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This article explores the impact of the 'hostile environment' on racialised migrant women's experiences of pregnancy and childbirth in England, arguing that the 'hostile environment' functions as a technology of 'stratified reproduction.' First coined by Shellee Colen, the concept of stratified reproduction describes the dynamic by which some individuals and groups may be supported in their reproductive activities, while others are disempowered and discouraged. This paper locates the stratified reproduction produced by the 'hostile environment' as intertwined with wider gendered and racialised discourses around British citizenship which have been 'designed to fail' racialised residents of the UK. Drawing on interviews with racialised migrant mothers in the north of England, this paper analyses how the proliferation and intensification of immigration controls interacts with gender, race, class, and other social regimes to differentially allocate the resources necessary for a safe and healthy pregnancy and childbirth, and how this is experienced materially by pregnant migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the dramatic evacuation from Kabul airport in August 2021, the UK government proclaimed its commitment to a 'warm welcome' for Afghans. In this paper we draw on original qualitative research to explore the emerging experiences of evacuees, and other recent arrivals, during their first year in London. Using the narratives of our Afghans participants, as well as insights from key stakeholders, we show how they navigated slow, opaque bureaucratic processes and lack of communication with official agencies. As a result of these lengthy processes, many thousands of evacuees remained in temporary hotel accommodation for protracted periods. Drawing on the concept of 'everyday bordering', we explore the extent to which Afghan resettlement policies are achieving their objectives. We consider how such policies are birthed within a punitive immigration system, which is designed to 'wear down' migrants in the UK, regardless of their reason for migration. Moreover, we argue that the ad hoc response of the Home Office and the Foreign Office has created 'false distinctions' between categories of Afghan refugees, reinforcing notions of 'deserving' versus 'underserving' migrants. This distinction allows the government to present itself as humanitarian, 'rescuing' people from Afghanistan, while simultaneously maintaining its commitment to the 'hostile immigration environment'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radicalisation has become a highly influential idea in British policy making. It underpins and justifies Prevent, a core part of the UK's counter-terrorism strategy. Experts have theorised the radicalisation process, often beset by a weak evidence base and mired in fundamental contestation on definitions and explanatory factors. Experiential experts have been active contributors to these debates, presenting a challenge to the low-ranking role often given to experiential knowledge in evidence hierarchies and a contrast to policy areas in which it remains poorly valued. This paper draws on interviews with radicalisation experts to examine the dynamics of this pluralisation in practice. With a focus on credibility contests, it explains how experiential experts can claim authoritative knowledge and the challenges they face from those who prioritise theory-driven empirical data as the basis for contributions to knowledge. The paper draws out the implications for understandings of expertise of this newly conceptualised, evidence poor and highly applied topic area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite widespread recognition that housing is a serious social concern, policy responses have tended to be inadequate. After a brief review of the magnitude of the problem, this paper focuses on recent experience in the UK where, during a period of political volatility, housing has been the subject of significant government interventions, which in turn have provoked noteworthy reactions. However, the paper argues that all current mainstream housing policy proposals are limited by their adherence to the failed market model. Instead, a more radical agenda is proposed which draws on the UK's successful record of public housing. The paper summarises some of the key Conservative government housing policies since 2016 - including the influence of the Grenfell fire - and discusses the Labour Party's response. It particularly critiques the policies of London Mayor Sadiq Khan which relegate traditional council housing in favour of more income-targeted provision. A high-profile report by the housing charity Shelter is also considered because of its apparent reluctance to include explicit reference to council housing within its recommendations, at a time when, it is argued, there is renewed interest in non-market housing alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to identify whether the interdependencies between climate action and social policies in the urban context are visible and, if so, in what areas and through what framings. Using a content analysis approach, it compares framings of the news on social policies in Barcelona over the course of a year. The results show that climate action is constructed discursively as an isolated issue, with its own logics and complexities, and with few references to other social policy areas. It also reveals that references to climate change in other social policy areas do not operate as framings. The paper claims that discursive strategies that separate climate change policy from other social policy areas can invisibilise the connections that operate between these policies, links that are key for pursuing the UN's Sustainable Development Goals, especially in the urban context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Autistic people face more social barriers to, and experience greater anxiety around, intimate relationships than the general population in our majority neurotypical society, leading to increased loneliness and social isolation. National health and social care policies and publications should recognise these inequalities and guide service systems in reducing them. In this paper, we employ a document analysis design to analyse a cross-section of English national health and social care publications to investigate how autistic adults' intimate lives are represented and prioritised in these publications. Most publications do not adequately and proportionally recognise or prioritise autistic people's intimate lives. They focus on the risks associated with sex and relationships and overlook autism-specific