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The post-Soviet Central Asian states have increased in visibility recently, in particular regarding the evolving relationship of the external great powers - the United States, Russia, China, and to a lesser extent India. Varying forms and degrees of multilateral security regimes are under experimentation, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The United States, meanwhile, has chosen to maintain a bilateral approach to its relations in the region. In this paper, I explore the current status of security relations in the Central Asian region, seeking to determine those conditions and patterns of behavior consistent with the construction of a security community, and those consistent with an emerging security dilemma, adopting in particular the notion of "cooperative security dilemmas" as put forth by Holger Moelder in his study of the Baltic States. The paper also considers potential costs and benefits of the United States taking a more multilateral approach in the region, particularly in inter-institutional relations between NATO and the SCO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the possessor of the "Islamic Bomb" and a front line in the war on terror, Pakistan presents special challenges for U.S. policy. This paper seeks to understand the development of Pakistan's nuclear program, the current status, and likely direction in the future. The paper will also examine the interaction among nuclear armed Pakistan, India, China, and the United States. The paper will examine Pakistani force structure as well as command and control. Finally, the paper will note implications for U.S. policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States emerged as a 'factor' in India-Iran relations with Bush Administration's efforts to change the global nuclear order to accommodate India's interests. In turn, India supported the US-led drive to impose sanctions on Tehran. This led to chilling of India's once warm relations with Iran. Since then, however, India has begun to chart a course more independent of Washington by showing renewed interest in Iran's energy sector and by opposing unilateral sanctions on that country. Two factors have contributed to this shift. First, the Obama administration has ignored India in a bid to woo Pakistan, seen as crucial to brokering a political settlement in Afghanistan. Secondly, the US has also failed to persuade Pakistan to take Indian concerns about terrorism emanating from its territory, more seriously. Iran and Iran's interests converge on the issue of stability in Afghanistan, which involves facilitating trade and preventing pro-Pakistan Taliban factions from becoming a part of Kabul's power structure. This also entails reining in transnational terrorism emanating from Pakistani soil, which has long affected both the countries. This paper argues that areas of convergence between Indian and Iranian interests far outweigh differences and therefore the two countries will not abandon their mutually beneficial relationship. Issues - such as energy, terrorism, and Afghanistan - crucial to both will continuously draw them together in the foreseeable future. However, the dilemma posed by continuous pulls and pressures of ties with United States will certainly overstretch India's capacity to balance its relations with Washington and Tehran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, U.S.-India relationship has been mired in the cold-war politics. However, in recent years relations between the two countries have improved significantly, facilitated partly by India's agreement to work jointly on counter-terrorism operations after 9/11. Building on this, U.S. and India signed a landmark civilian nuclear agreement in July 2005. The civilian nuclear agreement gave India access to U.S. nuclear fuel and technology despite India's refusal to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This agreement nearly brought down the coalition government in India and evoked strong reactions in some U.S. government officials who believed this agreement undermined the sanctity of the NPT. Most of the literature on relations between domestic policy and International relations suggest they are linked. However, Putnam (1988) argues that it is more important to determine "how" and "when" domestic polices influence international relations. In this context, this study will examine how government policy makers and presidential support for U.S.-India civilian nuclear agreement influence U.S.-India relations through framing analysis. Government officials and other key political actors advance their position on important policy issues through media. Researchers will use textual analysis to examine the frames advanced by Indian and U.S. government officials in two national Indian newspapers, The Times of India and Nava Bharat Times, and two U.S. newspapers, The New York Times and Washington Post from January 2008 - July 2008, when the issue gained momentum in news media. Findings from this study will advance our understanding on how domestic policies influence international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]