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Through a feminist institutional ethnographic-oriented lens, this paper examines how gender and sexual violence came into the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission's (PTRC) (2001-2003) scope of visibility and how the temporally bound institution addressed these issues. This analysis utilizes the inclusion of gender and sexual violence as entry points for a deeper reflection on the institutional and discursive limits inherent within the work of the PTRC, which are rooted in set of liberal values that inform both international law and nation building. The paper garners a feminist critical perspective on the application of gender and sexual violence in an effort to both map problematic circuits to avoid and to help cut paths towards the transformation of state and society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission's PTRC (2001-2003) Thematic Public Hearing on Political Violence and Crimes Against Women, analyzing both the representations of women and the disruptive moments that occurred in this hearing. Through a bricolage of narrative form including vignette, testimony, interpretive analysis, and selections from interviews, this paper explores the cacophony of voices and parallel realities present within the work of the PTRC. An examination of the public hearings, demonstrates how certain figures, such as virgin victim and righteous mother/community leader, are privileged through a human rights framework, overlaid upon the Peruvian national discourse. This examination also illustrates how others figures, such as imprisoned subversive women, are denied the possibility of recognition. This paper underscores the way in which dominant representations of women in the PTRC's national historical narrative impose limitations on a transition to democracy due to underlying exclusionary logics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the impact of local civil society organizations on the features and trajectories of social conflicts in Peru. The current Peruvian environment is characterized by weak rule of law and a consequent unreliability of formal mechanisms through which citizens’ grievances can be expressed and addressed. In this context, small, local civil society organizations have emerged at the community level as a means to enhance the effectiveness with which popular concerns are voiced. While both civil society and rule of law have been presented in the literature as potentially key elements for improving governance and reducing violence, there is insufficient empirical research on how the two interact when they are weakly institutionalized. The case of Peru offers a valuable opportunity for evaluating this relationship, as accounts of social conflicts collected by the Peruvian Ombudsman over the last three years shed light on the particular shortcomings of the rule of law, the type of actors involved in articulating popular discontent, and the strategies they select in order to do so. The paper finds that the presence of civil society organizations increases the likelihood that complainants will attempt to use legal mechanisms and peaceful demonstrations to resolve disputes. However, it also finds that due to the weakness of the rule of law, these usually prove ineffective and the presence of civil society organizations is therefore insufficient to curb the recurrent use of violence as a means to express grievances. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the puzzle of why ethnic cleavages became more salient and resulted in national political mobilization in Ecuador and Bolivia, while class-based cleavages have remained more salient for national mobilization in Peru? A comparison of indigenous mobilization in the three Andean cases provides a useful test for competing theories of ethnic identity in order to inform the debate over whether ethnic identity is different in kind from other types of identity, such as class. The paper utilizes the cases to evaluate four broad approaches to identity: Primordialism; "Thick" Constructivism, Rational Choice, and Situational. A secondary purpose of the paper is to suggest ways that the literature on ethnic identity may inform the research among Latin American scholars studying indigenous mobilization in the Andes.The paper concludes that the three cases support the "situational" view of ethnicity, which posits that ethnicity is fundamentally different from class because it is rooted in culture and relies on the symbolic use of some aspect of culture to differentiate one group from another. People organize their perceptions and various identities become more salient in different situational contexts, depending on how an issue is framed, which is why symbols are so important. The paper finds that while indigenous identity remained salient in the Peruvian highlands, ethnicity was not a particularly useful tool around which to organize mass mobilizations because it was constructed differently than in Ecuador and Bolivia, thus inhibiting a national indigenous movement. Factors such as the failure to incorporate the concept of mestizaje into the nationalization campaign of the 20th century and the tendency for indigenous symbols to be incorporated into the nationalization process and reframed to be symbols of Peruvian nationalism led indigenous peoples in Peru's highlands to redefine indigenous identity to be compatible with notions of mestizaje and its associations with modernity and socio-economic advancement. In contrast to Ecuador and Bolivia, where indigenous social movements raised ethnic banners to resist and challenge the prevalent mestizo national images, in Peru, indigenous symbols were less useful for mobilizing indigenous peoples around their struggle for socio-economic advancement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the post-Cold War period, democracy has come to be seen as virtually the only legitimate form of government in Latin America. This paper explores the role of international and regional organizations in promoting and protecting democracies, especially in moments of severe political crisis. Specifically, the paper looks at crises in Peru, Paraguay, Ecuador, Venezuela and Argentina to understand how IGO’s react to different kinds of crises, the