intimacy needs. They prioritise participation in the workforce while renouncing government responsibility for supporting intimate relationships which can reduce loneliness and alienation. We offer recommendations to ensure that health and social care publication processes better recognise intimate lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent years have seen an explosion of interest in basic income proposals. While this is not an entirely new phenomenon, what is different about the current discourse is the Left's wholehearted embrace of what has traditionally been seen as a conservative social policy in Britain. It is my contention that UBI is potentially a dangerous policy for the Left, in that it risks undermining the – admittedly imperfect – welfare protections already in existence. This paper draws on Marxist political economy in order to demonstrate how the emancipatory potential of UBI has been somewhat overstated by some of its Leftist supporters, while a discussion of the neutrality of the State is important in considering how this 'shape-shifting social policy' is likely to be implemented in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on feminist care ethics and political theory (Engster and Hamington, 2015; Held, 2006; Noddings, 2015; Tronto, 2013), this paper examines how educators working in private (Ontario) and public (Denmark) childcare systems think about and practice care. Through interviews with pedagogues (Denmark) and early childhood educators (Ontario), linkages between the public/private positioning of care and the care experiences of educators are explored. The findings reveal differences in how educators think about and practice care in public and private systems. At the same time, notable similarities emerged in how educators resisted neoliberal system requirements. The findings illustrate the complexities of connecting good care practices to the systemic level without diminishing the importance of individual human agency in experiencing/practicing good care in Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC). Findings suggest that good care and commodification are both theoretically and practically at odds with each other, though neither absolutely precludes the other. Implications for policy makers, particularly relevant in the contemporary COVID context, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows how regeneration policies in Bradford (UK) have over the years been modified following local, national and international events since 1997. It will be argued that policy makers reacted to public perceptions of the city itself and of its large Muslim community in three phases: celebration of local minority ethnic culture; pathologization of the same; exclusion of any cultural element from the city’s self-projection. The paper suggests that these changes are at the same time reflexive of historical events and hegemonic discourses, and likely to be constitutive (as they have the potential to deeply affect social relations in the city). Further investigation is required to measure such constitutive long-term effects on minority ethnic groups and social relations in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The UK government’s White Paper on Education, The Importance of Teaching (2010), includes a proposal (Troops to Teachers) to encourage ex-service personnel to train as teachers: this paper presents a critical analysis of the discussions promoting the initiative. Firstly, it is argued that the initiative attempts a rapprochement between ‘reputation’ and ‘respectability’ (McDowell, 2003) by presenting ‘military masculinity’ as the solution to problematic ‘protest masculinity’. Secondly, the paper highlights three contradictions that emerge when the proposal is read alongside broader educational policy: teaching as a career only for high academic achievers versus teaching as appropriate for those with low levels of educational attainment; education as offering everyone the same opportunities versus practices which intentionally segment educational experience along class lines; and male teachers as the embodiment of traditional masculinity or as undermining gender stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing upon a growing interest in the impact of visual culture and the use of visual data within the health and social sciences, the introduction to this interdisciplinary collection of papers examines what visual methodologies and visual ‘evidence’ can bring to the study of social inequalities. It sets out the specific contributions by authors in order to identify their different methodological approaches, theoretical interests and analytical concerns and to explore the implications and possibilities of their visual methodologies for those researching and working in the policy arena. With a particular emphasis on the dialogues between context, text and image, the paper highlights the insights generated by the collection into the forms and experiences of inequality that have shaped and continue to shape societies, communities, families and individual lives. It also suggests how the visual might contribute to extending understanding of the ways social inequalities are imagined, constituted and reinforced. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Ministry of Justice Green Paper on Breaking the Cycle contains proposals for the re-formation of the criminal justice system in England and Wales during the period 2010 to 2015. Even though the document includes a brief profile of the offender population, it does not engage critically by locating the profile within a neoliberal political, social, and economic explanatory context. It used to be the responsibility of the probation service to provide relevant information to the courts to explore and explain offending episodes. However, recent modernizing transformations have damaged this historic function and it is a considerable omission the Green Paper neither discusses nor rectifies. This has significant implications for both criminal and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article critically examines the Danish 'ghetto initiatives' of 2004, 2010, 2013 and 2018, with a particular focus on their implications for 'social citizenship'. Its approach is twofold: firstly, it explores how each of the four major ghetto initiatives constructed ghettos and their residents as a problem for the welfare state, and what policy measures were proposed to address the problems identified. Secondly, it examines the legislative changes that resulted from each of the ghetto initiatives and assesses their implications for social citizenship. In doing so, it relates its findings to the different developmental stages of