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Controlled Organ Donation after Circulatory Death (DCD) was re-introduced in the UK in 2008, in efforts to increase rates of organs for transplant. Following reintroduction there were debates about the ethics of DCD, leading to production of legal and ethical guidelines. Today, DCD makes up 40% of deceased organ donors, leading to claims that the UK has 'overcome' its ethical challenges. However, there is little understanding of how DCD works in practice and the ethical implications of making DCD routine in the context of the NHS. This paper draws on data from an ethnographic study examining the practices of DCD in two acute NHS Trusts in England. Interviews with Intensive Care staff and Specialist Nurses in organ donation, observations of organ donation committee meetings and analysis of Trust documents were conducted. Findings reveal that the routinisation of DCD has created new ethical issues relating to interactions between organisational timeframes for DCD and (under)resourcing for, and de-prioritisation of, donation within an NHS subject to austerity. They include: the perceived burden on families and implications for consent when there are delays in the donation process, due to theatre space and retrieval team shortages; family and staff distress when death does not happen 'on time'; and the problem of where to take patients who do not die in time to donate. I argue these temporal-ethical issues are likely to become heightened as potential donor rates increase with the new opt-out legislation, unless the resourcing required to deal with these problems are also addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of the qualitative phase of Healthy Foundations, a study that groups people according to their motivations to live healthily or otherwise, their lifestyles, and the circumstances that affect this. These segments are ‘Health Conscious Realists’, ‘Balanced Compensators’, ‘Live for Todays’, ‘Unconfident Fatalists’ and ‘Hedonistic Immortals’. The aim was to explore people’s attitudes and motivations to live healthily or otherwise and the targeted healthcare interventions appropriate for each segment. The qualitative phase involved two strands: (i) focus groups and immersion in-depth interviews and (ii) video ethnographic ‘pen portraits’. It provides robust insight into the five segments’ motivations and behaviour and how these are constructed within and influenced by the wider environment. It also enabled the segments to give their views of and design appropriate interventions aligned to their individual requirements, lifestyles and structural environments. It demonstrates the usefulness of the qualitative approach to health segmentations and enhances the case for methodological pluralism, and a critical perspective, to enable development of health-related behaviour change interventions and policy more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It has been suggested that asset-based strategies could provide an opportunity to rethink the approach to public health; however, this may not be a viable option unless there is clear recognition of specific individual assets. Although there has been some consideration of assets within a child health context, this is limited and previous studies have not sought to identify assets from the perspective of the child. This paper reports on a study that drew on an ethnographic approach, using a photo-elicitation method, to facilitate the mapping of children’s internal and external assets from the viewpoint of children themselves. Two primary schools in the South-East of England were used to recruit 20 year five children (aged 9–11 years of age). The participants, 10 boys and 10 girls, were given disposable cameras and asked to take photographs of the activities that they enjoyed. The children’s photographs were used as prompts during individual semi-structured interviews. A constant comparative analysis facilitated the mapping of the children’s assets as the children described them; this process revealed one overall stabilising asset (‘My Family’) as well as eight internal and three external assets. All of the assets are presented within an original model, ‘I’m good’: the children’s asset wheel [CAW], which was developed from the findings. It is suggested that the CAW could complement previous asset-based work to facilitate the rethinking of approaches to the enhancement of children’s public health. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Britain was the first country in the world to prescribe diamorphine (pharmaceutical-grade heroin) to heroin users as a treatment for opioid dependency. Known and admired internationally as the British System, Britain has a somewhat more ambivalent relationship to its own invention. Where patients were once prescribed diamorphine and other injectable opioids on an unsupervised basis, new patients are no longer initiated in this way and those existing 'old system' patients are under threat. Carrying out ethnographic research at an advocacy service for people who use drugs, I explore this threat as an onto-epistemological concern and the advocates' work to sustain these 'old' ways of knowing and being with diamorphine as a collective matter of care and action. Accounting for advocacy as a non-objective 'emboldening' of the individual to speak, the advocates draw our attention to the inequity of knowledge production and the collective act of speaking in an environment that is increasingly hostile towards these patients. As neoliberal political economies interact with stigmatising forces against people who use drugs, the article highlights the advocate's work as essential in allowing these patients' concerns to be heard where a threat to their prescription becomes a threat to their very way of living. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies of blood donation have looked at the motives of donors, their relationship with the wider society and corresponding values such as gift-giving, altruism and responsibility. These underpin a rhetorical representation of person-to-person donation that neglects the many technical processes that take place between donation and eventual use and the material nature of blood itself. This ethnographic study, conducted in four UK blood donation sites, describes the various practices involved in routine sessions, rather than the motives or values or donors or staff. It focuses on the procedures and equipment that not only ensures blood is collected safely and efficiently, but the extent to which they determine the nature of the collected blood itself. Taking our cue from posthuman approaches, we argue donated blood as something that is ‘made’ only when it leaves the body; in other words, it is not simply extracted, but is constructed through specific practices. We illustrate how, as blood is separated from the body, it is increasingly depersonalised and reconstituted in order to have biomedical value. In this way, rather than reproducing the essentialist claim that blood is what social scientists often described as a ‘special kind of substance’, we point to the ways in which donated blood alters as it moves in time and space. We argue that such transformations occur in both symbolic and material realms, such that the capacity of blood to have both cultural meaning and clinical value is dependent on the fact that it is never stable or singular. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]