ethnic/indigenous languages in education are delimited, in preference of English, Nepali, and other emerging foreign languages, leading to their further marginalisation. Such trends diminish the potential use of lesser taught languages, threatening Nepal's multilingual education policy towards sustaining existing linguistic diversity.

This paper investigates the language ideologies held by a group of international students in an English medium instruction (EMI) university in multilingual Hong Kong. The findings indicate that the participants' beliefs about English extend beyond its role as an instructional medium and encompass its use as a lingua franca and as a means of social inclusion. It is also found that the participants hold complex yet sometimes contradictory ideologies about the kinds of English to be used and/or accepted and about the monolingual and multilingual uses of English in the EMI university context. Taken together, the study suggests that the participants' ideologies with respect to the roles of English and the norms of English use in the EMI university context are much more complex than what "language policy from above" suggests. The findings also reveal the ideological tensions over the norms of English use in the EMI university context and the closely intertwined relationship between the participants' language ideologies and the maintenance of their interests, especially in relation to access to learning opportunities in the classroom. The study calls for attention to broader issues pertaining to social inclusion/exclusion, linguistic advantage/disadvantage and educational equality/inequality in the multilingual EMI university context.

This study examines how China's LOTE (languages other than English) students perceive English and their target languages as different types of linguistic capital with different values, and how they exercise their agency as micro level LPP (language planning and policy) actors in language learning. Data were gathered from in-depth interviews with 35 university students (including Hindi, Persian and Thai learners) and analysed through the lens of individual agency in language planning and policy, as well as the Bourdieusian constructs of linguistic capital and the linguistic market. The findings reveal that English is regarded as a requisite, while LOTE(s) is/are perceived as a plus by LOTE learners. It was also found that English learning seems to be a default choice among LOTE learners, while LOTE learning is more often an extra choice in their language learning investment. Such findings have a counter-intuitive implication, namely that without recognizing the role of LOTE learners as micro LPP agents and the gap between the individual needs of career development and the macro and meso level demands for high-level multilingual personnel, LOTE education planning and policy may contribute to the English domination over LOTE(s) rather than enhancing (supra-)national linguistic capacity and multilingual and multicultural diversity.

This paper presents a thematic analysis of public sector discourse on the values assigned to regional minority and community languages within the UK and Finland. This paper draws from semi-structured interviews conducted in Manchester, Cardiff, Helsinki, and Rovaniemi. Two key themes emerged from the interview data: "Language as a Resource for Integration" and "Language as a Resource for Employment." The findings demonstrate that the concept of language as a resource is multidimensional and complex, as majority, regional minority, and community languages are valued differently within macro-policy and service provider discourse. In the public sector discourse, the majority language skills were positioned as necessary resources for migrants' integration into society. However, the regional minority languages, Welsh in Wales and Swedish in Finland, were framed as providing additional integration benefits. Community language skills were acknowledged as resources for meeting the diverse language needs of the public sector. However, both regional minority and community languages were positioned as ancillary to the majority languages for employment opportunities. Overall, these patterns reveal a hierarchical attribution of value based on underlying ideologies that emphasise the civic and economic benefits of multilingualism.

This study investigates Spolsky's conception of language policy as the amalgam of language beliefs, language practices and language management. To the best of our knowledge, no quantitative evidence has ever been produced for his theoretical model. The current paper addressed this void, albeit specifically in the domain of Early Childhood Care and Education -- scarce in terms of language policy research, but vital for children's (multilingual) language development. An Exploratory Factor Analysis yielded three valid and reliable scales that capture language policy from the perspective of early childhood professionals (N = 305) associated with infant welfare clinics in the Flemish Community of Belgium. Furthermore, a Confirmatory Factor Analysis indicated that the three components are 'independent' as well as 'interconnected,' thereby quantitatively corroborating Spolsky's theory. We conclude that language policy is no unitary concept; therefore, if one intends to study language policy holistically, the three indispensable components are to be identified. As a corollary, one simply cannot investigate management without considering beliefs and practices, and vice versa.