social citizenship in Danish welfare state history. The article argues that the ghetto initiatives have led to an unprecedented spatialization and ethnicization of social citizenship which mark a radical departure from the guiding principles of post-1945 Danish welfare thought and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failure to take climate change seriously enough has resulted in the world now facing a climate emergency, with rising global temperatures, melting polar ice caps, increasingly frequent and severe storms, floods and droughts, and rising sea levels. Despite being the first country in the world to set statutory carbon emissions reduction targets (in the Climate Change Act 2008), the UK government since 2012 has fallen increasingly behind, even by its own standards. This paper details what this has meant in terms of specific policies and identifies some of the reasons for this policy failure: in particular, a negative attitude towards regulation and a return to a reliance on market forces, plus an overriding concern to continue with 'business as usual', in terms of support for fossil-fuel industries and ever-increasing energy demand and supply. Ironically, this has resulted in a situation where radical solutions seem even more necessary and more urgent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period 2010–2013 was a time of far-reaching structural reforms of the National Health Service in England. Of particular interest in this paper is the way in which radical critiques of the reform process were marginalised by pragmatic concerns about how to maintain the market-competition thrust of the reforms while avoiding potential fragmentation. We draw on the Essex school of political discourse theory and develop a ‘nodal’ analytical framework to argue that widespread and repeated appeals to a narrative of choice-based integrated care served to take the fragmentation ‘sting’ out of radical critiques of the pro-competition reform process. This served to marginalise alternative visions of health and social care, and to pre-empt the contestation of a key norm in the provision of health care that is closely associated with the notions of ‘any willing provider’ and ‘any qualified provider’: provider-blind provision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores barriers to gender policy implementation arising from the narratives framing gender as a policy issue. Through examining the influence of gender policy narratives on practitioners, it challenges those who represent policy failures as the result of unsupportive cultural contexts. The paper draws on Fraser’s (1995, 2005; Fraser and Honneth, 2003) conceptualisation of recognition and redistribution to highlight tensions between three different gender policy narratives: (1) gender as instrumental for development; (2) gender as women’s rights and empowerment; and (3) gender as relations of power requiring personal transformation. Interviews with 32 gender practitioners in 26 South African non-governmental organisations and observations of meetings between these organisations show how these narratives lead to unhelpful conflicts between practitioners. These conflicts inhibit both the uptake of gender policy recommendations and collaboration between practitioners in ways that undermine efforts to address gender inequalities in the South African context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon analysis of policy documents and interviews with key policy makers and professionals co-ordinating Sex and Relationships Education (SRE) in various settings, this paper interrogates the socio-political drivers underpinning SRE policy and practice with reference to the contemporary Welsh context. In media output in the UK context and beyond, there have been widespread public concerns about the over-sexualization of young girls, sexual grooming and the increasing commercialization of sex. These issues are also significant in Wales, but a different socio-political culture has led to different public pronouncements and a distinctive SRE approach. In this paper, we outline relatively new Welsh Assembly Government guidance on SRE (March 2010) in the context of a devolved education system. We argue that the characteristics of the Welsh approach to SRE include an emphasis on children’s rights and citizenship values, together with efforts to make SRE delivery more multidisciplinary and integrated. We also identify a different political rhetoric around sexual morality and family values, compared with that of England. This more progressive approach to SRE policy making, implementation and delivery in Wales is contrasted with the more heated pronouncements on the subject emanating from Westminster, particularly in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Vulnerability has been a guiding narrative to state interventions towards children and their families in New Zealand. This article shows how this progressive notion has been systematically managed to fit pre-established political and policy priorities. These processes have emphasised: (i) categorisations of risk to those who demonstrate vulnerabilities; (ii) pre-emptive, multi-agency involvement in the lives of those deemed potentially 'vulnerable'; and (iii) a responsibilising expectation that children and families will avoid vulnerable situations and comply with interventions. This individualising logic of vulnerability has solidified policy interventions towards Māori, and re-emphasised colonial practices of viewing Māori children and young people as deficit-laden risks to be managed. With a late 2017 change in government, the political dalliance with vulnerability appears to be in decline. A new progressive policy discourse – of child 'well-being' and 'best interests' – is being engaged. Yet, the emphasis on risk, and its corresponding elements of pre-emption and responsibility, persist. These discursive and institutional arrangements will ensure that Māori remain perilously entrenched in welfare and justice systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New relationships between service users and the welfare state have emerged as a result of governmental strategies of public service reform in which participation has appeared as the cure for a putative welfare dependency. A new public has been invoked in technologies of governance which have conflated responsible citizenship with participation in the marketplace and have aimed to change the behaviour of welfare service users accordingly. This paper investigates the ability of welfare service users to resist, or amend, the disciplinary intentions of these discourses, to constitute ‘counter-publics’, and to formulate their own visions of public services. Drawing on research with English social housing tenants engaged in participation with their quasi-public landlords, and applying a theoretical framework based on the work of feminist and queer theorist Judith Butler, the paper explores the behavioural effects of participation on tenants and evidences their use of consumerist and communitarian discourses to construct alternative perceptions of a ‘public’, and re-imagine their relationship with public services. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A central element in the privatization of council housing has been the development of stock transfer policy. A variety of perspectives on this process have been explored including the impact on accountability relations; however, the tenants’ experience is almost completely absent from this literature. The paper develops a case study that draws on the experience of the tenants involved in a stock transfer. In the process stock transfers, and related accountability relations, are shown to be contested with tenant-led campaigns challenging this neoliberal inspired policy. The case study illustrates the power and financial resource asymmetries in transfer campaigns with a range of anti-democratic tactics employed by those pursuing the transfer. On the basis of a critique of neoliberalism, the stock transfer process is seen as an attack on the previous democratic control of council housing, which is replaced with ‘governance by experts and elites’ and private sector inspired corporate governance forms of accountability. Thus the paper seeks to answer two questions; how democratic is the transfer process and what are the long-term implications for democratic accountability in the social housing sector. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper introduces the themed section of Critical Social Policy on social housing, privatization and neoliberalism. In tracing the key elements in the development of privatization and residualization since 1979, it argues that these can only be fully understood as part of a wider neoliberalizing agenda, an agenda that is driven by a particular class project. The paper also seeks to re-assert the importance of a critical approach to successive decades of social housing policies in the devolved UK, arguing that the classed basis of housing privatization policies has been largely overlooked by academics in favour of an evolutionary and ‘modernizing’ framework which isolates developments in social housing provision from other wider shifts in social welfare and in labour markets. Understanding such processes, it is claimed, is a necessary step in the development of a more socially just and sustainable form of housing provision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper critically engages with a recent shift towards an emphasis on ‘resilience’ in policy and academic fields. The paper suggests that this shift is problematic for several reasons: that it supports normative value judgements; that it may overemphasize the ability of people to ‘bounce back’ and undervalue the hidden costs of resilience, especially those with gendered dimensions; and that it may be associated with policy prescriptions that shift responsibility for dealing with crisis away from the public sphere. The empirical illustration for this analysis is a qualitative study of the impact of economic decline in the Sussex town of Newhaven. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent research has documented a trend towards the individualization of activation policies. This study reviews a radical Australian effort to personalize the delivery of activation policies called the One to One Service initiative, which was abandoned shortly after its introduction. The paper asks: what does the brief and tumultuous tenure of this initiative reveal about the role of the individual in contemporary welfare administration and activation policy? Based on a theoretical engagement with the works of Ulrich Beck, Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim and Anthony Giddens, and an ethnographic study of frontline interactions in Centrelink, Australia’s national benefits agency, the paper argues we should understand the rise and fall of One to One Service in terms of contradictions between two competing forms of contemporary welfare individualization, referred to as ‘democratic relationships’ and ‘compulsory choice’. One to One Service represented a push for individualized, democratic relationships between staff and clients; yet it was undermined because policy makers chose to emphasize an alternative form of individualization premised on forcing recipients to take responsibility for their lives and move off welfare. The findings have implications for the individualization, street level bureaucracy, and activation policy literatures. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers the continuing resilience of the notion of community in social policy making and wider political commentary in the contemporary UK. Focusing in particular on the ways in which community is negatively and positively invoked and mobilized in narratives of the ‘big’ and ‘broken’ societies, it considers why the notion of community, so popular with the previous New Labour government, continues to enchant the present UK Coalition government and has been given added resonance in the context of the economic crisis and of the ‘austerity’ measures currently being adopted. The paper argues that placing community at the heart of current welfare provision illuminates a number of tensions in the UK government’s policy-making agenda. Informed by a discussion of Liverpool – once one of the big society ‘laboratories’ – we highlight the contradictions between top-down, depoliticized understandings of community and the types of community engagement and participation that are to be found in poor, disadvantaged communities in particular. Such communities are also where the impact of UK government ‘austerity’ measures are being most keenly felt. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper interrogates a concept at the core of a social policy agenda that has dominated thinking in the UK over the past decade. It argues that the notion of ‘community cohesion’ is based on a fundamentally flawed interpretation of the sources of tension and conflict in Britain’s towns and cities. It overly ethnicizes societal divisions and essentializes ethnicity. Examining the development of government policy since 2001 the paper shows that the result has been a predominantly culturalist agenda that obscures key sources of division, most notably those related to social class and material inequality. It is argued that the hegemonic status of this policy stream has also undermined the equalities agenda. The paper concludes with a reflection on the implications of the emergence of a Conservative-led coalition government in May 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the value of photography walking tours for exploring meanings and experiences of community. The work is part of a larger visual research project which sought to examine the everyday lives of residents in a neighbourhood identified as ‘disadvantaged’, with the tour being organized as an opportunity for residents to identify what they valued about their local environment and what they considered to be problematic. The dynamics involved in gathering this photographic record are one element of the discussion as is analysis of the ways in which the participants constructed and re-constructed their sense of community through the different examples they selected for photographing. The paper is thus concerned with the ways in which visual data bring different insights to understandings of which practices, services and resources are embedded in meanings of community in working-class neighbourhoods and, in turn, how such data might have value for informing policy and practice about the experiences of inequality in contemporary England. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper seeks to critically examine the emergence of contemporary religious fundamentalisms and how they have been able to acquire influence in a way that has opened new ‘fault lines’ within multiculturalist public policy discourse. Specifically, the paper is interested in understanding the curiously paradoxical place of religion and faith based groupings in the contemporary multicultural polity, and the confusion, and in some instances conflicts, this has caused amongst the Left. This is illustrated through an extended examination of the Shabina Begum case concerning a Muslim schoolgirl and her demands to wear the jilbab, a specific religious headscarf, to school. It is argued that, in part, these ideological fault lines have resulted from an uncritical embrace by some progressives of ideas associated with postmodernist thinking; in particular the uncritical assertion of virtues of anti-universalism and cultural relativism. This then leaves an urgent task for progressives to think through some alternatives based on a re-articulation of a new political discourse of egalitarianism which is unashamedly universalist and secular. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper, we argue that the 'crime control housing crisis' which has engulfed social housing is qualitatively different from most previous and current understandings of housing crisis (which have been of a quantitative nature, or been resolved to that). By contrast, the crime control housing crisis is a crisis precisely because it appears insoluble. All housing problems and policies now have to be legitimated by reference to this crime control housing crisis. The gaze of this crisis has been upon the 'social' sector, but that has also caused reflection on how to placate the crime control housing crisis in the private sector. It is this latter area that is the focus of the case study in the second part of this paper and starkly raises the central, deceptively simple, problematization for government: how to govern the ungovernable without being seen to govern. The case study concerns regulations promulgated by the Northern Ireland Housing Executive regarding the licensing of houses in multiple occupation. We argue that this regulation is symptomatic of a mutated 'housing crisis' in which the old questions of the adequacy of provision have been supplanted by new questions of responsibility for deviant behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After nine years of socially conservative government in Australia, national domestic violence policy has shifted its focus from a `women- centred' and gender-based analytic framework to one that favours the family and reflects individualized, relational explanations of this crucial social policy issue. In exploring this issue, first this paper discusses what is meant by feminism in this context, some of the implications arising out of competing ideas amongst feminist activists in Australia and how feminism drove and influenced national policy. Second, through an examination of the current Australian government's efforts and decisions in relation to its only significant policy response to domestic violence, `Partnerships Against Domestic Violence', this paper explores the implications of the socially conservative approach of the Howard Coalition Government and why it appears anti-feminist. Through a brief analysis of a national public education campaign launched in 2004, allocation of recent funding and the government's broad political approach to women's policy practice and implementation, questions are raised about the future of a policy that ignores the relationships between domestic violence and gender relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Respect for Marriage Act (RFMA) and its connection to abortion rights and religious freedom in the United States. The RFMA was passed in response to Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas's concurring opinion to the Dobbs v. Jackson case which revoked federal abortion rights and suggested the Supreme Court reevaluate similar decisions based on due process, like Obergefell which guaranteed the federal right to same-sex marriage. This article showcases how the passage of the RFMA is a masterclass in U.S. policymaking and discusses the implications of the RFMA as well as considerations should Obergefell go the way of Dobbs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When children are killed or seriously harmed from abuse or neglect, there is pressure to 'learn the lessons' to prevent similar events. England has a long-established system of locally-based multi-agency reviews for this, but the recurrence of tragedies and repetitive findings raise questions about its effectiveness. Reflecting and building on our research into reviews completed between 2017 and 2021, we analyse the complexity that routine criticisms of inter-agency working disguise, and argue that reviews are shaped by their multiple, competing functions. The stated purpose is to improve practice. Within this are other overt but ambiguous goals: establishing what happened, accountability, reassurance and commemoration. Then there are covert functions: to dissipate public outrage, deflect attention from underlying causes, and distort understandings of the work by making it seem straightforward. Reviews would benefit from paying more attention to the dynamics of frontline practice and the local actions to implement the lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The context of this article is the use of employer sanctions, in the form of raids and fines on businesses found to be employing people who do not have permission to work in the UK, as a method of in-border immigration control. Drawing on qualitative interviews with undocumented migrants and ethnic enclave employers in London, this article examines the impact of sanctions from the perspectives of those who have been or are most likely to be affected. More specifically the article sheds light on individual experiences of and strategies against immigration enforcement raids, and the effect of raids on the labour market, conditions of work and more widely, on local community relations. The paper concludes that there is a disjuncture between the real impact of sanctions and at least some of the stated policy aims. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the ‘ideological grip’ of personalization. It does so empirically, tracking the trajectory of personalization through austerity budgeting in one English local authority. In this case, personalization continued to signify hope and liberation even though the most draconian cuts in the Council’s history effectively rendered personalization a practical impossibility. This requires critical theorization. Two bodies of theory are interrogated. First Boltanski’s sociology of critique, and, in particular, his notion of managerial domination illuminate the way in which change imperatives and crises come to cement ideological formations. Here it is argued that the articulation of personalization with transformation lends itself to managerial domination. It is further argued, though, that while institutional actors may be able to manipulate the symbolic to evade, what Boltanski terms, deconstructionist critique, this cannot entirely explain the hold of this particular discourse. Here, the Lacanian concept of enjoyment is deployed to interrogate its extra-symbolic function and fantasmatic form. Finally, the paper explores the political implications of such affective attachment and, in particular, the guarantee that personalization offers in a period of welfare state decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various papers published within the issue including one on green politics, one on contemporary environmental movement and another on inequality and environmental injustice.

This article presents personal stories from a participatory biographical arts-based study with a specific category of racialised migrants: individuals seeking asylum, in the North East of England. Responding to the important questions posed by this special issue, the article explores individual experiences of navigating the UK's hostile environment with a focus on the threefold punitive 'threat' of dispersal, detention, and destitution (Bloch and Schuster, 2005). Adopting an intersectional lens, the discussion highlights the impact of such policies and their compound effect of creating (un)safe and exclusionary everyday spaces, while also outlining the potential for resistance as illustrated by participants' actions and their creative (re)actions as part of the study's arts-based approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper subjects to critical scrutiny the idea of the ‘big society’ which, at present, is the UK Coalition government’s big idea and the personal mission of the Prime Minister David Cameron. First of all the concept is explained, with reference to some of the rhetoric surrounding it. Then the philosophical foundations of the ‘big society’ are unpacked, with particular reference to Red Toryism and libertarian paternalism. This is followed by an assessment of the big society and reference to the other major plank in the government’s social policy agenda, large cuts in public expenditure, that reflects the neo-liberal engine driving the strategy – the hollowing-out of the state – which has implications for the community initiatives and NGOs favoured by the big society’s promoters but which are entirely unacknowledged by them. Then a comparison is made between the present big society idea and Margaret Thatcher’s denial of the existence of society, which reveals many similarities in substance despite the rhetorical distancing. The final part of the paper examines the parallel Blue Labour analysis and suggests an alternative participatory democratic approach. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this commentary we focus upon resistance to the UK’s Work Experience programme that aims to help the young unemployed secure paid employment. The programme hit the news headlines in February 2012 when the group, Right to Work, forced concessions from the UK’s Coalition government that removed sanctions for Work Experience conscripts who left their placement after a week. The paper critically engages with the Right to Work’s demand for ‘real jobs’, paying at least the minimum wage, suggesting that such demands are in danger of buttressing capitalist exploitation, rather than providing an alternative to it. The paper argues a more radical approach is required if the role of policies, such as Work Experience, in the societalization of capitalist accumulation is to be avoided. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Policy discussions relating to the selling of sex have tended to fixate on two spaces of sex work: the street and the brothel. Such preoccupation has arguably eclipsed discussion of the working environment where most sex is sold, namely, the private home. Redressing this omission, this paper discusses the public health and safety implications of policies that fail to regulate or assist the ‘hidden population’ of sex workers, focusing on the experiences of home-based workers in Sydney, Australia. Considering the inconsistent way that Home Occupation Sex Services Premises (HOSSPs) are regulated in this city, this paper discusses the implications of selling sex beyond the gaze of the state and the law. It is concluded that working from home can allow sex workers to exercise considerable autonomy over their working practices, but that the safety of such premises must be carefully considered in the development of prostitution policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines social policy developments in Northern Ireland since the May 2011 election. In many areas of social policy Northern Ireland lags behind other regions of the UK, the results of decades of neglect of economic and social policy, and years of conflict. The mandatory coalition established under devolution presents particular challenges for policy making but there had been optimism that devolved