Search

Why do some states seem to possess much greater bargaining power than would be suggested by their size or military capability? How can a small asymmetrically dependent state increase its leverage over other states? Power remains one of the most used, yet least studied concepts in international relations. These are merely a few of the empirical anomalies arising from the standard conceptions of power found in the literature. This lack of clarity about one of political science's key concepts arises from the fact that power is notoriously difficult to measure and observe. In this paper, I focus on one observable measure of power - possession of natural resources - in order to highlight a key flaw of previous studies of power: that power tends to be treated as a purely relational concept, relating only to bilateral relations between two states. I argue that third parties may alter this dynamic in ways which are currently poorly understood, thus providing some answers to the empirical puzzles outlined above. While natural resources are only one possible source of power, they provide an observable metric with which to assess how the involvement of third-party states may alter power relations. The paper will first test statistically whether small resource-rich states issue or receive more or fewer threats and sanctions than other comparable states, and then present a brief case-study of power dynamics in the Kazakhstan-Russia-China relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the relationship between Russia and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in terms of the possible and desired polar structures of the international system. It aims to answer the following questions: What are the bases of the Russo-Chinese partnership/alliance evident after the mid-1990s? Was this partnership designed as an anti-hegemonic coalition? How was the partnership affected by September 11th? How has the war in Iraq affected the logic of the Russo-Chinese partnership? What are the systemic implications for the relationship between the United States, China, and Russia? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper on issues related to relations between European Union (EU) and Russia is presented. Topics discussed include issues related to the Cold War, capitalism and the Soviet communism, the need of implementing liberal democracy in Russia and differences between Russia and EU on the basis of economics, freedom and justice. Also mentions issues related to Ukraine and Azerbaijan and its impact on Russia-EU relations.

The paper will explore a number of risks that the NATO involvement in Afghanistan poses for the new alliance partners admitted in 1999 and 2004. To what extent might such involvement provoke retaliatory acts by terrorists on the military personnel, territory, and population of the new members? In addition, there is considerable Russian sensitivity to military activities so close to its own borders. Russia does have the oil card to play, and it could retaliate economically, if it perceives too much aggressiveness on its southwesstern and western flanks. Increasing levels of casualties during the various military operations can also be considered as a risk for the new alliance partners. Finally, the proposed anti-missile interceptor sites in Poland and the accompanying radar site in the Czech Republic bear risks as well. Those risks may emanate either from the "rogue states" against whom they are directed or from the Russian leadership. In sum, both political and economic risks are likely to increase for the new NATO members, and assessment of them is vital in planning the next steps in the Afghanistan mission. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Soviet Central Asian states have increased in visibility recently, in particular regarding the evolving relationship of the external great powers - the United States, Russia, China, and to a lesser extent India. Varying forms and degrees of multilateral security regimes are under experimentation, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The United States, meanwhile, has chosen to maintain a bilateral approach to its relations in the region. In this paper, I explore the current status of security relations in the Central Asian region, seeking to determine those conditions and patterns of behavior consistent with the construction of a security community, and those consistent with an emerging security dilemma, adopting in particular the notion of "cooperative security dilemmas" as put forth by Holger Moelder in his study of the Baltic States. The paper also considers potential costs and benefits of the United States taking a more multilateral approach in the region, particularly in inter-institutional relations between NATO and the SCO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the role of the Russian President Vladimir Putin's administration policy toward the U.S. It states that Russia's policy toward the U.S. from 2000 through 2004 is noticeably different from the one from 2004 through 2008, although Putin was in presidency during both periods. Information related to change in Putin administration's policy toward the issue of the U.S. forces in Central Asia is also offered.