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While the conflict enhancing effects of social services, including those provided by humanitarian actors, has been relatively well documented, the potential service provision offers for conflict transformation is less well understood. This paper compares the impact of services on conflict transformation through a comparative analysis of services in three civil wars: Northern Ireland, Tajikistan and Sudan. Based on field research conducted in all three countries, it develops a framework for analysis building on the seminal work of Charles Tilly and his collaborators. It argues that causal mechanisms identified by Tilly, including opportunity hoarding and exploitation, offer useful lenses for understanding processes associated with service provision common to all three conflicts and provide a basis for understanding the contribution of service provision to conflict transformation in each case. While each case is unique in how peace was achieved, in each case service provision made a significant contribution towards conflict management and transformation, despite different capacity levels of systems of service provision. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper contributes to our understanding of institutional development via a historical analysis of the design and development of poverty policies in the Republic of Ireland during the post-war era. Using the punctuated-equilibrium framework developed by Baumgartner and Jones (1991, 1993, 1999), I demonstrate that while policy-making institutions in Ireland were characterized by stasis from the 1950's - 1980's, dramatic institutional change, or policy punctuation, via the introduction of social partnership models was a direct result of new ideas arriving on the policy agenda. Partnership represented a radical departure from the incrementalism that characterized earlier periods in Irish social policy. Through this innovative approach to handling poverty, the institutional arrangements shifted from being captured by the potential for roadblocks to being characterized by policy change and development before settling into a new institutional structure. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines European innovation policy, which is the cornerstone of the Lisbon Strategy launched in 2000 with the aim to make the European Union the most competitive knowledge-based economy. Innovation policy encompasses many facets and its governance structure is based on policy actions at both EU level and national level. However, in this paper special attention will be given to the information society in small EU Member States. In general, Estonia and Ireland are praised for their innovation performance. Yet, the Irish enforcement system is marked by considerable shortcomings in the information society. The variation in implementation will be explained by looking at the role of different political and social actors, in addition to institutions. The theoretical framework draws on new institutionalism in political science (Shepsle, 1986; Laver and Shepsle 1996; Tsebelis 2002). This paper contributes to research on European innovation policy and the role of policy-makers in promoting policies stimulating competitiveness and social well-being. The focus on domestic political actors is crucial given that most of the measures that make up the Lisbon Strategy require implementation at the national level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper improves the microfoundations of a constructivist explanation of European Union enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries by grounding the explanation in neuro-economic behavioral research. The paper incorporates experimental and cross-cultural research on the origins of, and generalized human predisposition for, fairness to explain why particular normative arguments about EU enlargement to the CEECs stuck and others did not. This strengthens the constructivist argument on the CEEC round of enlargement, and generates predictions about a new set of empirical problems: the types of discourses that will and will not be effective in the policy area of EU expansion in general. The paper highlights a sociological institutionalist explanation of Eastern enlargement as a promising version of constructivist argument, before moving on to survey criticisms of this approach. The fairness based microfoundational addition to the sociological institutionalist argument insulates this explanation of Eastern enlargement from many criticisms. The paper takes provisional steps toward testing this assertion by analyzing legislative debate in Ireland on that country’s second referendum on the Treaty of Nice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2008, the Irish public rejected the EU Constitution in Europe’s only referendum on the document. The purpose of this paper is to examine the official one-month pre-referendum period in order to better understand the debate on both sides and discuss its impact on Irish relations with the EU. Why did the “no” side prevail during the referendum despite a massive government campaign to persuade voters to support the EU Constitution? The paper will examine the arguments of both sides through a discussion of their positions. The pro-constitution position will be evaluated based on the arguments of the government, political parties, and other organizations in support of closer European integration while the anti-constitution side will be evaluated from the arguments of the political parties and groups opposed to Ireland’s participation in a strengthened EU. I visited Ireland for two weeks in May 2008 to observe the pre-referendum debate process on the EU Constitution and this paper will reflect personal observations and conversations with the Irish public as well as information from the pro and con organizations behind of the issue. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland has nearly abandoned its traditional role as a major contributor to UN peacekeeping and now concentrates its efforts in support of the EU and NATO. This paper examines this transformation from a global to European-centered policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how selective engagement strategies by governments as a response to nationalist pressures affect prospects for successful negotiations in the near future and the movement?s long-term internal balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent negative popular vote in Ireland on the Lisbon Treaty has one more time demonstrated the essential role of public opinion in the process of European integration. Inreasingly scholars are examining public opinion, yet major integration theories and work using two-level game models tend to account only partially for the role of public.x000d.opinion in treaty negotiations. In this paper, we aim to demonstrate dynamics of two-level effects and the role of public opinion in negotiations on the Treaty for a European Constitution. Our central.x000d.argument builds on the notion of involuntary defection. Uncertainty about public support is measured by the distribution of preferences.x000d.among citizens in the twenty-five EU member states using Eurobarometer and Candidate Countries survey data. The outcome of the Intergovernmental Conference for the individual countries is measured.x000d.using expert surveys. Using conditional (fixed effects) logit models and multilevel analysis, we demonstrate that a high level of domestic.x000d.heterogeneity significantly decreases the probability of losses for a government during the negotiations. On the other hand a high level of domestic homogeneity does not help a government to block unwanted changes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland is the most globalized economy in the world, and has consolidated this position over the past 20 years, during which aggregate living standards in Ireland rapidly converged to those of the world’s leading economies. Large role in the process was played by foreign aid (EU structural funds) that exceeded 3% of GDP in the mid 1990s and were used inter alia to modernize infrastructure and reduce pressure on the public finances. The funds are thought to have been relatively well managed (e.g. low corruption and rent-seeking) and to have had a sizable socio-economic rate of return. In this context the paper using the veto players framework evaluates classic agency problems between the electorate and the politicians and between politicians and the bureaucracy. We ananlyse the effect of institutional procedures that were adopted and show that the most efficient outcomes were achieved under the use of ex ante and ex post information, engaging different levels of government in decision making. We show that suboptimal outcomes resulted from influence of broadly representative monitoring committees. Contrary to existing theoretical results such committees exhibited the clientilist and other welfare-diminishing policy approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failure of self-regulation and lack of government oversight are popular explanations of current financial crisis. Self-regulation generally results from government’s decision to delegate the management of a regulatory process to industry. Self-regulation is financed and maintained by the industry through trade associations: a self-regulatory agency and an interest group. .x000d.This paper considers structure and dynamics of banking fields in Ireland, UK and USA. Since 1999 banking in Ireland has been regulated both at the national and the EU levels and primarily on the national level in UK and USA. Using network analysis tools we map the dynamics of these three fields from the 1950s. We demonstrate that banking fields, which are represented by strong trade associations, characterised by high density of professional membership and strong relationship with the regulatory authorities, exhibit stronger ability to offset and cope with exogenous shocks. When links with members and/or government weaken, the ability to offset and resist shocks decreases. Our findings suggest that the function of trade associations as self-regulatory agencies can provide an effective alternative to direct government regulation often proposed in crises. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to pressures from the electorate, Christian-democratic parties have changed their positions on conservative family policies to be competitive with Social democratic parties. If true, one would expect to see that voters are more pro-feminist in general..x000d.Why have the preferences of the women electorate changed? Are men now more supportive of women emancipating policies? Has the amount of female politicians in key party positions a profound impact on he electorate and the platforms? .x000d.Women are generally not more likely to vote for women candidates than their male counterparts. The conservative leaning has been explained with contrary socialization patterns and women’s inexperience in the paid working world. .x000d.The gender gap changed during the 70s and manifested itself in women voting more center left than their male counterparts starting during the 80s. Women tend to be more interested in topics such as health, family politics and pension/ retirement politics..x000d.There is a strong institutional aspect influencing outcomes as will be discussed in this paper. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on comparative media effects on European public opinion through an examination of the agenda-setting functions of print media in Ireland and France on the issue of immigration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The Shamrock or the Eagle: The Irish During the US Civil War Dr. Michelle L. Hartman It can be argued that many of the New York Irish immigrants who entered military service, during the Civil War, did so to pursue a variety of interests, and were not motivated mainly to become assimilated into the main-stream of American society, which was predominantly the white, Protestant, middle class. The theory that military service, during the Civil War, led to advancement for the New York Irish can be disputed, as it can be proven that those who joined the Union Army where not interested in necessarily proving their loyalty to America, but were interested in making America a place of safety for future Irish immigrants. There are four main arguments that are put forth in this paper as to why many New York Irish joined the military on the side of the Union : that the Irish mainly joined the Union force for the pay they received during service, the Irish wanted to save the Union for future generations of Irish immigrants, to develop military skills that they would bring back to Ireland to help promulgate a revolution with Britain who was the occupier of Ireland at the time, and to prove as victims of nativist prejudice, the value of the Irish in the greater society in America. Anti-Irish and anti-Catholic prejudice was evident throughout the nineteenth century, showing that the New York Irish did not gain respect do to their participation in the military during the Civil War. Any advancement made in society was due to the Irish becoming politically active, their entering the Democratic Party, and their loyalty to the Catholic Church. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines a facilitation-mobilization framework for the study of turnout and assesses its utility in the Irish case using data from marked electoral registers, pseudo panel data, and data from a large cross-section survey (N=24,556). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the issue of political economic change in the European Union through an analysis of the first five years of the Lisbon Strategy for Growth and Employment in Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper examines the effects of candidate spending under the Single-Transferable Vote electoral system, based on evidence from the 2002 Irish general election. Findings: Clear, positive evidence of spendingeffects, esp. for challengers. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until the middle of the 1990s, Ireland was a poor country and became the Celtic Tiger. Drawing on the literature on good governance, Barry (2006) summarizes that the merit system in the civil service, fiscal transparency, social partnership for industrial relations, government organizational learning capacity, ideological transformation of political parties, embedded autonomy of the state, strong development agencies were important to make the transformation possible. .x000d..x000d.The same factors could be used to explain the more limited success of the transformation of the Canadian provincial state of Quebec between 1959 and the early 1980s. Quebec and Ireland have more in common historically. Both have been British colonies where the Catholic Church was a dominant institution. In both cases, the power of the Catholic Church disappeared rapidly. .x000d..x000d.Considering the number of variables listed above, a dual case study approach is used to draw lessons on economic policy and public administration. We focus on reforms of the state apparatus. Conclusions for further research on economic policy and public administration will be suggested from this research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research presented here investigates the relationship between cyber-campaigning and the electoral fortunes of candidates in the Irish 2007 general election. In so doing we explore the extent to which previous findings in this area are generalizable by testing them in a new political context, as well as examining a hitherto unstudied aspect of Irish politics. In line with previous studies on this topic, we find a positive and statistically significant relationship between candidates having a personal website and their electoral performance. We also present a novel approach to a general problem in this field. We use data derived from odds offered by bookmakers on candidates’ chances of winning a seat, to examine the claim that front-runner candidates may be more likely to develop websites in anticipation of greater interest in their campaigns. We find little evidence to support this argument. Finally, we present the first analysis of whether the effects of cyber-campaigning vary in line with the technological profile of citizens across constituencies. We conclude that the impact of cyber-campaigning on votes accrued is significantly larger in constituencies with above-average levels of internet penetration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party-based competition is often cast the antithesis of particularistic politics (Rose-Ackerman 1999, Sartori 2005, Schaffer 2007), a perspective that coincides with the historical observation that nineteenth century British politicians turned away from bribery and began to compete on policies as the British electorate grew larger and more party-oriented (Cox 1987). I use data on bribe prices and campaign expenditures at 338 electoral contests in Victorian Britain and Ireland to show that the extension of the franchise had only a limited impact on local campaign spending whilst the increasingly partisan orientation of the Victorian electorate actually boosted electioneering expenditures and electoral corruption. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine candidate gender and vote choice in Australia, Ireland, and Malta where the use of single transferable vote electoral rules eliminate incentives for strategic voting. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies constitutional economics to regional integration in the area of legal integration and tests its predictions against data on citation rates in Irish, British, and German courts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the eyes of many democratic theorists, politicians and citizens, lively participation is essential for democracy. As electoral participation falls, concerns about the performance of democracy rise. The validity of these concerns hinges partly on whether or not low turnout leads to election results that are biased in favor of some groups of citizens while disadvantaging others. If turnout went up from actual levels, would it affect the election result? Which parties would gain and which would lose from changes in turnout? Over recent years, different methods have been proposed to estimate the political effects of low turnout, often yielding different answers to these questions. We add to the methodological discussion by estimating the partisan effects of low turnout in the 2002 Irish General Election, using a statistical model of multiple imputation to fill in the missing observations on party choice. Our results suggest that the fortunes of Irish political parties would remain virtually unaffected by universal turnout. We also demonstrate the validity of the multiple imputation method by verifying estimates and reported turnout against official tally data and comparing the results to those from alternative methods of estimating turnout effects. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is the result of fieldwork conducted in Ireland to determine what the state should do while participating in reforming the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) to meet World Trade Organization demands and relieve budgetary pressures. It takes ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has faced difficulties finding popular support for reforms even among populations that are predominantly pro-EU and pro-integration. Both very pro-EU and anti-EU publics have rejected important EU treaties when put to referendum..x000d.In order to explain an outcome so at odds with the generally high support for EU institutions, we assert that information cascades similar to those argued to produce policy punctuations in legislative and bureaucratic policy making (Baumgartner and Jones 2005) led the issue of treaty ratification to be reframed in the minds of a large number of referendum voters such that a yes vote was not seen as support for EU, but rather an issue that could find a majority to vote ‘no’. We hypothesize that, leading up to the referenda, media stories about the treaty in pro-EU countries will reflect this reframing of the treaty issue. In more euro skeptical populations, we hypothesize that such a pattern would lead to a larger drop in ‘yes’ support than observed, and was therefore absent..x000d.To examine these hypotheses, we content analyze the major Irish, Dutch, and French newspapers to examine how arguments linked to the relevant treaty vote where framed and compare this to the vote outcome. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study considers the relationship between Irish policy makers and the social, economic, and political factors that influenced their position during reform negotiations to the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to be an empirically grounded study of Irish political parties in thecontext of a society where the use of Information and Communication Technologies(ICT) is day-to-day and indispensable. Specifically, this project will make a contributionto our understanding of parties' organization and the interactions between party leaders,members and voters.The revolution in communications over the past decade greatly expands the ways inwhich political parties can communicate with their members and the electorate.In terms of party organization, websites can potentially enhance the control of the partyleadership, by allowing them to provide direct and unfiltered information to the public.Alternatively, the Internet opens up possibilities for bottom-up policy-making, as itallows for a far greater degree of interaction between the members, the leadership and thepublic.I hypothesize that party organization affects the manner in which the internet is used bydifferent parties. Decentralized parties will use the internet for inclusive ends with regardto members and public at large, whereas centralized ones will adopt a strictly top-downstrategy. In order to test the hypothesis I intend to construct a scale of party organizationsand use it as an independent variable. I will rank parties on the continuum fromelectoralist organization to purposive organization on the basis of the party constitutions,and party structure. The dependent variable will be how parties use the internet and it willbe constructed through an empirical analysis of parties' websites. I will test therelationship between dependent and independent variable, hypothesizing to findstatistically significant evidences of such a relationship.Ireland has been chosen as a research environment firstly because there is a certainamount of variation among political parties (bigger against smaller, strongly ideologicalagainst electoral parties, new formations against old parties, highly hierarchical partiesagainst more flexible ones) and secondly because the huge increase in ICT usage in thecountry makes it an obvious choice for a study of this kind. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historic Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), which formally ended the Anglo-Irish War by establishing a partitioned 'Irish Free State' within the British Commonwealth, produced a rupture in the Irish independence movement that ultimately led to a bitter civil war between the fledging Treatyite regime and its republican opponents. While little more than a skirmish compared with other internal conflicts in Europe in the inter-war period, the Irish Civil War (June 1922 - May 1923) was the pivotal moment in Irish state formation and formed the basis of the two parties that dominate Irish politics to this day. Seeking to explain the basis of the Civil War cleavage and thereby illuminate the political structures and dynamics of post-independence Ireland, a number of Irish historians and political scientists have placed emphasis on an underlying 'cultural schism' between the two Civil War factions. Generally, such models have equated support for the Treaty with liberal, pragmatic, and democratic values, and opposition to the Treaty with militaristic, purist, and authoritarian values. Applying the works of Pocock, Skinner, Pettit and other scholars of republicanism to my analysis of the debate over the Anglo-Irish Treaty in the Dáil (the revolutionary assembly) and contemporary Irish press, I demonstrate that the arguments employed by opponents of the Treaty reveal important yet underappreciated affinities with classical republican thinking on liberty, slavery, virtue and sovereignty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dimensionality of the parliaments of Denmark, Norway and Ireland from 1945-2005 are estimated using a Bayesian approach for ideal point estimation. The level of dimensionality is explained by the influences of the parliamentary institutions. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An inquiry into the concept of constitutional identity. The approach is theoretical and comparative, the latter to be pursued with a dual focus on India and Ireland. An understanding of constitutional change must confront the question of identity. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines patterns of change in Ireland that led to the 1995 Referendum on Divorce, and how the referendum is indicative of the changing role of the Catholic Church. The article addresses some implications for public policy in Ireland. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]