structures would be more responsive to Northern Ireland’s particular circumstances. However, this paper argues that the lack of progress or vision evident in the previous period of government shows no sign of improving during the current mandate. It provides examples to illustrate problems caused by the failure to link economic and social policy, a silo mentality and the dominance of a neo-liberal agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Austerity in Wales has to be understood in the context of the more general budgetary limitations created by the out-dated Barnett formula and the current debates in Wales (and Scotland) about the ways in which devolved functions should be funded in the future. This paper identifies the key measures which successive administrations have taken in support of an essentially Keynesian, counter-cyclical approach to countering recession in Wales. It traces the outcomes of the May 2011 Assembly election and the emerging policy and legislative agenda of the minority Labour administration which that election produced. The paper ends by placing these developments within the wider austerity agenda pursued by the Westminster coalition and its deleterious impact on Wales. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores personal assistance – a practice considered crucial for supporting the independence and social inclusion of disabled people. The starting point of the analysis is the presumption that the significance of personal assistance goes well beyond welfare, touching upon existential-ontological issues. In order to uncover these issues, a phenomenological approach is used. The aim is to highlight the understanding of human being which is mediated by an internationally prominent model of personal assistance, to wit, the one promoted by the European Independent Living advocates, as described by Adolf Ratzka (2004a). It is argued that despite its liberal-individualist assertions the scheme described by Ratzka presupposes a distributed, relational understanding of human being. A case study of recent disability-related activism in Bulgaria is developed in order to further substantiate this claim. In conceptual terms, then, the paper adds a fresh perspective to the debates on individualist vs. collectivist approaches to disability equality. This perspective is informed by the phenomenological insights of Martin Heidegger and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. In policy terms the paper argues for the necessity of promoting and supporting disabled people’s self-organizing, most importantly peer support and advocacy activities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As subjects of the parental right to choose (DES, 1988), parents are called upon to fulfil certain duties and responsibilities when choosing a secondary school for their child, with the expectation that they might navigate the school system ‘successfully’ and become ‘better informed consumers’ (DCSF, 2008). To comply with these rules of citizenship parents are encouraged to make use of a variety of information on schools as part of a realistic and informed choice, one that is consummate with their role as consumer-citizens. Such ‘cognitive mapping’ is evident in school brochures and websites where choice is assembled on the basis of visual iconography and narrative terrains. This leads to a consideration of how choice is visually mediated and communicated through the circulation of symbols and the structure of narratives. To explain these phenomena, I analyse and compare the ways in which two all-girls faith secondary schools attempt to (further) define themselves, culturally, historically and pedagogically, in a crowded field of choice. I conclude the paper with a discussion of the benefits and insights generated through a visually orientated approach to the study of school choice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines how key differences in the very manner in which the environment/welfare nexus is experienced and understood in both the global North and the global South are managed in favour of the former over the latter. We show how in the case of the global North — the more affluent world, such as Britain — environmental issues have been usually construed as post-materialist and/or post-industrialist. We argue that predominantly Northern-based post-materialists see environmental welfare (largely through the rhetoric of sustainable development and ecological modernization) as either something separate from humans (for the welfare of the ‘rest of nature’) or for the welfare of unborn, future generations. We use the concept of the ‘post-political’ to interpret how the global North dominates debates on the environment and how it can be quite dismissive, and even negligent, of welfare issues in the global South. In the case of the majority world, green welfare policy agendas are littered with the consequences of environmental devastation incurred through centuries of Northern oppression and resource exploitation. In the global South green welfare goals concentrate on the alleviation of those more basic needs of survival — provision of shelter, water availability, air quality, food sovereignty, and energy security — for those humans actually living on the planet; rather than those who may at some time in the future. In short, issues of environmental debt are writ large, rather than those of an imagined environmental future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

'User Involvement' has become the new mantra in Public Services with professionals constantly being reminded that 'user knows best'. The purpose of this paper is to ask where the preoccupation with 'the User' comes from and to pose some questions about what 'User Involvement' actually means. Within our paper we see three issues as central within this. The first is a consideration of the historical antecedents of the discourse of 'User Involvement', focusing in on the struggles over British welfare that took place around tile late 1970s--early 1980s. This forms the context from which we seek to understand and critique the New Labour project in relation to the massive expansion of regulatory frameworks. We argue that, far from enabling the delivery of high quality integrated services that truly reflect the interests of current and future users, these policies represent the further commodification of basic human needs and welfare. Finally, it has become apparent the current 'User' discourse has assumed contradictory manifestations, in particular the emergence of groupings of 'professional users' who participate in the formation of state policy as 'expert consultants'. We conclude by arguing for an approach in which user perspectives