Although most international organisations are, in principle, multilingual, the ten-member Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has adopted a radical approach by operating monolingually, ostensibly for convenience and pragmatism. In order to provide an evaluation of the ASEAN policy context, this paper compares and contrasts ASEAN to two other more familiar international organisations, namely the United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU). The paper attempts to rationalise language policy and planning (LPP) in these organisations, grounded in principles such as equality, inclusivity, practicality, instrumentality, economic viability and even arguably, 'neutrality' in the context of ASEAN. These principles are discussed in relation to two underlying models of language ideology, i.e. linguistic pluralism and internationalisation, which characterise ASEAN, EU and UN LPP. The article presents the argument that ASEAN has embraced English-only monolingualism, rooted in internationalisation, while both UN and EU strive to achieve plurilingualism, albeit through divergent multilingual operational models. The analysis, however, shows that the ideology of linguistic pluralism characterising UN and EU is at best symbolic, as this ideology has practically maintained the hegemony of English and, to some extent, the other languages of power. This suggests that ASEAN may not have much to learn from EU or UN for an alternative to its English-only policy.

In 2003, Mary Louise Pratt published a hugely influential paper in "Profession" where she took to task misconceptions about multilingualism and language learning apparent in the USA in the wake of 9/11 and consequent counter-terrorism measures. She argued that a new public idea about language was necessary in order to ensure unity and security. This article argues that in the aftermath of Brexit, the UK also needs to develop a new public idea about language to ensure a future that is prosperous, socially, culturally and economically. To do so, it first challenges a number of prevalent myths about language learning and multilingualism in the UK through a review of scholarship, media articles and reports which focus on languages and multilingualism since 2013. It then suggests that interest in the Anglosphere has meant that the value of English is now artificially inflated and that the value of other languages is underplayed. We argue that this turn to the Anglosphere and to (English) monolingualism should be challenged through proposing a new public idea about language for post-Brexit UK.

This longitudinal study draws on family language policy (FLP) research to examine a group of Chinese parents' ideological beliefs, practices, and management efforts related to their children's learning of multiple languages, including Chinese, English, and Spanish in an international boarding school in China. Based on data analysis, including interviews, parents' recorded learning journals, and follow-up observations and discussions, the study revealed that the participants value multilingual competence as a critical resource for access to international education, to maintain alternative identities, and to enable their children to pursue aspirational futures globally. These ideological beliefs underpin their varying practices and management efforts associated with different languages. The data suggest that these parents' FLP is largely influenced by the school curriculum and different layers of contradictions associated with their social, educational, and linguistic realities. The study not only generates insights about the intersections of family and broader contexts (e.g. the international school) in terms of FLP research, it also adds a cultural aspect to understanding FLP processes in the Chinese context.

The research reported in this paper explored the implementation of a language-in-education policy in post-Soviet Kazakhstan, also known as trilingual education reform. Drawing on interviews with teachers and school administrators, the paper comparatively examines how the teaching of Sciences through the medium of English was implemented across two different educational contexts in one country. The analysis shows that different processes were undertaken to involve teachers in the reform and get them to implement change. The network of elite Intellectual Schools approached language planning by exerting positive pressure, offering ongoing capacity building, emphasising core pedagogy, and providing opportunities for 'learning in context,' whereas the policy in the context mainstream schools was characterised by excessive speed, fragmented solutions and the failure to provide micro-level policy actors with sufficient tools to implement change. The paper argues that piloting results should be carefully considered before scaling up the reform to a larger context. Finally, the paper suggests core premises of educational change should inform language planning and policy decisions.