variations between regions, and the different roles assumed by different organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the intervention of the international community ? and specifically the form of new multilateralism activated by the Organization of American States (OAS) ? to crises in Peru and Venezuela. Although from a comparative politics perspective, these two cases present striking contrasts, with respect to the study of global governance it is the commonalities in the response that attractions attention. Reshaping existing regional sovereignty norms and practices, both interventions contained extensive ?internal? as well as ?international? components in which the boundaries or barriers between diplomacy and domestic politics were blurred. The centrepiece of both initiatives was the establishment of a ?mesa,? an OAS-facilitated dialogue roundtable or forum involving key domestic political and civil society actors from government and opposition in a sustained collective effort to negotiate a consensual and peaceful solution to political crisis. In the body of the work the process of this ?tale of two mesas? is traced through three distinctive components: the actors at the table; the agendas; and, relative achievements. As our paper demonstrates, significant differences between the two mesa processes make it difficult to articulate a single, coherent model. Nonetheless, we conclude that both the Peruvian and Venezuelan mesas exemplify a promising mode of multilateral intervention: ?intervention without intervening.? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will provide an explanation for the recent rise of business-related organizations in Latin America that seek to promote corporate social responsibility in a period of sluggish economic growth. With a focus on Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Mexico, and Peru, the paper will describe a changing political economy context, in which the private sector has gained power and space relative to the public sector, as a background for the analysis of relevant variables. These will include a comparative assessment of the role of: social pressure from civil society organizations; changing views from within business elites, and the dissemination of new management concepts (such as stakeholdership). The paper will also identify and explain a major difference within this set of countries: Brazil stands out for the depth and breadth of, and relative success in the promotion of corporate social responsibility. While in the other countries the rise of these organizations may be viewed as a response to crises, in Brazil it must be viewed as the result of the social relations established by business elites as they turned to opposition to the military regime in the late 1970s and early 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to understand how domestic security threats shape state institutions and regime structures. More specifically, it discusses the impact of insurgency movements on the nature of civil-military relations and democratic openings in a country. This is an important theoretical question with great policy relevance. For centuries, civilian leaders have struggled with the problem of subordinating militaries to their authority. The lack of civilian control has become a major factor that blocked the consolidation of democracies in numerous countries. Political science literature has, so far, failed to provide a well-developed answer to this research question. Although the majority of the scholars believe that domestic security threats inevitably lead to an increase in the political involvement of the armed forces (Huntington, 1962; Stepan, 1976; O’Donnell, 1979; Hunter, 1997; Desch, 1999; etc), similar levels and types of internal security threats have, in fact, divergent effects on civil-military relations and broader regime-related questions. To understand the causes of this variation, I conduct a comparative case study by focusing on two countries, namely Turkey and Peru, which have fought against Kurdistan Workers’ Party and Shining Path insurgents, respectively, from the 1980s onwards. With this study, I intend to show that the presence of an internal threat is not a sufficient condition to account for changes in civil-military relations and regime structures. Instead, I discuss the importance of strategic interests and calculations of civilian governments and their armed forces, as well as the silent bargaining process between these actors in explaining this research question. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although not known for interstate conflict, Latin American nations do go to war. The 1995 war between Ecuador and Peru, countries considered to be in the US sphere of influence during the Cold War, provides an opportunity to examine possible domestic reasons for war. Why did a border dispute that festered for half a century suddenly become hot, particularly in the post-Cold War period with the US the clear regional and global hegemon? In this paper, I examine possible explanations, including whether the war was simply accidental to the attempt by leaders to use the conflict to garner political support--the rally round the flag effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the archival material from the 1940 national census in Peru including enumerator’s description manuals and campaigns booklets to shed light on conceptions of race and specifically the reinscription of biological narrative of race that challenge ‘sequentialist’ accounts . It also looks at the way in which these narratives inform ideas about ‘the Peruvian population’, its ‘needs and dangers’ that also manifest in these documents. More broadly, by focusing on enumeration instruction manuals and campaign materials, the paper draws attention to the practices ‘around’ census making that have received less attention in critical studies in this area that tend to focus on the ‘census proper’. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper will address the “lack of governance,” more precisely lack of “official or recognized governance,” in the domain of illicit economies. The analysis will center on illegal drug economies, but will be extended to other illicit economies as well. The paper will examine: How illicit economies arise? What are the regulatory requirements for functioning of illicit economies are; i.e. is no governance optimal? and What threats do illicit economies pose to states? It will further examine the relationship between criminal networks and belligerents, such as terrorists and insurgents, and argue against the simplistic assumption of a unity of interests and purposes of these two actors. It will draw on cases of Colombia, Peru, Afghanistan, Burma, Iraq, and Somalia for illustrations.Although illicit economies are on the one hand the manifestation of a lack of governance, their very existence is due to some kind of pre-existing regulation â€" state or international â€" that prohibits them. Such impetus for emergence of illicit economies can be criminalization of certain behavior, such as the consumption and production of illicit substances, or the imposition of some limitation on economic activity, such as requirement that all trade with legal goods be subject to taxation. Hence, economic sanctions also, although imposed on states to modify their behavior, frequently give rise to illicit economies. Second, the existence of an illicit economy presupposes some level of demand for the commodity or service that the economy generates. And third, the emergence of an illicit economy is also critically dependent on the inability-- (or unwillingness) of the state/ international regime to fully enforce its prohibition-- i.e., limits of the extent of the regulating entity’s governance. Although illicit economies thrive in ungoverned spaces where the regulating entity’s means of suppression are limited, illicit economies still frequently need some regulation. At minimum, the economy and its actors need some level of predictability and the assurance of property rights. The “wild” space is rarely fully wild; frequently, it is only differently governed. Since the state (or international organization/ regime) by defining the economy as illegal is committing itself to officially suppressing it, it cannot provide the minimum protection and regulatory functions that the economy needs for smooth functioning with limited transaction costs. Consequently, other actors fill the lacuna of governance: criminals â€" whether organized or not; armed actors, such as paramilitaries, warlords, insurgents, and terrorists; and corrupt government officials. But the relationship between criminals and belligerents is full of friction and fraught with problems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a new aspect of the relationship between political regimes and economic growth. In particular, this paper investigates the relationship between dictatorial regimes and economic growth by focusing on the importance of political stability. The current literature suggests that while dictatorships are often morally questionable, they do foster economic growth by providing a stable economic environment. As an implication, dictatorships should be viewed as an unfortunate but necessary step in transforming an underdeveloped country into a modern economy. This study, however, shows that dictatorial regimes are able to foster economic growth by establishing a stable political environment. This distinction is crucial because it implies that economic growth does not follow dictatorships per se, but instead follows the regime?s ability to achieve political stability. To test this relationship, this paper uses a case study analysis of Alberto Fujimori?s regime in Peru from 1990 to 2000. This study argues that Fujimori?s eradication of the Sendero Luminoso contributed to Peru?s political stabilization thus allowing Fujimori to implement his economic policy of market liberalization. It is also argues that Fujimori?s market liberalization was the cause of the increasing levels of foreign direct investment during Fujimori?s leadership. . ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An exploration of development?s contradictions lends a new understanding for economic reforms in the developing world. The paper contextualizes development strategies from the post-colonial era up to the present experiment with neoliberal reforms, drawing on the experiences of India, Indonesia, and Peru to demonstrate a continuum in the developing world. Over the last fifty or so years, access to capital for the developing world necessarily means accepting the accompanying development strategy. The paper will explore three significant periods, import substitution, export-oriented growth and now free market reforms, in tandem with the market trends of the lending states. This study reveals, vis-à-vis primary materials and empirical studies, aid is a misnomer. Aid of the last fifty years to the developing world has almost exclusively been in the form of loans and investments. This translates into interest and dividends for those with capital and aid, help, really aids both parties. However, with capital also comes policy and the borrowing state must simultaneously enact reforms that give foreign capital awesome domestic independence. Thus power in the context of capital and policy, the state and the non-state actor, is explored over the last half-century as it is power that explains the connections that lie in the three periods of development covered. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the findings of recent field research in Peru?s southern Andes on the impact of demographic change and human-induced environmental change on peasant livelihoods in the latter half of the 20th century. My research in the communities of Chuschi and Quispillacta is a component of my dissertation which is seeking to explore whether environmental scarcities and demographic change have played a role in rural unrest and peasant revolts in Peru over the last half century. For several decades concern about the impact of human-induced global environmental change has spurred scholarly attempts to map out the complex interactions between humans and their natural environment. Since the early 1990s, one stream of this research has focused on investigating the impact of environmental stress and demographic change on our social, political, and economic systems, and whether environmental stress and demographic change contributes to the outbreak of violent conflict. My dissertation research falls within