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This paper will focus on the policy processes and inter-allied negotiations that led to the Treaty of Versailles limitations on German armaments. It will compare British and French approaches to the issue, and consider both naval and land disarmament, including fortifications as well as mobile forces. It will provide a longer-term context for the later papers by referring to pre-1914 precedents for the inter-war disarmament debate. It will relate policy differences towards Germany to concerns about the future balance of strength between the victors themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite various attempts by their respective governments elements of Corsican and Basque society have continued to employ militant strategies in their attempts for greater autonomy and rights. Some have even used violence to call on complete independence from Spain and France. Corsica and the Basque country are isolated from the rest of the population, both have a history of fierce independence and a desire to protect their language and culture not only within Spain and France, but within the rest of the new highly integrated Europe. This paper will explore potential explanations for the continued violence in Corsica and the Basque country in the face of negotiations and concessions by the state. Issues such as history, culture and the role of the international community will be examined. The paper relies heavily on field research conducted in the region and with European policy makers. Through a greater understanding of the factors that have led to continual violence despite efforts by the state to negotiate in these cases, a clearer understanding of the majority/minority group relationship as a whole can be gained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that divergent discourses about immigration during the 1970s and early 1980s in France and the United States played a significant role in shaping immigration jurisprudence in these countries and that liberal legal professional networks were central to this process. During a formative period for the rights of non-citizens, Mitterrandist discourse about immigration avoided ethnic and racial categories, while Great Society immigration discourse treated ethnicity as a legitimate category within a broader framework of pluralist politics. Court decisions translated these discursive framings into principles that structured legislative debates on immigration, further institutionalizing these nationally-distinct conceptualizations of immigrant rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the politics of youth unemployment in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. For decades following World War II, joblessness among young people was consistently lower than the adult rate; today, however, Europeans between the ages of 18 and 25 are experiencing significantly higher levels of unemployment and underemployment in comparison to older workers, despite being better educated and a smaller total percentage of the population than previous generations. While traditional explanations of youth joblessness emphasize the transitory nature of the youth job market, maintaining that high levels of youth unemployment are, in a sense, “natural,” this paper argues that in France and the UK, young people have served as a “test” group for labor market liberalization for successive governments since the early 1980s. In France, this has led to a massive increase in unemployment rates for young people, while in the UK the effect has been a decline in the relative wages and employment rates for youth and a huge spike in the number of Britons under 25 involved in government education, training, and work schemes. In both countries, liberalizing the youth labor market has created an “insider/outsider” system for older and younger workers, with potential long-term political, economic, and social implications. While rigidities are still prevalent in the German youth job markets, the strength of the German apprenticeship system and the more deeply rooted system of legislative protections for youth have generally served to cushion young people from the negative side of labor market liberalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the diplomatic engagement of the EU3 (Germany, France and the UK) with Iran, in the context of growing regional and international concerns about the Iranian uranium enrichment programme and Tehran's perceived regional hegemonic ambitions. Drawing on the academic literature on coercive diplomacy/strategic coercion, this paper examines EU3 negotiating strategy and that of Tehran, focusing on three key elements: demands, threats and time frame. The central argument is that the Iran case is a unique, if not anomalous example of coalitional coercive diplomacy, in which the states engaging in diplomatic negotiations lack either the military capabilities or political will to threaten coercion, and the states making threats are not engaged in diplomacy. Nonetheless, the Iran issue provides an interesting case-study which highlights the possibilities and limitations of coalitional coercive diplomacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The “theory” of preventive war predicts that states are most likely to undertake military action in response to a rising challenger if they expect that the adversary will surpass them in military strength and then engage in hostile behavior, so that a future war with the challenger is likely. The biggest apparent anomaly for this theory is the Western rejection of a strategy of prevention based on better-now-than-later logic in favor of the strategy of appeasement in