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?Treaties between countries always raise questions as to the value of the agreement. How best to perform an evaluation to assess the value of a treaty is often a major question. Although other economic analogies are often used for national defense, this paper examines the Moscow Treaty through an application of portfolio analysis. Portfolio analysis, as developed by Harry Markowitz, seeks to understand the relationship between the expected return of an economic portfolio and the variance of the expected return. Although the expected return from the treaty can be viewed in economic terms, to go beyond this it is necessary to briefly discuss the role of a state. Thus the expected return in this analysis is more than a simple economic calculation. Expected return and variance, which Markowitz sees as competing goals in economic portfolios, are factors to be considered in an analysis of treaties. Using his assertion that an efficient portfolio is one with the greatest return at a given variance, the Moscow Treaty is examined as to how well it fulfills this function. From the United States? perspective, portfolio analysis shows that the Moscow Treaty increases the expected return from the national defense policy, although it does little to decrease the potential variance in the knowledge of or actual numbers of nuclear weapon systems. Based on the role of the state defined in this paper, the treaty can be judged as a legitimate action. However, if the Moscow Treaty is compared to previous treaties on offensive nuclear weapons, this type of analysis shows it to be less efficient than previous long-term treaties with fixed numbers of weapon systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivist theories of securitization are built on a foundation of communicative action tenets. While this represents an important and innovative advance in international relations theory, securitization ignores some of the components involved in a successful communicative act. Williams (2003) calls for securitization theory to incorporate the hitherto ignored effects of mass media and in this paper we answer this call. We first show that securitization's specification of leaders' speech acts and audiences' legitimative discourse presumes mass media actors are indifferent in how they convey leader representations and justifications of crises. We take this presumption as an empirical question and execute a study of whether the national presses of ally countries differently emphasized the frames Bush invoked in their news coverage of key September 11th speeches. We show from comparisons of chi-square distributions and regression analyses that, far from being passive conveyers of speech frames, the national presses of the US, Canada, France, Britain and Ireland (1) did not convey all of Bush's securitizing problem representations and response justifications proportionate to the extent Bush invoked them in his speeches, and (2) that for each national press factors based on professional norms and/or organizational routines increased the likelihood that a speech sentence would be conveyed in a news story. We discuss the implications of our findings for how securitization theory should conceptualize media actors when redressing this gap in its explanatory models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Edward Hallett Carr in his seminal work, The Twenty Years' Crisis (1939), "the true problem of peaceful change is, in national politics, how to effect necessary and desirable change without revolution and, in international politics, how to effect such changes without war." This work will establish a 'power-benefits ratio' which reflects the changing dynamics of international power created by differing rates of economic growth among great powers. When the rising and increasing power of one political entity, relative to other members of an international system, is not adequately reflected in an increase in benefits conferred, that power tends toward dissatisfaction. Left without recourse to address a perceived injustice, the rising power, given the differential in economic rates of growth, soon becomes powerful enough to force change. Hence, as the rising power becomes dissatisfied and now in possession to do something about it, the probability of systemic conflict increases. A hypothesis is that the creation of a peaceful mechanism for international change begins with the acknowledgement of the changing power-benefits ratio and the need for effective and peaceful adjustment. A stable international system requires what E. H. Carr called 'a common feeling of what is right,' and as a result establishing morality as a guiding principle of the newly emerging global order. Necessary, but for Carr insufficient, the nature and significance of power must also be incorporated into the peaceful change mechanism. Incorporating these ideas, the paper will present a political policy spectrum based on power transition theory and leading toward the establishment of a mechanism for effective change in global politics and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the Security Council crisis over Iraq in order to assess the standing of the United Nations (UN) Security Council and evaluate the merits of multilateral cooperation. Defining features of international relations during the latter half of the 20th century; Events which exemplified the resurgence in UN legitimacy; Factors which raised doubts about the value and purpose of the United Nations.

Outlines a model of foreign policy development that explains changes in the U.S. grand strategy. Changes in the U.S. foreign policy orientation under conditions of structural uncertainty; Factors that affect the reorientation of grand strategy; Comparison of the foreign policy orientation during the administration of former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and in the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush.

Anti-Americanism is a phenomenon that has received increasing attention in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks and more recently with the invasion of Iraq. However, despite its wide use, anti-Americanism is used often as a polemic term, and then often inconsistently. We attempt to provide a clearer and more consistent definition of anti-Americanism. Then, using newly released Eurobarometer data from the fall of 2002 and the spring of 2003, we observe the prevalence of anti-American attitudes among the peoples of Europe, and what leads to these attitudes. We find that ideology, nationalism, attachment to a supranational Europe, the security concerns of Europeans, and U.S. behavior on the international stage are all strong predictors of anti-American attitudes. We then draw inferences about the effects of anti-Americanism. We find that anti-Americanism leads to an erosion of support for NATO and increased support for a defense arrangement led by the European Union, with no noticeable effect for support of defense led by national governments. Furthermore, anti-Americanism is increasing in Europe, which implies this trend of decreasing popular support for NATO and increasing support for an EU-led defense will continue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an institutional analysis of foreign policy making since September 11, 2001 in the U.S. Discussion on who is in charge of U.S. national security policy; Impact of the terrorist attacks on the balance of power; Information on developments that resulted from the terror attacks in September 11, 2001 and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq; Role of the executive branch with President George W. Bush and his advisors in leading the national security policy.

