Search

The article discusses the shift in international security environment and presents challenges to world order. Topics discussed include the reference to the seizure and annexation of Crimea by Russia, China's territorial land grabbing in the South China Sea territories and the unipolar moment of the post-Cold War era with U.S. domination. Also mentioned were the statement of Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel on the world's unpredictability, the Al Qaeda terrorist organization and North Korea.

The article discusses the global events since late 2013 as of mid-2015 and their effects on the U.S. Department of Defense's (DOD) plans and programs and their issues for the U.S. Congress. Among the global events are Russia's annexation of Crimea, Ukraine in March 2014, the actions of China in the East and South China Seas, and the regional security challenges from such countries as Iran and North Korea.

U.S.-China relations have been remarkably smooth since late 2001, although there are signs that U.S. China policy now is subject to competing reassessments. State Department officials in 2005 unveiled what they said was a new framework for the relationship -- with the United States willing to work cooperatively with a nondemocratic China while encouraging Beijing to become a "responsible stakeholder" in the global system. U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson in December 2006 established a U.S.-China Strategic Economic Dialogue with Beijing, the most senior regular dialogue yet held with China. But other U.S. policymakers have adopted tougher stances on issues involving China and U.S.-China relations, concerned about the impact of the PRC's strong economic growth and a more assertive PRC diplomacy in the international arena. Another matter of growing concern is China's increasing global "reach" and the consequences that expanding PRC international influence has for U.S. interests. To feed its appetite for resources, China has been steadily signing trade agreements, oil and gas contracts, scientific cooperation agreements, and multilateral security arrangements with countries around the world, some of which are key U.S. allies. Taiwan, which China considers a "renegade province," remains the most sensitive issue the two countries face and the one many observers fear could lead to Sino-U.S. conflict. But U.S. relations with Taiwan have also been plagued by what some U.S. officials see as that government's minimal military spending, its failure to enact funding bills that allow it to purchase U.S. weapons offered for sale in 2001, and the recurrent independence-leaning actions and rhetoric of its President and other government officials, which U.S. officials have called "unhelpful" to regional stability. Much U.S. concern about China appears driven by security calculations in Congress and at the Pentagon, where officials question the motivations behind China's expanding military budget. A congressionally mandated DOD report concluded Beijing is greatly understating its military expenditures and is developing anti-satellite (ASAT) systems -- a claim that gained more credence when the PRC used a ballistic missile to destroy one of its own orbiting satellites in January 2007. Bilateral economic and trade issues also are growing matters of concern. U.S. officials and lawmakers particularly criticize China's massive bilateral trade surplus, its failure to halt piracy of U.S. intellectual property rights (IPR), and its continued constraints on currency valuation. More recently, allegations about the quality of Chinese imports have raised growing concerns about the PRC's poor product safety enforcement regime. This report will be updated regularly as events warrant and will track legislative initiatives involving China. For actions and issues in U.S.-China relations considered during the 109th Congress, see CRS Report RL32804, China-U.S. Relations in the 109th Congress, by Kerry Dumbaugh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S.-China relations have remained remarkably smooth since late 2001, although there are signs that U.S. policy toward China is now subject to competing reassessments. State Department officials in 2005 unveiled what they said was a new policy framework for the relationship -- one in which the United States was willing to work cooperatively with a non-democratic China while encouraging Beijing to become a "responsible stakeholder" in the global system -- and U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson in December 2006 established a U.S.-China Strategic Economic Dialogue with Beijing, the most senior regular dialogue yet held with China. Other U.S. policymakers appear to have adopted tougher stances on issues involving China and U.S.