This paper investigates the production of space and language policy in Ras Al Khaimah, a city in the United Arab Emirates. The paper builds on recent work in socio- and applied linguistics that has made use of sociospatial concepts from human geography. It argues that researchers should not only investigate space as a factor structuring language practices, but should also explore how space is produced and how this production generates de facto language policy (Shohamy, E. G. (2006). "Language policy: Hidden agendas and new approaches." Routledge). The paper draws on Lefebvre's [1991. "The production of space" (D. Nicholson-Smith, trans.). Basil Blackwell Ltd. (Original work published 1974)] spatial triad ("spatial practice," "representations of space," and "representational spaces") and utilizes ethnographic data to unpack the material, conceptual and symbolic production and maintenance of two Ras Al Khaimah cafés: a small café situated in a working-class South Asian part of the city and an upmarket café embedded in a semi-gated community for Western residents. It investigates how divergent "de facto" language policies emerge in each space from mechanisms of spatial production and explores how those mechanisms (and therefore the emergent language policies) are entangled with racism and socioeconomic inequality.

The Scottish Government's ambitious 1 + 2 Language Strategy has refocused attention on language education policy (LEP) and the provision for learning additional languages in Scottish schools. However, the maintenance of community languages continues to be the responsibility of minoritised parents and their complementary schools. This article reports on a national survey of complementary school providers in order to gain insights into their perspectives of community language learning during the implementation of the 1 + 2 Language Strategy. Data are analysed using a Critical Language Policy (CLP) lens and reveal a complex picture of provision for teaching and learning community languages, outside of mainstream schools, and an untapped resource for language planning and valuing the linguistic diversity of Scotland. The article concludes with a discussion to inform future developments of the 1 + 2 Language Strategy, among which is greater engagement with language communities and a more nuanced planning approach to language learning for contemporary societies.

The study is underpinned by the public sphere paradigm, which emphasizes that language policy and planning (LPP) should be studied from the actual practices of local stakeholders/agents and communities within the local sites. This approach allows researchers to understand the complex, multilayered, and dynamic process of policy interpretation, appropriation, and implementation. The study draws on qualitative interviews with 12 English teachers from the elite English-medium schools to show how their agency and agentive responses to policy generate openings for transformative English teaching and learning practices. Agency refers to an individuals' capability to make difference to pre-existing state of affairs. The transformative acts entail teachers creating spaces for multiple languages, cultures, and identities despite strict constraints from the English-only gate-keeping regimes. Findings suggest that teachers who have critical consciousness, solid theoretical knowledge of bi/multilingual education, and critical awareness of LPP can often challenge institutional constraints to open meaningful 'ideological and implementational spaces' (Hornberger, 2003) for multilingual pedagogies within the hard-core monolingual institutional environments. We sum up by emphasizing that the scale of these agentive actions may appear tiny and insignificant; however, these reflexive actions showcase substantial symbolic and ideological potential for an epistemic reorientation in the field of English language education.

This article explores policy and practice in relation to support for speakers of community languages in Northern Ireland primary schools against the backdrop of the broader UK context, with reference also to the Republic of Ireland and wider European and international experiences. After an initial discussion of the educational, social and political context pertaining to Northern Ireland, we examine language and education policy as they relate to community languages, drawing out the issues that are common across the UK and pointing up those that are specific to or have particular resonances in Northern Ireland. The discussion is informed by ethnographic fieldwork in Belfast primary schools with contrasting socio-economic profiles. Our findings show that in addition to familiar challenges, a number of key factors are critical in Northern Ireland, including the recent surge in numbers of newcomer pupils, the lack of a statutory language component in primary schools, the economic dynamic in the education system, the divided nature of Northern Ireland society and its education system, the legacy of the conflict and socio-economic factors. We end by making suggestions for a way forward in policy terms.

The medium of instruction (MOI) has been a contested issue in multilingual polities globally, as English medium of instruction (EMI) has seen unprecedented growth, threatening the use and sometimes very survival of local/indigenous and even national languages. While the struggles to address related issues have been well researched, how and why local level policymakers enact the well-meant national policies in a way that marginalises indigenous languages and expands EMI has yet to receive due attention. The research is scarce especially when language policy and planning (LPP) is dealt with as part of overall educational governance. Drawing on in-depth interviews with senior policymakers in two similar constituencies in Nepal, and appropriating David Block's agency framework [(2012). Unpicking agency in sociolinguistic research with immigrants. In S. Gardner & M. Martin-Jones (Eds.), "Multilingualism, discourse, and ethnography" (pp. 47-60). Routledge.], the paper shows the elements of structure that enable or delimit the decision-making of different policymakers concerning the MOI. While professing multilingualism as their ideal language policy, the policymakers are designing policies that sideline indigenous languages. This unintended outcome results from dealing with diverse aspects of structure, i.e. history, physical and imagined spaces, culture, and discourses around languages. Though situated within Nepal, the discussion has wider implications for understanding agentive acts in this globalising world and for LPP as part of general educational policymaking.