the 1930s. In our previous work on the Rhineland Crisis of 1936 and the Czechoslovak Crisis of 1938, we demonstrated that the British and French non-response is not at odds with preventive war theory because British leaders believed that the transition had already occurred prior to 1936, leaving France and Britain with few options, and because French leaders would not take a firm stand against Germany without British support. This interpretation begs the question of why Britain and France did not respond more firmly to the rise of Hitler and to German rearmament before 1936, either through military buildups of their own, a containment strategy based on alliances, or perhaps through coercive threats or preventive military action. In this paper, we address this important question with an analysis of British and French government documents and private papers. We conclude with a discussion of the limits of preventive war theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The failed referenda in France and the Netherlands on the EU constitution in May 2005 as well as Eurobarometer data reveal a lack of popular support for the EU as a political actor and the integration process. Theorists hold that this phenomenon can be attributed to (1) a lack of an EU-wide public sphere that would facilitate deliberative processes, (2) a distinctly “European”, as opposed to “national”, identity, and (3) a legitimacy deficit arising from the fact that EU institutions predominantly deal with issues that citizens consider non-salient.This paper seeks to qualify arguments (1) and (2). It holds that basic structures of a shared public sphere do indeed exist albeit being distinct from national ones. Further more, a shared identity can be traced in so-called “sites of memory”. Concerning argument (3), the paper holds that despite its limited capacity for policy-making, the EU is a potent political actor in terms of agenda setting as can be extracted from public political statements and election campaigns. The paper suggests that the lack of support is â€" at least partially â€" due to an insufficient communication strategy which fails to mediate political processes originating from the EU. Without such a strategy, however, potential benefits of EU policies will remain obscure to the citizenry. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 29 May 2005, French voters rejected the European Constitutional Treaty (ECT) by a decisive 54.7 percent. Among many contributions to the literature on the French referendum, the broader historical and theoretical perspectives on European referenda are generally omitted. This paper analyzes the causes of the ‘no’ vote in France, and discusses its implications for the future of the ECT based on two sets of theories on European referenda, namely the ‘second-order’ and the ‘attitude’ schools. The second-order model argues that in referenda on European integration, short term domestic concerns outweigh long term European perspectives in shaping voter behavior. On the other hand, the attitude school argues that citizens have educated ideas, beliefs, and attitudes on salient European matters. These two perspectives are often presented as contradictory; however as the French voting reveals the reasons for the ‘no’ votes in referenda are manifold, arising from both domestic and European concerns of the voters. Based on case studies of the previous European referenda in Denmark and Ireland, this paper shows that second-order and attitude schools can be used as complementary approaches to explain why French have voted against the ECT. In the case of France, national and European dimensions of the constitutional debate form a whole to explain the emerging disharmony between perceptions of the political elite and the public regarding the course of European integration. It is argued that to reverse this trend and to save the constitution, revisions and reforms at both national and European levels might be necessary. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European integration has been deepened and expanded several times toward the Eastern enlargement whose start was to realize the renunciation of war between Germany and France. Although variety of issues arguing self interest occurred, shared interest coming from European common values has seemed to exceed self interest, which has led to the EU eastern enlargement. Compared with European Union which has its institutional way of integration, East Asia is called as functional way of integration led by enterprises not by nation states, which has led to the de facto integration. We examine in this paper the origin and the characteristics of the introversion of East Asian region with public goods approach. Also we investigate the way in which East Asian internationalism will appear and East Asian international order with independency will also be born, whose tendency is investigated in this paper by function provided by reiterated communication (typically insisted by Axelrod) and by beneficial viewpoints of creating FTA and customs union (typically asserted by Kemp and Wan). Those viewpoints emphasize importance of free mobility of goods, labor and capital, communication and reiteration towards Pareto optimal situation, towards more integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins in Paris, moves to postcolonial India, and then returns to the Western metropolis through the figure of the migrant. At each stop, I will be trying to unpack how the modern nation works. As will soon become clear the task of unfurling the politics of the nation also involves unravelling some of the basic narratives of modernity. This paper about national politics is therefore, somewhat