-China relations, concerned about the impact of the PRC's strong economic growth and a more assertive PRC diplomacy in the international arena. A matter of growing U.S. concern is China's increasing global "reach" and the consequences that the PRC's expanding international influence has for U.S. interests. To feed its appetite for resources, China has been steadily signing trade agreements, oil and gas contracts, scientific cooperation agreements, and multilateral security arrangements with countries around the world, some of which are key U.S. allies. Some U.S. observers view these activities as, at best challenges, and at worst, threats, to the United States. Taiwan, which China considers a "renegade province," remains the most sensitive issue the two countries face and the one many observers fear could lead to Sino-U.S. conflict. But U.S. relations with Taiwan have also been plagued by what some U.S. officials see as that government's minimal military spending and its failure to enact funding bills that allow it to purchase U.S. weapons offered for sale in 2001. Much U.S. concern about China appears driven by security calculations at the Pentagon and in Congress. Pentagon officials question the motivations behind China's expanding military budget. A congressionally mandated DOD report concluded Beijing is greatly understating its military expenditures and is developing anti-satellite (ASAT) systems o?= a claim that gained more credence when the PRC used a ballistic missile to destroy one of its own orbiting satellites in early January 2007. Bilateral economic and trade issues also remain matters of concern, with U.S. officials and some Members of Congress particularly criticizing China's failure to halt piracy of U.S. intellectual property rights (IPR) and China's continued constraints on its currency valuation. This report will be updated regularly as events warrant and will track legislative initiatives involving China. The 109th Congress considered these and other issues in a number of legislative vehicles, including The John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for FY2007 (P.L. 109-364), and S. 295, a bill to authorize punitive action if China's currency is not re-evaluated. For actions and issues in U.S.-China relations during the 109th Congress, see CRS Report RL32804, China-U.S. Relations in the 109th Congress, by Kerry Dumbaugh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report, updated as warranted, discusses U.S. security assistance to Taiwan, or Republic of China (ROC), including policy issues for Congress and legislation. The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), P.L. 96-8, has governed U.S. arms sales to Taiwan since 1979, when the United States recognized the People's Republic of China (PRC) instead of the ROC. Two other relevant parts of the "one China" policy are the August 17, 1982, U.S.-PRC Joint Communique and the "Six Assurances" made to Taiwan. U.S. arms sales to Taiwan have been significant. In addition, the United States has expanded military ties with Taiwan after the PRC's missile firings in 1995-1996. However, there is no defense treaty or alliance with Taiwan. At the U.S.-Taiwan arms sales talks on April 24, 2001, President George W. Bush approved for possible sale diesel-electric submarines, P-3 anti-submarine warfare (ASW) aircraft (linked to the submarine sale), four decommissioned U.S. Kidd-class destroyers, and other items. Bush also deferred decisions on Aegisequipped destroyers and other items, while denying other requests. Since then, attention has turned to Taiwan, where the military, civilian officials, and legislators from competing political parties have debated contentious issues about how much to spend on defense and which U.S. weapons systems to acquire, despite the increasing threat (including a missile buildup) from the People's Liberation Army (PLA), as described in the Pentagon's reports to Congress on PRC military power. In February 2003, the Administration pointed Taiwan to three priorities for defense: command and control, missile defense, and ASW. Some in the United States increasingly have questioned Taiwan's seriousness about its self-defense, level of defense spending, and protection of secrets. The Pentagon also has shifted its focus from Taiwan's Special Budget to its regular defense budget and raising readiness for self-defense. Blocked by the opposition-controlled legislature, the Special Budget for submarines, P-3C ASW aircraft, and PAC-3 missile defense systems had been reduced from about US$18 billion in 2004 to US$9 billion (for submarines only) in December 2005. Then, in March 2006, Taiwan's defense minister decided to request a Supplemental Budget for the 2006 defense budget in part for submarine procurement, P-3Cs, and PAC-2 upgrades (not new PAC-3 missiles). Now, U.S. policymakers and firms are waiting to see how Taiwan's legislators might resolve the pending U.S. arms sales and increase spending in the 2007 defense budget during their fall session. Several policy issues are of concern to Congress for legislation, oversight, or other action. One issue concerns the effectiveness of the Administration in applying leverage to improve Taiwan's self-defense as well as to maintain peace and stability. Another issue is the role of Congress in determining security assistance, defense commitments, or policy reviews. A third issue concerns whether trends in the Taiwan Strait are stabilizing or destabilizing and how the Administration's management of policy has affected these trends. The fundamental issue is whether the United States would go to war with China and how conflict might be prevented. On June 29, the House passed H.R. 5672 with Sec. 801 to relax restrictions on senior military visits to and other contacts with Taiwan, but the Senate's version does not have the language. Also, in conference, the House receded from its sections boosting ties to Taiwan in the FY2007 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 109-364). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]