In contrast to the waning interest in learning languages other than English (LOTEs) worldwide, mainland China is pursuing to diversify LOTE education because of the 'Belt and Road Initiative.' In response to language policy shifts, individual stakeholders in local contexts such as universities have to take actions to initiate LOTE programs or courses. However, there is still a paucity of research through an "in situ" lens into meso-level language policy planning (LPP) and implementation. To address this research gap, this study aims to obtain an in-depth understanding of the agentive actions of two groups of individual stakeholders at institutional level: people with power, and people with expertise. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with seven individual actors, the findings reveal that first, although these individual actors demonstrated agency in responding to macro-level language policy changes, the agency that they actually exercised was relatively limited in terms of the diversification of LOTE education. Second, by examining contextual and personal features, we identified multiple factors that mediate individual actors' agency in implementing top-down language policy. These findings may help orient language policy makers to create supportive contexts for the exercise of individual agency at local context in LPP and implementation.

Analyzing three cases of school-level language policy decision-making in Nepal shows that each school had a pair of language policy arbiters, actors with disproportionate power over language policy decisions. The permissive but passive stance of Nepal's government toward providing multilingual schooling including minoritized languages created a situation where inaction maintained the language policy status quo. This ethnography of language policy builds on theorizing of the language policy arbiter to show that agency may require coordination of two people, rather than being a slot filled by individuals. In a highly centralized education bureaucracy, there were no crucial arbiters between central policymakers and the school level. Shifting from viewing scales as fixed to being produced by scale-making practices clarifies how scale is employed politically. I argue that identifying language policy arbiters may be important not only for analysis but also for advocates interested in opening ideological and implementational spaces for multilingual education.

Ever since the transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the People's Republic of China on 1 July 1997, policy makers in Hong Kong have instituted a series of de-colonising language policies, notably Mother Tongue Education (Education Department, 1997. "Medium of instruction guidance for secondary schools." Retrieved from https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr97-98/english/panels/ed/papers/ed1508-6.htm.) which emphasises the importance of the Chinese language in rebranding the city as a cosmopolitan bilingual city in Asia. One unintended consequence is that linguistically and culturally diverse pupils in the system are struggling to learning Chinese as an additional language (CAL). Against the backdrop of existing CAL policies which promote decentralisation and school-based curricula, this exploratory paper aims at examining the extent to which the language planning context has facilitated and constrained CAL teachers' agency in Hong Kong secondary schools. Based on in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 10 CAL teachers purposively recruited from three local secondary schools, this study finds that certain features of the language planning contexts have constrained and transformed teacher agency in ways that lead to what Cummins's (2000. "Language, Power and Pedagogy: Bilingual Children in the Crossfire." Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.) refers to as 'the narrowing of the curriculum brought about by teaching to the test' (p.248). The resultant emphasis on the short-term CAL goals, as manifested by this maximum-variation sample of teachers, is discussed with attention to how teacher agency is ecologically achieved and claimed, and a call for restructuring existing CAL policies to attend more to the mediating impact of the ecology on teacher agency, and to purposively channel teachers' agentive action towards the long-term goal of mainstreaming. In doing so, CAL teachers can truly be ecologically set up as agentive language planners in the face of increasing linguistic and cultural diversity in the classrooms.