unwittingly, also a paper about politics under modernity. The paper travels through a discussion of three texts. The first is Walter Benjamin's Arcades Project, a study of Nineteenth Century Paris and, as I will argue, a lucid exposition of how the nation works. The two others are postcolonial theories of nationalism, one by Partha Chatterjee and the other by Homi Bhabha. In each understanding of the nation, there is already implicated an image of the international. In the paper, I discuss how different understandings of time shape how we imagine political possibilities. I compare the idea of time that underpins the modern nation, with different understandings of time which might be explored through the site of the city. Each of the three texts criticises the failure of modern political imagination, while attempting to develop some alternatives. I argue that although Benjamin, Chatterjee and Bhabha go some way towards proposing a reimagined nation, we are still left at the end with an unimaginative, exclusive and narrow understanding of the international. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will consider the evolution of attitudes towards disarmament within the French military establishment through the interwar period. The central argument will be that the military response to the disarmament question was more sophisticated than has hitherto been assumed. The key French military official charged with dealing with this question throughout most of the period in question was Lt Col. Eduard Requin. I will argue that Requin had an impressive understanding of the political complexities of the disarmament issue and proved very effective at establishing the conceptual and procedural framework in which it was debated through most of the 1920s. Contrary to common wisdom, disarmament policy was an important component in both diplomatic and military thinking about national security. This changed with the rise of Hitler and subsequent intelligence on German rearmament convinced the French military very early on that France’s security could not be achieved by diplomacy alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The examination of the mean and standard deviation of levels of EU member state commitments to development assistance from 1990 to 2001 indicates that there was little change in the level of cross-national variation in aid outlays during this period. Yet this overall image of EU member state foreign aid performance obscures important differences in the direction state development commitments have taken. This paper focuses on the changes in levels of aid allocations in just two countries: Ireland and France. Ireland reliably increased its development assistance throughout the decade, doubling the percentage of its GNP allocated to overseas aid between 1990 and 2001, whereas France nearly halved its aid outlays in the same period. Explanations of donor generosity focusing on material self-interest, humanitarian values, and the efforts of domestic political actors largely fail to account for the timing and nature of changes to the Irish and French aid programs during the 1990s. Instead, this analysis draws attention to state identity as a determinant of aid outcomes. In both states, changes in development commitments reflected an adaptation of how state identity could be expressed within a changed international context. For Ireland, increasing political integration in Europe exposed the declining relevance of the neutrality doctrine that had served as the primary symbol of an independent and moral Irish foreign policy, and the pursuit of a progressive development cooperation policy offered an alternative means of expressing a unique Irish contribution to world politics. Events in Central Africa in the mid-1990s undermined the ability of France to claim an international leadership role on the basis of its involvement on that continent. As a consequence, French development assistance declined and France turned increasingly to reassert its leadership role within the European Union as a means of safeguarding its international diplomatic preeminence. Although this study suggests that the EU has had little influence on the development cooperation policies of its member states through the promotion of common standards, the EU has shaped member state foreign policy choices by defining the range of available opportunities for state identity expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While France vehemently denounced the attacks of 9/11 on the United States, with French papers (such as Le Monde) taking the lead in expressing solidarity with the American people and government, relations between the two countries suffered due to French ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the colonial legacy of peace(building) and what can it tell us about the practice and discourse of peacebuilding? This paper examines peacebuilding's colonial legacy, the politics of its theorization or non-theorization, and its effects on the prospect for building peace in so-called post-conflict African settings. It inquires into the relevance of colonial legacies and anti-colonial strategies to the contemporary discourse and practice of peacebuilding. The main objective is to problematize this legacy because in the contemporary peacebuilding scholarship the colonial legacy is often rejected a priori as totally irrelevant or it is simply assumed, thus leading to questionable comparisons between colonial violence and current peace operations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will borrow from the social theory of Pierre Bourdieu to analyse the social dynamics of the French foreign ministry during a period of