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PLEASE DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR: The aim of this paper is to explain the roots and successes of contemporary anti- Europeanism in Great Britain. The contention is that the politics Euroskepticism provides a legitimate framework for otherwise explicitly racist and xenophobic attitudes. The past couple of years have seen a changing of the guard amongst extreme parties on the issue of immigration, from the racist politics of the British National Party (BNP) to the anti-EU xenophobia of the UK Independence Party (UKIP). The paper proceeds in explaining this change by way of three parts; part one examines the historical context of modern anti- Europeanism, looking specifically at institutions, traditional intergovernmentalism towards Europe and cultural protectionism as important historical themes. Given this context, part two seeks to explain what factors impel xenophobic voting. It tests the theory that economic and societal competition produce opposition to immigration (Money 1999) using cross-county descriptive statistics. Concluding that these factors are conditions, not explanations, part three asserts politics of perceived competition as bearing explanatory weight. Mechanism of politicization include the institutional characteristics of opposition in parliamentary democracy, newspapers and readership, and most importantly, campaigning. The paper conclude that anti-Europeanism heard on the continent is a projection of anti-immigrant voices politicized in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a 'feminist institutionalist' approach to explore and understand the gendered dynamics of change and innovation in the institutions of candidate selection and recruitment in the United Kingdom. The focus of the paper is on multiple inter-connected 'paths' of institutional reform in the British Labour Party: situating the specific case of institutional innovation and (re)design of the institutions of political recruitment in post-devolution Scotland within a background of party reform processes at the UK level. Drawing on the findings of a micro-level case study of a Scottish constituency selection contest, the paper argues that the 'success' of institutional reform in the Labour Party is a complex and contingent question. Drawing on the insights of both feminist and new institutional theory, the paper attempts to theorize these institutional interconnections, illustrating the difficulties of reforming and redesigning the institutions of selection and recruitment in a multi-level party system. The paper concludes by offering some theoretical suggestions as to the complex and gendered dynamics of institutional innovation, design, continuity, and change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation of the Scottish Parliament and Welsh assembly in 1999 brought a new electoral system to mainland Britain, mixed-member proportional (MMP). This paper examines the electoral effect of having two types of Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs). Lundberg (2006), using an elite survey in 2000 and 2003, has shown that MSPs elected through the constituency part of MMP spend more time doing constituency service than MSPs elected thought the list. This paper looks at the effect of these different types of incumbency on constituency vote totals in the 2003 and 2007 Scottish Parliament elections. While it finds that both types of incumbents have an incumbency advantage, this effect is small for list MSPs and is also affected by the party affiliation of the MSPs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women’s chronic under-representation in both elected and appointed elite office has unfortunately been an enduring feature of many nations’ political systems. Comparative research in this field has concentrated largely on system-level factors or large-n quantitative studies to shed light respectively on which conditions tend to be more conducive to progress toward parity and both how electable women are perceived to be and how much they act differently than men once elected. We know for instance, that women are better represented PR list systems, particularly when they are affiliated with parties possessing internal quotas or target parity goals. I would argue, however, that this work although quite important tends in composite to treat women simply as a case upon which variables operate, thereby effectively removing women themselves from the politics of their political place. Similarly, it also largely ignores the role of women elites within their own party structures in any period, but particularly any time prior to the so-called second wave of feminist mobilization in the 1970s. This study hopes to address what I believe to be weaknesses in the literature by examining comparatively a previously neglected institutional component - namely the intial conditions of entry negotiated, accepted or imposed upon the first cadre of elite partisan women post-suffrage. Using data from primary research in women’s organization and party archives, private papers of notables and other sources, I will argue that the formation of separate and definitely unequal women’s divisions in all major parties of Great Britain and the United States, was to have lasting deleterious effects on partisan women’s ability to successfully pursue any distinct women’s agenda once they had formally joined men’s parties. I will also argue that this strategic error was compounded by an political landscape charged by sex antagonism and competition for the loyalities of millions of new voters. It was also in many ways, one from which partisan women have never fully recovered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a structural equation modelling approach, this paper combines available campaign data to produce a latent measure of campaign effort to analyze its direct and indirect effect on party performance at the 2005 British General Election. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores how changes in the 'costs' of voting through the liberalisation of voting by mail has affected both the level of electoral turnout and the distribution of voter support for parties. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important property of any party system is the range of issues it presents to the electorate. Party systems are often characterized in terms of the level of ideological polarization, but rarely in terms of the relative amount of issue choice afforded to voters; what we refer to as issue fractionalization. In this paper, we present an innovate approach to measuring issue fractionalization and we examine what explains variation in issue fractionalization over time. Following the issue competition literature, we would expect that parties emphasize different issues (issue divergence is the norm) and that parties in opposition are more likely to diversify their issue appeal than parties in government. This theoretical approach does not, however, explain why issue fractionalization changes over time. We present an alternative explanation that draws upon the dynamic representation model. We argue that issue fractionalization is primarily driven by public opinion, and that parties in government as well as opposition parties are driven by the same incentives to diversify (or narrow) their issue appeal (issue convergence is the norm). These propositions are tested by analyzing party leader speeches in two parliamentary systems, Britain and Denmark, in the period 1953-2007, using time series analysis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I develop a new method for estimating the ideological preferences of members of the British House of Commons. Existing methods for estimating preferences from roll call votes produce implausible results due to high levels of party cohesion and strategic voting on the part of opposition parties. To circumvent these problems, this paper estimates MP preferences using Early Day Motions (EDMs) as an alternative to roll call votes. I adapt existing Bayesian ideal point methods using a simple behavioural model for the decision to sign an EDM that takes into account both policy preferences and signing costs. The estimates obtained have greater face validity than previous attempts to measure preferences in the House of Commons, recovering the expected order of parties and of members within parties. The estimates successfully predict voting behaviour in the House of Commons. As with other Bayesian ideal point methods, this approach produces natural uncertainty estimates and allows for easy calculation of quantities of interest such as member ranks. The model proposed here can be extended to evaluate theories of legislative behaviour in the House of Commons and to estimate changes in preferences over time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses national survey data from a new NSF-sponsored study to analyze how non-economic valence issues affect party support in contemporary Britain. Models are estimated with random parameter mixed logit procedures [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect of the number of parties in a system on incentives to cultivate a personal vote. Empirical tests are conducted on data from British General Elections since World War Two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before Spain decentralized in the late 1970s, regional parties had a strong presence in the ethnically and linguistically distinct regions of the country, including the Basque Country and Catalonia. After Spain decentralized, the strength of regional parties in these regions stayed the same and grew in the non-distinct regions of the country. Similarly, in the United Kingdom regional parties in Scotland and Wales won more votes after the UK created regional legislatures in Scotland and Wales than before. Decentralization, as Spain and the UK illustrate, can encourage the growth of regional parties. Decentralization may do this by creating sub-national legislatures in which regional parties have a better chance of governing than they do in national legislatures. This encourages both elites to form more regional parties and voters to vote for them. Decentralization may also encourage regional parties to participate in national elections. Regional parties may do this because they might improve their chancing of winning elections at the sub-national level of government by participating in elections at the national level, even if they have little chance of governing at this level of government. Despite the experience of Spain and the UK with decentralization, some countries, like the United States, are politically decentralized and do not have regional parties. This suggests that the effect of decentralization on regional parties may be mitigated by other factors, like presidentialism, single-member district systems, and the sequencing of national and sub-national elections among other things. This paper will explore the effect of decentralization and these other factors on regional parties using a large-N statistical analysis of more than twenty countries around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the discourse and strategies of extreme right parties in four European democracies; France, the UK, Germany and Romania. Using text analysis of party manifestoes, we disctinguish four sub-types of extreme right parties. We show that the extreme right party family can be classified into four distinct types based on the insight into the fundamental ideological core and the style of discourse it espouses. We explore the implications this typology has on party competition and the likely electoral success of the party within its given party system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine how leader trait perceptions determine political parties' images in Britain. Perceptions of leader personality determine citizens’ evaluations and vote preferences and offer significant information about how citizens think of their leaders. However, we do not know much about whether the image of political parties is determined by their leaders reputations. In parliamentary democracies, where citizens vote for particular parties and not particular candidates, understanding the determinants of party perceptions is important. This question is particularly timely in the context of more personalized and candidate centered politics and addresses one of the main puzzles of British electoral behavior: the relative impact of parties and candidates on electoral outcomes. I use survey data collected in Britain in 2008 and show that even in a political system where leaders are not very visible, citizens pay attention to the personality traits of their leaders and can provide distinct evaluations on the basis of competence, leadership, integrity, and warmth. I also show that the evaluations of leaders are related to how citizens evaluate their political parties. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets out to reveal the asymmetrical nature of the United Kingdom Devolution and how nationalist parties namely Plydd Cymru (the party of Wales) has forced the national assembly of Wales into coalition governance and the SNP pushed ...... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the decline in support for major political parties in Western Europe, specifically, France, the UK, and German, this paper investigates the relationship between citizens, political parties, and the European Union. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a formal model to predict the circumstances under which voters (in plurality elections) will abandon their most-preferred candidate to cast a PROTEST VOTE. We then test these predictions on survey data from Canada and the UK. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper refines the issue ownership theory of party competition and applies this new model to explain party strategies in British general elections. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Referendums often have little or no overt connections to partisan politics, lacking party campaigns and ballot labels common to most candidate elections. Even for national-level referendums, voters may have scant information about the proposed ballot measure and high uncertainty about the possible outcomes. Although attitudes about the referendum question are decisive for many voters, we contend that cues provided by parties and leaders are important guides for political decision-making when stakes are high and relevant information is in short supply. Our survey experiment -- conducted with a large national sample of the British electorate (N = 17540) in the spring of 2008 -- involves voting in a hypothetical referendum on denying public services to illegal immigrants. We find that party and leader cues are suspect messages with no statistically significant effects. But when these cues are interacted with a voter’s partisan identification and affect for cue givers (party leaders), the cues have highly significant effects. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the role of money in policymaking is a central question in political economy research, surprisingly little attention has been given to the rents politicians actually derive from politics. We use both matching and a regression discontinuity design to analyze an original dataset on the estates of recently deceased British politicians. We find that serving in Parliament roughly doubled the wealth at death of Conservative MPs but had no discernible effect on the wealth of Labour MPs. We argue that Conservative MPs profited from office in a lax regulatory environment by using their political positions to obtain outside work as directors, consultants, and lobbyists, both while in office and after retirement. Our results are consistent with anecdotal evidence on MPs' outside financial dealings but suggest that the magnitude of Conservatives' financial gains from office was larger than has been appreciated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We compare factors within and outside of the legislative arena that influenced legislators' decisions to change party affiliations in Great Britain and the United States in 19th and early 20th centuries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine how differences in institutions contribute to the success of extreme right parties in legislative elections in France, Poland, and Britain. Three types of differences are investigated: district magnitude, thresholds, and proportionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do party leaders exercise control over rank-and-file legislators? In an analysis of legislative voting in the House of Commons during the nineteenth century, I demonstrate how party leaders consolidated their power by changing the electoral system. In an analysis over over a half a million votes cast by MPs from the 1830s to the 1900, I show that eliminating malapportioned districts eliminated party mavericks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New Labour has often been accused of doing little more tinkering with the Thatcherite welfare reforms of the 1990s. This is, incorrect. Rather, their origin finds a rich history in Social Democratic writings. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Parliament elections are the only national elections in Britain where you will not see strategic voting.  We will show that small Euro-Skeptic parties are strategically deserted in national legislative elections. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I take notice of two prominent features of party policy position taking, divergence and dynamism, and show that dynamic party position taking in the context of divergent party position taking is a desirable quality for democratic representation. However, because models of party position taking tend to concentrate on divergence or dynamism and because it is their combination that proves important for representation, I describe a model of party position taking that incorporates both features. I explore the plausibility of my descriptive model, mostly casually, by examining policy positions of the two-major parties in the United Kingdom and the United States from 1945 through 2001. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]