are neither privileged nor subjugated, but are situated in a process of creative critical dialogue with professionals, which is linked to the development of a concept of welfare driven by emancipatory rather than regulatory imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues both that devolution is central to our understanding of developments in social policy in the contemporary UK and that social policy is a key means through which we can develop a critical understanding of the process of devolution itself. Much of the devolved powers available to the governments in Edinburgh, Belfast and Cardiff centre on social policy innovation and practice. Devolution was widely welcomed as opening up the potential for the development of radically different social policies. However, the discussion of devolution has been largely dominated by an approach that focuses on institutional and/or organizational differences marginalizing, in the process, the wider social relations of welfare around which social policy is organized. In bringing the study of devolution into the heartland of social policy analysis, it is argued that we can begin to develop a more critically informed appreciation of social policy across the entire devolved UK. Through critical social policy analysis we can both evaluate and explain the complex interrelations between devolved governance and the continuing reproduction of inequalities and social divisions throughout the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review of British government policy on accommodation for people with learning disability compares two White Papers: Better Services for the Mentally Handicapped (DHSS, 1971) and Valuing People (DOH, 2002). NHS employment issues muted the influence of Better Services. Statistics show a slow transfer from the NHS to other providers, but little development of independent living alternatives since 1971, despite a policy emphasis on social inclusion themes in recent policy. Promotion of housing choice, where residential care provision dominates, inhibits inclusive housing. Valuing People does not address the potentially conflicting choices of disabled people and their families and is critical of local authorities for not supporting large-scale residential care. Supported living alternatives cannot receive sufficient support where residential care agencies' interests predominate. Better incentives are needed for local authorities to provide support for people with learning disabilities to safely live in a home of their own rather than in residential care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this themed section, we explore the links between contemporary social protection approaches and inequality in developing countries, focusing on political economy drivers and the role of actors and institutions in recent reform and implementation processes. This introduction article establishes some common ground by introducing context, concepts and questions. Reducing inequality is identified as a key condition for achieving inclusive and sustainable development as aspired in the Sustainable Development Goals governments committed to in 2015. The introduction situates the three articles in this issue, two studies of pro-poor cash transfers in the Philippines and Kenya, and an analysis of the new national minimum wage policy in South Africa, in a context of contested globalisation, increasing inequality and the social turn, a come-back of social policy as a key development instrument. After identifying the limitations and opportunities of this social turn, the article discusses the three social protection reforms and their impact on equality and social change in the different country contexts through a lens of contestation, institutions and transformative change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, a long continuing battle began to find out more about Government record-keeping on the deaths of disabled people claiming benefits. Drawing on a timeline of evidence co-produced with disabled people, we analyse how deaths related to the benefits system are an outcome of slow violence, where both the delay between policies and their harmful effects, as well as the more active use of delay tactics, are central to how the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) weaponise time as a strategy to avoid accountability and deny justice. DWP reviews into deaths are an under-researched yet significant focus because they are (supposedly) tools through which the DWP investigates the harms of its own policies, and yet, they are designed and carried out in a way that systemically invisibilise state accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social investment has gained increasing prominence in family policy reform. It has also been widely criticised from a feminist and social justice perspective. This article examines how the meaning of the family changes when it is seen as a site of investment. Using a discourse-analytical approach and focusing on agenda setting policy documents of Germany's 'sustainable family policy' this is explored in four dimensions: the extension and simultaneous narrowing of the meaning of family; the articulation of new gendered subjectivities; a redefinition of the boundaries between the family and the state; and new modes of differentiation between families according to their ability to 'produce' human capital. I argue that the traditional family loses its role as a normative reference point and is increasingly framed as a production site of human capital. Hence, more critical engagement with social and racialized inequalities, which are implied in these discourses, is necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersex people suffer human rights abuses and harms because of non-consensual early medical interventions. They have historically been rendered outside of welfare regimes and equality, diversity and inclusion policies, or forcibly subsumed within sex-binaried institutions. This article draws on critical intersex studies to interrogate the policy silences and collusions that have taken place regarding intersex people's suffering. Using Ireland and England as case studies, we show that current formations of equality and diversity policies are inadequate in relation to intersex issues. Analysis of policy documents from Ireland and the UK using Bacchi's method reveals the erasure and/or marginalisation of intersex people, despite some stated commitments to gender and sexual equality. We conclude that there is a pressing need for social policy work around intersex issues and for reform to support intersex people's equality, diversity and inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]