Post-modern approaches to language policy have emphasised the role of agency in implementing and appropriating language policies. While agency is often perceived in positive terms, Liddicoat [(2019). Constraints on agency in micro-language policy and planning in schools. In J. Bouchard & G. P. Glasgow (Eds.), "Agency in language policy and planning: Critical inquiries" (pp. 149-170). New York: Routledge.] calls on language policy researchers to investigate its problems and constraints. This article discusses the interplay of structure and agency in educational language policies in Tunisian higher education, a sector characterised by a 'benign neglect' approach to language policy. While doing so, it responds to Fenton-Smith and Gurney's [(2016). Actors and agency in academic language policy and planning. "Current Issues in Language Planning," 17(1), 72-87] observation that higher education contexts remain largely underexplored in the language policy scholarship. The article uses data from 12 semi-structured interviews from local higher education stakeholders in order to explore how their agency is exercised, rejected and contested. The study demonstrates that while agency creates room for flexibility and the ability to respond to changing local demands and aspirations, it can also cause problems such as inconsistency, uncertainty, and the reproduction of social inequalities.

This study investigates language attitudes expressed by public university students in India at various layers of agentive "positionality" as an integral part of their dynamic language ecologies. This is achieved through the qualitative analysis of three focus group interviews conducted at three public universities in India with the object of eliciting the students' language attitudes towards English and its use in India. This research perceives students as agents and explores their attitudes in the context of a language ecology Such an enquiry into language attitudes forms a part of a broader exploration into the nature of agency, agentive responses and their situatedness in an LPP context. It adds to existing scholarship on LPP by reinterpreting the meaning(s) of agency with a critical focus on 'ground-up' descriptions of language experiences. In this study, the researchers argue that "invisible language planners'" as Pakir describes, and interested stakeholders such as university students, provide a critical basis for the study of LPP in context. The authors argue that agency is multi-layered, and that agentive positionality is relative to agentive "foci." Such reconfigurations of agency mark a shift from the view that language policies are the starting point for understanding an LPP ecology.

This article examines Language Policy documents within higher education institutions in Sweden. Its main focus is on how national language policies and policies for internationalization of the higher education are reinterpreted as local language policy. The analysis of ideologies surrounding the prescribed language(s) in meetings of decision making bodies in fifteen local Language Policy documents reveals how a monolingual national language policy is negotiated to accommodate an internationalized multilingual workplace. When the multilingual context of the internationalized university intrudes on the nationally oriented context of public administration, which favors Swedish as a default language, there are two solutions to be found in the language policy documents. (1) a temporary or permanent shift towards an internationally oriented monolingual context by allowing the use of another language, favoring English, or (2) a temporary or permanent shift towards parallel language-informed practices. Restrictive measures are found to construct situations where participation is made possible for non-regular non-Swedish-speaking members, while permissive measures provide inclusion for regular non-Swedish-speaking members, too.

An increasing number of multilingual organisations such as multinational corporations (MNCs) choose to address linguistic diversity through corporate language policies, for example by adopting a common corporate language. Although a common corporate language may improve efficiency of communication at the front-line level, previous research has demonstrated that there are several potentially negative consequences associated with the implementation of such policies. This conceptual paper reviews the role of language policies in multilingual organisations, and identifies ten crucial language policy challenges in international business and management.

Against the backdrop of the Belt and Road Initiative, the study reports on the ideological construction of multilingualism in higher education in mainland China. Through a new methodological approach combining intertextual discourse analysis and thematic analysis, this paper concentrates on the interplay of ideologies towards multilingualism between the macro-(national/provincial) and meso-(institutional) levels. We examine 22 political texts issued by agents of different levels, and sixteen paratexts containing language issues discussed by educational administrators and language education experts. The analysis of the texts reveals that there is a gap between the two levels in terms of the variety and connotation of terms related to foreign languages. The analysis of the paratexts identifies three categories of recurring values of languages and four categories of benefits from foreign language (education), among which the pragmatic value of foreign languages for national development is the most significant. Moreover, institutional agents mentioned the instrumental value of languages for personal development and their global cultural value. The multiple perspectives on multilingual education in the Chinese context demonstrate the complexities of the ideological construction of multilingualism in this early phase of diversifying multilingual higher education, which generate important implications for policy makers in China and other countries.