Why do some Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs) expand when most remain restricted to their original disputants? Existing literature on war diffusion treats war as a disease that 'infects' any country in contact with those fighting the war thereby making them susceptible to joining the war as well (Most and Starr 1989, Siverson and Starr 1991, Yamamoto and Bremer 1980). In doing so it over-predicts diffusion-expansion of wars. In contrast, this paper recognizes the strategic nature of occurrence of conflict and the decision to participate in it. States make such decisions taking into account what others are doing. States have multiple and simultaneous interactions with other states that are involved in the same conflict and with those that are uninvolved but not extraneous to the dispute. These interactions between states occur within networks of economic, political and security ties and over a physical geographical space. How states are positioned in these network spaces affects their likelihood to join an ongoing dispute and consequently whether a conflict expands or not. This paper uses network analysis to (a) build networks for multiple relationships like contiguous neighbors, militarized rivalry, alliances and IGO memberships, and (b) create measures for potential joiner states' positionality in these networks. The paper then empirically analyzes multiple hypotheses about how a potential joiner state's positionality in these network spaces can have different, reinforcing or opposing effects on that state's decision to join an ongoing dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to discuss on the basis of empirical research, reports, documents of transatlantic stakeholders the most important challenges that the Balkans face with accordance of building public security in the post-conflict areas. The presentation will employ innovative combination of last eight years Kosovo experience in rebuilding post-conflict society, Bosnian reconciliation experiences as well as forthcoming tasks that depart from contemporary security paradigm in international relations. The paper will focus on transatlanctic community response to human security challenges such: poverty and social exclusion, corruption, illiteracy, women discrimination. Bosnia and Kosovo present the cases to examine security threats in the field of weakness of governance, human rights violention and democracy building. These factors remain issues of considerable significance for regional and international security since they affect almost all aspects of the socio-political life. The lack of transatlantic attention along with ineffective transatlantic interventions create real impediments to foreign investments, macroeconomic stability, decline in the household purchasing power and speculation concerning prices. Consequently, both Kosovo and Bosnia as the weak political entities pose serious challenges to transatlantic community in terms of humanitarian assistance, refugee protection, trafficking in illicit goods, peacekeeping. But, as long as human security aspect will be marginalised in international relations, the overall security situation will remain unstable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sometimes our students just don't want to read. This paper will propose and discuss a new way of teaching Introduction to International Relations by using film to teach various lessons. I will first evaluate the goals and lessons to be covered in the course. I will then go over the movies selected to teach each lesson and what sorts of dicussion can be generated with thier use. Finally, I will dicuss the evaluation and measurement of sucess in teaching basic international relations concepts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have established that sociological considerations drive defense procurement as much as hard security concerns. Decision-makers worry about prestige, national identity, and appropriateness when determining how to spend scarce defense dollars. In the early part of the twentieth century, national prestige in both great and minor powers depended on the acquisition of dreadnought battleships. In the wake of Alfred Thayer Mahan's The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, national power, modernity, and independence were understood to be factors of naval power, and dreadnoughts became the most visible indicators of such power. Virtually abandoning considerations of military necessity and operational sustainability, small states contracted for the construction of dreadnoughts that they were unlikely to use and unable to maintain. This paper argues that sociological concerns dominated naval procurement in the early twentieth century, but that the steady rationalization of defense procurement procedures throughout the twentieth century has transformed the logic of vessel acquisition such that different justifications and different concepts of national power prevail. In the last fifteen years, the spread of the LHD, or amphibious support ship, has come to resemble the dreadnought spree of the early twentieth century, but with different effects and radically different implications for inter-state relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Realism has always been considered one of the safest foreign policy strategies that a nation can follow. Focusing on one's own self interest and the interests of their countrymen has always guaranteed a level of security and consistency that has earned the favor of so many U.S. officials. Now, some of the nations that provided the United States, Great Britain, and other European powers with the most economic or regional control years ago, are the same nations that monopolize our mass media as the plague of international security today.Some of modern histories most notorious revolutions and rebellions have spurred out of years of external meddling and oppression. The Cuban Revolution of 1959, and the 1979 revolutions in both Iran and Nicaragua are the direct result of U.S. intervention and realist tactics. The United States has never had a clear foreign policy except for the cries of liberty and democracy that have carried our nation against every enemy from Nazism to Communism, from Terrorism to Despotism. However, every conflict seems to end in the same confusion surrounding the actual objective of the United States government; is the main objective oil or freedom?The solution is a new look on the workings of the world, that actual promotion of liberalism and constant support for the will of the people, rather than using realist tactics, will eventually result in greater economic and political gain for the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do transnational networks have the advantage over nation states in the struggle to control Afghanistan? The total amount of resources possessed by NATO nation states does not equal a decisive advantage over the insurgency because only a fraction of NATO power is being brought to bear in Afghanistan. Transnational networks by contrast are able to devote nearly 100% of their collective power towards achieving their Afghan goals. The conflict on the ground is not the mismatch the western media has portrayed it to be. By examining how insurgent networks operate and what kind of advantages they have over nation states in the current Afghan conflict we can gain a fuller understanding of events in Afghanistan and how to improve them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]