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Risk assessments on organized crime are intended to determine which criminalnetworks pose the greatest risk to society and to assess the nature and level of the negativeconsequences or "harms" from organized crime's illicit activities. In this paper, "harm" is definedas the type and level of adverse consequences, intentional or inadvertent, resulting from criminalactivities undertaken by organized crime. This paper explores the concept of harm analysis froma Canadian perspective in light of similar explorations in the United Kingdom and Australia, andalso discusses the practical and theoretical challenges involved in implementing a technique toevaluate and rank the harms from organized crime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "Explaining Allied Attitudes Toward U.S. Missile Defenses: Canada, Japan, and Britain," prepared for the "Annual Conference of the International Studies Association" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It offers to help fill part of the gap in the literature with respect to the attitudes of U.S. allies. It investigates such developments in a comparative manner with special focus to Canada, Japan, and Great Britain. It also probes the central factors in the national debates of the countries.

Globalization and new information and communications technologies are transforming the role of cities. According to Manuel Castells, the information age is ushering in a new urban form, the informational city. (Vol. 1, 398) Local governance, then, matters more than ever. At the same time governance at all levels is said to be accompanied by a democratic deficit and declining legitimacy. One of hope of ICTs is that in a globalizing world they can ameliorate the democratic deficit and close the gap between citizens, their representatives and other policy-makers. In principle local governments are supposed to be closest to their citizens and the most democratically accessible level of government, the space where e-democracy should have the greatest potential. Yet, I argue, in a comparison of the evidence - studies, polls, and an analysis of urban websites - in four countries, Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia that e-democracy is failing. It has become subordinated to the hegemony of neo-liberalism with its emphasis on the service state and the citizen as consumer, not democratic participant. Despite this, I argue, citizens are using ICTs democratically, forming networks, linking the local and the global but not in a manner intended by state authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decrying the erosion of freedom in the name of security, the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group reports that since the events of September 11th the surveillance and policing of people have been intensified by the use of new mechanisms: "sneak and peak" in the US, "stop and search" in the UK, "preventative detention" in Canada and "indefinite detention without trial" worldwide. Within the frame of the "war on terror," the relationship between civil liberties and security is being transformed. This paper argues, however, that these developments do not merely signal an erosion of civil rights in the name of national and international security, but a reconstitution of the meaning of liberty and freedom. By examining representations of liberty within contemporary security practices in the US, the UK and Canada, this paper will illuminate the conditions under which current security measures have been rationalized and deemed necessary for the continuation of liberal democracy itself. As security is posited as both entwined with the protection of territorialized nation-states while also imperative for the protection of liberty, this paper considers how new practices of security have come to serve as mechanisms for the liberal governance of populations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine Canadian development policy and practice in Latin America against the backdrop of Canada?s 2005 International Policy Statement, which proposes to re-focus Canadian development assistance and to adopt a ?whole of government approach? to international issues. The paper has four specific objectives. First, the paper seeks to identify what is new in Canadian aid policy toward the Americas, and what is effectively repackaged policy from the past decade. Second, the paper will examine Canada?s proposed new development policy directions in Latin America in comparison with other OECD Development Assistance Committee Members, in particular the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Scandinavian Countries. Third, the paper will analyze the relationship between Canadian aid policy and Canada?s other foreign policy interests (especially trade relations) in the Americas. Finally, the paper will analyze the relevance of Canadian aid programming to its new selected ?development partners? in the region (Bolivia, Guyana, Honduras, Nicaragua and Haiti). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrialized countries like Canada, the USA and UK, are regulating geographic mobility through new citizenship, immigration, asylum and detention laws as well as more policing and surveillance technologies. This paper intervenes in discussions of recent ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, laws have been passed in the US, Canada, and the UK that require automatic deportation for certain categories of legal, often long-time residents of these countries who regard the them as their only home. This paper examines and compares to what degree laws in each of the subject countries lead to individuals being exiled from the only homelands they know and embrace. It is observed that in some cases, regardless of the longevity of individuals' residence and lack of connections to the country of origin people are deported. Based on the results of an empirical study conducted in each of the three countries, I argue that the aplication of the law illustrates discrimination and, furthermore, the social and psychological impacts of such laws are so devastating to individuals and families that they ought to be considered an abuse of human rights. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary Canada is widely seen as a symbol of multiculturalism. Within the Canadian federation, however, contemporary Quebec is seen as a symbol of the endurance of nationalism. The purpose of this paper is to shed new light on this contradiction, informed by a sociohistorical analysis of the international origins of La Nouvelle France and the Canadian state. Building on the theory of social-property relations, the analysis will reconstruct the initial laboratory of the Canadian state through an analysis of the clash between two property regimes: capitalist England and absolutist France. Recasting the political dynamic generated by this act of birth, the analysis will conclude by bringing a speculative new light on contemporary Canadian multiculturalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When pondering questions of immigration one thinks of its economic and social consequences on both the macro/national scale and the micro/family or individual scale. This paper is the result of field studies and data collection in the US, Canada, and the UK. It provides a comparative study of the causes and effects of immigration and of deportation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interest in the foreign policy opinions and political impact of Muslims living in the West is growing. While this interest in part responds to a now familiar prediction of conflict between Islam and the West, it is also a reaction to the growing political activism of Muslim minorities in the West. For instance, in the last couple of decades, Muslim minorities have organized politically as Muslims (as opposed to ethnic or national identities) to influence policy in the United States, Britain and Canada. This study compares the international interests of five influential Muslim pressure groups in these three pluralist states. Do these groups share the same international interests? What factors influence their prioritizations of foreign issues? By examining documents issued by five leading Muslim organizations in the United States, Britain and Canada from 2000 to 2005, and speaking with the leaders of these groups, this study provides a concrete understanding of the foreign policy interests of Muslim actors in the foreign policymaking process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What considerations drive aid allocations from the developed nations, especially to transitional regimes such as the Central Asian republics? I am particularly interested in the extent to which donor states balance security, economic, and human rights concerns. In contrast to the public claims made by aid agencies and donor governments, I argue that the aims of aid are not selfless â€" at least not primarily. In preceding research, I develop this argument by considering the sources of domestic and international costs and benefits to states. I particularly focus on benefits from aid to subgroups within a state, and on conditions under which aiding states with poor human rights records impose costs on a donor. These hypotheses have been are empirically assessed through both quantitative and qualitative case studies of the foreign policies of Britain, Canada, and Australia between 1980 and 2003, as well as quantitative analyses of all Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) donor states during the same period. In the present research project I also include US official development assistance, and extend the temporal terrain up through 2006). I document overall patterns in the relationships between trade, domestic politics, and aid, as well as changes occurring as the era of the Iron Curtain gave way to the increasingly interdependent global economy of the early 21st century. My research suggests that the governments of donor states do apply this kind of cost-benefit analysis of the expected utility of aid, and demonstrates that, accordingly, aid recipients that are attractive trade partners are less likely to be punished for human rights abuses by having aid reduced or ended. Essentially, democratic donor states like the US pay attention to the human rights records of their aid recipients when they can afford to, in economic and electoral terms. Determining how donors make the decision to aid recipients based on weighing both self-interest and human rights is essential for at least three reasons. First, if states with the ability to set the international agenda do so in a manner that does not include a consistent or primary role for ethical considerations, they signal to leaders of other states that abuse of human rights will be tolerated. Second, in donor countries where respect for democratic values is supposed to be the basis of governmental legitimacy, failure to respect and protect these rights internationally represents a contradiction of core principles. Third, as a practical matter, most members of the aid community believe they are fostering human rights through eliminating poverty and fostering good governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the cross-fertilisation of religion, migration and ethnic identity under diasporic circumstances in the UK, Canada and the US with specific reference to the current networks of identity formation and sustenance among members of Muslim diasporas. It sheds light on the idealistic efforts of widespread diaspora communities with different ethnic, linguistic and racial background to gather their forces together and to achieve greater representation in their hosting societies, and, how religion is used to this end as a specifically honed tool. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]