This research studies language policy, linguistic landscape and residents' perception of language use in Guangzhou, China, exploring the extent to which they are convergent with or divergent from one another. With the triad framework encompassing spatial practice, conceived space and lived space [Trumper-Hecht, N. (2010). Linguistic landscape in mixed cities in Israel from the perspective of 'walkers'. In E. Shohamy (Eds.), "Linguistic landscape in the city" (pp. 235-251). Bristol: Multilingual Matters], linguistic landscape practice, language policy and residents' perception are conceptualized as three interconnected dimensions of linguistic landscape. Each dimension is examined independently before being compared with and contrasted to the other two dimensions. Results indicate that there are incessant conflicts and dissents in the city space of Guangzhou, especially in relation to the use of English, Cantonese and traditional Chinese characters. By showing the conflicts between multicultural/multilingual society reality and the 'monoglot linguistic regime' [Pan, L. (2010). Dissecting multilingual Beijing. "Visual Communication," 9(1), 67-90] in the Chinese context, this study argues for the increasing importance of linguistic diversity and harmony. It also demonstrates the agency of linguistic landscape creators and the bidirectional relation in language planning between language planners and recipients.

Language policy is an influencing factor of the educational outcome for pupils in Africa. Colonial languages have been largely used and African Languages are neglected. Despite this, the South African Constitution (1996) declares eleven official languages. However, curricular developments favour Afrikaans and English. To analyse the implementation of the official language policy, we focus on Limpopo Province. Over 1000 questionnaires were answered by teachers. This approach aimed to analyse the language practices and language attitudes of teachers. Schools in Limpopo showed significant differences between the official language policy and the daily language practices. Some teachers implement the official language policy; others use one or more African languages in their oral communications during the lessons in the form of Code Switching. This is seen in relation to the contemporary debates regarding translanguaging as an educational pedagogy.

This paper examines the language planning situation in the Sultanate of Oman with emphasis on the planning of Arabic, English, French and German, and their choice and spread in serving different interests and purposes. The paper explores the historical, social, political, and ideological processes and complexities of the language policy and planning (LPP) situation in the Sultanate. The discussion attempts to show that language planning, as carried out by the elites, is top-down and ideologically oriented and motivated, as it favors certain knowledge and traditions, while marginalizing and oppressing others. A brief introductory history of Oman is followed by an account of the language profile of the country. The paper then examines the role of Language in Education Planning (LEP) in the spread of Arabic, English, French, and German in schools and higher education. It concludes that there is an ideological struggle, contest, and conflict at the LEP level resulting in a lack of strategic planning and organized effort affecting language choice, language spread, language contact, language preservation, language maintenance, and language shift. Finally, the paper recommends avenues for further research and ways forward for LPP and LEP in Oman.

This paper contributes to the building of a sociolinguistics of the south by considering the nature and significance of contemporary language-in-education policy processes in Timor-Leste, and by tracing the ways in which these processes have been shaped by its specific colonial and post-colonial history. In presenting this account, I draw on recent research of a linguistic ethnographic and historical nature conducted in Timor-Leste. The linguistic ethnographic research included observation, audio-recording and analysis of multilingual classroom interaction, interviews with teachers, interviews with elite social actors who have been closely involved in the planning and implementation of language-in-education policy in the period following Independence in 2002. This paper takes a "longue durée" perspective, tracing the political, sociolinguistic and educational history of Timor-Leste. I argue for the need to chart out new directions in critical, ethnographic studies of language-in-education policies in the global south, incorporating perspectives on colonialism and coloniality, and taking account of local situated practices in schools and classrooms, along with the different language values and understandings of different social actors--values and understandings that have been shaped by wider political and ideological processes and by their positioning vis-á-vis these processes.