this tradition. Several recent reviews of environment-conflict literature have highlighted the need for scholars to head out into the field to conduct fine-grained analysis of environmental conflict linkages. My work in Ayacucho Peru is an attempt to advance research in this field through deeper field research on these linkages. More specifically, this paper will outline the results of my study of the impact of environmental stress and demographic change on peasant livelihoods over the last half-century in the Rio Pampas river valley in Cangallo province, Ayacucho - an area of Peru?s southern highlands that has witnessed some of the worst violence in recent years during Peru?s dirty war between the Shining Path and the Peruvian military. My study is exploring the local impact of environmental stress and demographic change in these two communities, while also situating these effects within the broader context of changes taking place in Peru s highlands in the late 20th century. The first portion of the paper sets out a general theoretical framework describing the social effects on rural livelihoods of differing levels of environmental scarcity and integration into markets - the two key factors that I believe are essential for explaining differing social effects of scarcity and the possible types of conflicts involving natural resources. Areas with abundant local renewable resources (low environmental scarcity) are frequently attractive targets for groups or elites wishing to capture those resources to sell them in national or international markets. Low environmental scarcity and high interaction with markets, in other words, can spur greedy groups to capture valuable resources, often leading to outright conflict with competing interests, and the progressive impoverishment of displaced sectors of society. There are various examples in the literature on environmental conflict of these so-called ?greed-induced? environmental conflicts. Such situations can be contrasted with the situation in Cangallo, a place with a high degree of local environmental scarcity and low interaction with markets. This part of Peru has been relatively isolated from the national and international market, and the peasants have struggled to deal with the impacts of demographic change and resource scarcity on their subsistence livelihoods. In this situation - with high environmental scarcity and low market interaction - local resource conflicts between communities or groups have been a recurring historical reality. The second portion of the paper details my findings on how demographic change and environmental scarcities have increasingly stressed the subsistence livelihoods of peasants in the communities of Chuschi and Quispillacta... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exploitation of illicit economies, such as the illicit drug economy, has become an important feature of terrorism and many other military conflicts. But the current counter-narcoterrorism chic is too simplistic. Although belligerent groups do gain vast financial benefits from their participation in the illicit economy, they gain much more from their sponsorship of the illicit economy. Based on the cases of Peru, Colombia, Afghanistan, Burma, and Northern Ireland, the analysis will show that belligerents also gain freedom of operation, and crucially, significant political capital with the local population. The conditions that influence the size and the scope of the belligerents' gains from the illicit economy include a) the state of the overall economy; b) the character of the illicit economy; c) the presence of thuggish traffickers; and d) government response to the illicit economy. Far from being highly complimentary to the effort to defeat the belligerents, government efforts to suppress the illicit economy are frequently counterproductive to counterterrorism/ counterinsurgency objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of strategies employed by democratizing rivals in South America on the prospects for consolidating democracy. It explores the relations between two pairs of rivals from South America, namely Argentina and Chile and Ecuador and Peru. It examines the effects of the approach in resolving rivalry adopted by domestic and international actors which focused on the pragmatic aspects of cooperation. The author cites the benefits of including the military into internationalist agendas of rival countries, Argentina and Chile.

Why do state leaders sometimes choose risky foreign policy options? Rational leaders are expected to instigate conflict with the anticipation of winning the conflict. However, sometimes leaders enter into conflict when the odds of winning are against them. Prospect theory offers a possible explanation for behavior of leaders who does not follow rational expectations. The past weighs heavily on present decision-making and leaders in a frame of losses may engage in risky foreign policy behavior to recoup what they believe is rightfully theirs. Loss of territory is a particularly salient issue for leaders of sovereign nations. This paper will examine decision-making during the lengthy territorial conflict between Ecuador and Peru in terms of the expectations of rational choice and prospect theory. Since the time of independence both countries have disputed their shared borders with the most recent militarized dispute taking place in 1995. Examination of a dispute lasting over a century provides an opportunity to analyze a case across time and leaders. This investigation will focus on the decision-making process of Ecuadorian and Peruvian leaders during outbreaks of fighting during the lengthy dispute to determine whether rational choice or prospect theory offers a better explanation for the behavior of these leaders under conditions of risk. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amnesty laws in Argentina, Uruguay and Peru were passed by civilian governments to prevent prosecution of members of the military and police forces accused of committing human rights violations during periods of military rule and/or internal conflict. Yet victim-survivors and family members of victims, human rights activists and lawyers, and progressive academics continued to seek ways to hold those responsible for rights abuses accountable. In each country, however, local groups have adopted different strategies in their pursuit of retributive justice. The paper will explore the different relationships local groups in each country have developed with transnational human rights networks, how they have sought to relate to international and regional human rights bodies in their pursuit of retributive justice, and how this has shaped local understandings of human rights, justice, and accountability. In Argentina and Peru, where local groups actively sought out alliances with transnational human rights groups and brought cases before international and regional human rights bodies such as the Inter-American Court for Human Rights, the amnesty laws were successfully overturned, and in both countries trials have begun moving forward. In Uruguay, where a civic movement failed to overturn the amnesty law using domestic mechanisms (a referendum), efforts to develop transnational networks and use international mechanisms of redress have developed more slowly, and the amnesty law remains in place. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on field research conducted in Peru over six months in 2005 and 2006. It examines the role of transnational activist networks (TANs) in promoting transitional justice policies. Building on the work of Keck and Sikkink (1998), Pion-Berlin and Arceneaux (2001) and Areceneaux and Pion-Berlin (2005), I explore the strategies employed by a human rights TAN and its allies in Peru's domestic civil society to explain its sudden successes in 2001 as well as the longer-term limitations to its capacity to transform human rights accountability politics within the state. By comparing this case to others in the region that continue to grapple with these issues, I draw generalizable conclusions as to the centrality of TANs in this specific issue area as well as the obstacles to institutionalizing their activist agendas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large mining companies in developing countries are increasingly under pressure to take responsibility for social and economic impacts in communities affected by their operations. One explanation for this trend is a growing realization among large companies of the power of small communities to disrupt their operations. Electronic communications technology has made it possible and relatively easy for network-based groups to mobilize large numbers of people on behalf of local interests with strength once attributed only to large international organizations. Thus mining companies have acted on behalf of perceived public interests, a space that previously belonged to government and charitable organizations.Case examples of mining in Canada, Peru and Mali form the basis for the argument in this paper that companies are including community relationships as a key component of their business planning processes, and investing time and money accordingly. Each company approached CSR as a means to reduce risks to business operations. The three cases represent three different approaches to dealing with the risks posed by communities that may be antagonistic to a company. The three approaches are: (a) Influencing international standards by taking a visible and active leadership/controlling role; (b) Spending money willingly to buy land and loyalty; and (c) Establishing good local relationships at the site of operations. While each approach generated different results for the companies and communities, in all three cases it is clear that the companies recognized the inter-dependence between their interests and that of the communities where they operated. In different ways each company engaged in activities such as the provision of health services or construction of infrastructure, and even security?areas outside their expertise. As a result the companies also raised the bar on public expectations of what a company can and should do to contribute to local development. Governments, on the other hand, were inadequate regulators of business. As a result, there is now much greater space for communities to negotiate directly for their interests with both government and business. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the determinants of fertility and contraceptive use in Bolivia, Colombia, Peru, and Nicaragua. Using the most recent versions of the DHS+ data sets, we examine the influence of women's schooling, urban/rural residence, and other control variables on fertility and contraceptive use. The effects of the independent variables are estimates using logit and negative binomial MLE methods. The paper also discusses the implications of the statistical findings for national and regional efforts to control population growth in Latin America. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From Nuremburg to East Timor, through Peru, South Africa, Yugoslavia, and many others, the fight against impunity and the promotion of reconciliation and justice during periods of transition through truth-seeking, accountability, reparations, and/or insti ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violent non-state actors (VNSA), such as terrorist organizations, play an increasingly important role in the international security environment. Effectively coercing or destroying terrorist organizations requires a subtle understanding of the factors that influence the growth and formation of such organizations. Here, we discuss the importance of formulating systems-level computer models that may enable us to forecast VNSA growth and formation, and that also give us leverage for effects-based operations and planning. We apply tools from systems engineering to turn our qualitative systems-level mental models of VNSA into quantitative computer models. By using a systems engineering approach, policy-makers will be able to expand the number and quality of their mental models surrounding reasoning about how VNSA develop so as to gain deeper insights into the complexity of the system. We demonstrate proof-of-concept by examining a model that successfully retrodicts the growth curves of the Peruvian terrorist organization Sendero Luminoso, generating innovative policy recommendations for how Peru could have stemmed Sendero's growth in the 1980s and 90s. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]