dramatic change. The period from 1914 through 1928 witnessed important transformations. The international s ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to provide a comparative analysis of state-Muslim relations in Britain, France and Russia by focusing on state-sponsored efforts to engage with and institutionalise moderate forms of Islam, compatible with the secular agenda of inter-conf ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact that status (or rang) occupies in the bilateral relationship between France and the United States. The title is an allusion to André Tardieu’s 1927 book Devant nous, l’obstacle, which remains one of the classic works on a r ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which colonialist thinking became embedded in the international practice of French political elites between the Wars. It takes as its starting point the proposition that some of the most fascinating issues in colonial history lie at the interface between Europeans and indigenous populations, at the point where expressed policy intention met indigenous efforts to challenge it, to amend it, or otherwise to assuage its impact. These sites of contestation are often the most analytically rewarding, revealing the limitations of colonial power and the extent to which colonized people retained significant capacity to reconcile colonial intrusion with their enduring societal practices. French colonizers were no less influenced by these points of contact, deriving from them their normative standards, their modes of behaviour, and their administrative procedures.Here we confront another analytical question. How did these norms of behaviour and practice within the Empire feed back to imperial policy processes in France? Put differently, were the changing normative standards of practical and permissible colonial rule driven from the periphery or from the centre? Perhaps this binary opposition is too rigid. If so, how are we to reach a workable, multi-causal explanation for changes in the way the Empire's place in French international politics was understood? The answer may lie in closer examination of the ways in which knowledge of colonial activity became embedded in the international thinking - the global view - of French political elites.Two discrete colonial policy debates, both variously concerned with issues of political economy and each of them intimately linked with the projection of French international power illustrate what these elite normative standards amounted to during the inter-war years. The first of these concerns the most ambitious French colonial infrastructural scheme of the early twentieth century: Albert Sarraut's eponymously-named development plan, proposed and ultimately rejected in the 1920s. The second hinges on the battle between the French state and the colonial banking sector over which bore more responsibility for the devastating impact of the Depression conditions of the early 1930s on colonial economies and populations. The point is not to overthrow conventional wisdom about these issues. Rather, it is to highlight the extent to which Empire was - or was not - part of the way in which senior political figures viewed the world. What emerges is a paradox. Alongside an ebullient belief in the virtuous singularity of French imperialism sat the long-term refusal to confront the costs - human, economic, and political - of governing Empire. Gary Wilder captures the contradiction nicely in his analysis of inter-war conceptions of Greater France, which 'reflected the confidence of an organized empire at the height of its power and revealed the anxiety of a colonial project facing an imminent crisis of colonial authority.' ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will examine the thesis that policies on integration are converging in contradictory ways: civic integration and anti-discrimination. If the first implies a greater emphasis on unified civic values, the second implies support and legitima ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within debates on Global Governance corporate participation in various forms of self-regulation is increasingly being studied. Yet, a variable formerly considered to be important, the home state, has not drawn much attention recently. However, first research results indicate that in explaining the differences in corporate behaviour in self-regulatory initiatives the home state still matters.Two different patterns of corporate engagement can be distinguished: Corporations can either accept and implement existing norms of an initiative which would qualify them as norm-consumers. This rather passive absorption of norms can be contrasted with a second pattern of corporate behaviour, the active engagement in norm formation and norm development within CSR-initiatives. Thereby corporations are taking on the role of norm-entrepreneurs.The paper aims to investigate the conditions for these variations in corporate behaviour, either acting as norm-consumers or norm-entrepreneurs. In contrast to theories of transnational corporations that describe corporations as de-nationalized entities, we argue that the political environment of a corporation’s homestate determines in how far a corporation is willing to take on the role of a political actor. Following the Varieties of Capitalism approach, it will be shown that characteristics of coordinated and liberal market economies are decisive not only for explaining business strategies but also whether corporations take on the role of norm-consumer or norm-entrepreneurs.This argument will be illustrated by empirical findings from case studies of eight companies from four countries (France, Great Britain, Germany, South