Increasing societal and linguistic diversity poses significant challenges to formative categories of language policies. We make this point via an examination of Singapore's management of its most linguistically diverse ethnic group, the Indians. While heterogeneity has always been Singapore's defining feature, the nature and scale of recent immigration have resulted in an unprecedented societal complexity. The government's appreciation of this complexity among the Indians has led to a relaxation of the education policy by which five other Indian languages (Bengali, Gujarati, Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu) serve as possible alternatives to Tamil (the officially assigned ethnic mother tongue). However, speakers from these other Indian language communities often prefer Hindi over alternatives. The growing prominence of Hindi illustrates that progressive policies can nonetheless be subverted by the very groups they seek to empower. We analyze this policy predicament, tracing the roots of Singapore's language policy to categories inherited from British colonialism. Consequently, contemporary tweaks to the policy leave unchallenged the presumptive universality of these categories. Calling for consistent attention to the situatedness and provenance of all categories (northern as well as southern), we close our paper with a description of what Singapore's language policy vis-à-vis the Indian communities would look like from a decolonial perspective.

We frame multilingualisms through a growing interest in a linguistics and sociology of the 'south' and acknowledge earlier contributions of linguists in Africa, the Américas and Asia who have engaged with human mobility, linguistic contact and consequential ecologies that alter over time and space. Recently, conversations of multilingualism have drifted in two directions. Southern conversations have become intertwined with 'de-colonial theory', and with 'southern' theory, thinking and epistemologies. In these, 'southern' is regarded as a metaphor for marginality, coloniality and entanglements of the geopolitical north and south. Northern debates that receive traction appear to focus on recent 're-awakenings' in Europe and North America that mis-remember southern experiences of linguistic diversity. We provide a contextual backdrop for articles in this issue that illustrate intelligences of multilingualisms and the linguistic citizenship of southern people. In these, southern multilingualisms are revealed as phenomena, rather than as a phenomenon defined usually in English. The intention is to suggest a third direction of mutual advantage in rethinking the social imaginary in relation to communality, entanglements and interconnectivities of both South and North.

The diversity of language in Australia in pre-invasion times is well attested, with at least 300 distinct languages being spoken along with many dialects. At that time, many Indigenous people were multilingual, often speaking at least four languages. Today many of these languages have been lost, with fewer than 15 being learned by children as a first language. However, despite this, much diversity remains. This diversity includes the remaining traditional Indigenous languages (TILs) spoken in more remote areas, largely in the north of Australia, as well as the new varieties that have developed since the invasion, and the dialects of Aboriginal English spoken across Australia. In remote communities where TILs are spoken, individuals and in some cases communities often maintain a high level of multilingualism. However, diaspora populations of TIL speakers are emerging in cities such as Darwin, Katherine, Port Augusta and Kalgoorlie. In some communities, new varieties are emerging as speakers change the way they talk. These include 'new' mixed languages such as Light Warlpiri or Gurindji Kriol, as well as a wide variety of creoles, including, for example, Roper River Kriol, Fitzroy Valley Kriol and Yumplatok in the Torres Strait) and the various dialects of Aboriginal English spoken across the country.In this article, we explore this language diversity, examining its historical underpinnings and development, its implications for education and engagement in the wider community, and how Aboriginal people are using the new varieties to forge group identities.

In this paper we draw attention to people who journey from one temporal and spatial setting towards another in the 'South', who aspire to a reconfigured sense of belonging, prosperity and wellbeing, and their multilinguality and multilingualisms. Through three vignettes of journeys we illustrate how in changing of place that linguistic diversities are encountered and mediated. During moments of North-South and South-South entanglement and exception we argue that multilingualisms re-ecologise along horizontal axes of conviviality, and / or re-index along vertical axes of exclusion. We suggest that 'rooting' and 'rerouting' multilingualisms are not only multidimensional, but they are also multifaceted as people who choose or are obliged to experience dis-placement, undertake journeys of anticipation of replacement into regulated or unregulated situations. Multilingualisms in the memories, dreams, complex selves, materiality and complicities of coping have yet to receive sufficient attention from linguists. We attempt to capture these aspects and suggest that southern multilingualisms have much to offer and entice northern multilingualisms. We illustrate how closely integrated are multilingual repertoires with mobilities and temporalities of dislocation and change; with loss, nostalgia and the anticipation of new beginnings; and with multi-scaled complicities between individuals as they re-calibrate lives in turbulent and changing circumstances.