Africa), representing different types of economies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents research findings on the British Army case study from a two year ESRC funded project on land forces transformation in the US, Britain and France. In the post-Cold War period all three armies have been confronted with a number of challenges as they have sought to adapt and innovate in the face of the alteration of the political, social. strategic and military environment, as well of the increasingly introduction of new technologies, particularly information technologies, and societal changes. The British Army’s innovation efforts have been shaped by a perceived operational need to be more expeditionary in character and to develop new concepts consistent with the concepts of Network Enabled Operations and Effects Based Approach to Operations that have their origins with, respectively, US Navy and the US Air Force. A critical aspect of the British Army’s effort to respond to these issues is the Future Rapid Effects System, a radical rethinking of the organization of Army units designed to make one third of its combat capability more expeditionary while still sustaining combat lethality and survivability. This analysis examines for what has driven the British Army to rethink the character of its combat platforms and organizational structure, the factors which conditioned the alternative choices it perceived it had and the choices it ultimately took, and the relevant factors, such as organizational culture that have facilitated or inhibited innovation or change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper present research findings from the French Army case study from a two year ESRC funded project on land forces transformation in the US, Britain and France. In the post-Cold War period all three armies have been confronted with a number of challenges as they have sought to adapt and innovate in the face of the alteration of the political, social. strategic and military environment, as well of the increasingly introduction of new technologies, particularly information technologies, and societal changes. The French Army’s innovation efforts have been shaped by a perceived operational need to be more expeditionary in character and a political imperative to develop new concepts in line with the US military’s transformation programme. A critical aspect of the French Army’s effort to respond to these issues is the Scorpion ground combat system (which is analogous to the US FCS and UK FRES) and related re-organization of Army units designed to make one third of its combat capability more expeditionary while still sustaining combat lethality and survivability. This analysis examines for what has driven the French Army to rethink the character of its combat platforms and organizational structure, the factors which conditioned the alternative choices it perceived it had and the choices it ultimately took, and the relevant factors, such as organizational culture that have facilitated or inhibited innovation or change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-Cold War military reforms in Britain, France and Germany have been characterized by patterns of convergence in the objectives, instruments and institutional forums of defense policy, but by divergence in temporality. These patterns of convergence and divergence cannot be fully explained by cultural approaches. Neither can they be explained solely by a focus on the role of 'international structure', as neo-realism posits, although the post-Cold War distribution of capabilities is driving Britain, France and Germany towards policy convergence. Instead the analysis builds upon the insights of neo-classical realism and its emphasis upon 'state power' by demonstrating the important intervening role played by domestic material power relationships in incentivizing figures within the core executive to respond to systemic power shifts. The paper argues that in Britain and France 'executive autonomy' in defense policy, resulting from the unitary state, weak linkages between defense and social policy subsystems and formal powers of the core executive in defense has allowed policy leaders to focus on the 'national interest' and convergence with 'systemic imperatives'. In Germany the federal system and linkages between social and defense policy circumscribed 'executive autonomy' in defense policy and incentivized an acute concern within the core executive about the domestic political ramifications of convergence with systemic imperatives, leading to the temporal management of reform, producing short-medium term policy stasis. Culture emerges not so much as a cause of action as instrumental and a resource for policy leaders in the domestic political and temporal management of reform. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One often reads that popular written medias bare a special responsibility in the linkage between migration and security. The argument is that medias often (if not always) portray the movement of people as negative; thus, fostering a sense of threat and insecurity. As well, scholars have argued that medias have created a "migration crisis" inducing the securitization of migration in Western countries. In addition, several senior analysts/bureaucrats interviewees for this study have ranked media as a highly significant actor in the process of securitizing migration. In fact, the argument is often presented with such a level of ubiquitousness that it is rarely unpacked. Yet, I demonstrate in this paper that such a conclusion is grossly incomplete. Proceeding within a sociological constructivist perspective, I have investigated editorials of two major newspapers in Canada and France between 1989 and 2005 to show that the role of media varies considerably within and across cases. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many states in Africa have recently increased their use of African languages as media of instruction in their education systems. Contrary to rationalist expectations, this similarity is not the result of domestic pressures brought on government by language groups. Nor is it the straightforward result of international human rights advocacy networks. Instead, the policy outcome sits at the intersection of ideational pressures that have changed policy-maker preferences at several levels. First, at the international level, a group of strategic academics worked to alter the preferences of French ministers charged with foreign policy in Africa. These ministers communicated new policy preferences to African governments regarding language use in education. Simultaneously, as international language NGOs collaborated with local linguists to transcribe African languages, these actors worked diligently to transform the opinion of African parents, politicians and bureaucrats regarding the use of local languages in education. All of these pressures converged in the early 1990s to propel a pattern of changed policy in Francophone African states. This paper focuses on the first step in the causal chain: the changed preferences among government actors in France who are charged with policy formulation in aid to African education. These findings reveal the continued ideational links between France and its former colonies and contrast them with a lack of such connections in Anglophone Africa. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I analyzed he im/material salience of women within polemical nodes of French immigration politics. Such salience points to the peculiar role that women, gender, and sexuality play in the construction of racist and nationalist discourses. It also alerts us to the fact that a sans-papière subject position is impossible to imagine within the Republic. While the figure of the "immigrant Woman" stand metonymically for the various ills of immigration, immigrant women are literally erased from the picture. I use the concept of "impossibility" to highlight the very unthinkability of certain subjectivities within France. I also use the notion of impossibility to highlight various material and discursive processes that create social spaces of impossibility that the sans-papiers and sans-papières are forced to occupy. Finally, I suggest that the various technologies of power that produce impossible subjects generate, in return, impossible politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France was among the early developers in modern state-building, establishing standardising procedures and regulations under the leadership of Richelieu, Mazarin and Colbert. These developments also shaped the state monopoly on the use of violence, with one important exception â€" seaborne violence. Largely in lieu of a true navy, France relied on privateers in their wars with the dominant sea-powers (the Netherlands and England) throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, particularly so after the losses at the Battles of Barfleur and La Hogue in 1692.Even when the formal war-making capacity was delegated to private entrepreneurs, the French state tried to retain a modicum of control. In this paper we explore this interaction between the French state and sea-borne private military entrepreneurs, through two sets of sources. First we look at the practical attempts at controlling privateering through the increasing deployment of consuls to ports were prizes were brought. This is followed by an analysis of state laws and regulations, the ones concerning consuls as well as the ones relating directly to privateering. We find one set of intended consequences â€" state regulations and practices gradually brought privateering under closer state control. However, we also find two sets of unintended consequences. Firstly, the deployment of consuls (French and others) abroad led to the development of stronger control apparatuses and regulations in receiving countries, thus spawning state-building efforts there as well. Secondly, the spread of consuls and the diffusion of accepted regulations of their behaviour also helped institutionalise consular affairs as an undergirding of the emerging international society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many statistical models of democratization in Africa include a dichotomous variable to account for colonial history. Some studies have shown that former British colonies enjoy a higher degree of democracy than non-British ones while other studies have found no signficant differences between the two groups. I argue in this paper that contradictory findings are the result of improper model specification. Specifically, theory dictates that former British colonies should enjoy a higher degree of democracy at the time of independence, but this level of democracy should deteriorate over time. Conversely, former French (Belgium, Portugese) colonies should start with a low level of democracy but increase it over time. The inclusion of a dummy variable only captures differences in the intercept. By interacting the dummy variable with economic growth (and time), I show that my model better captures the theorized relationship between colonial history and democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "Mickey Mouse and the French Identity" prepared for the "46th Annual ISA Convention" held in Honolulu, Hawaii. It examines how the French discursive resistance against the American pop culture provided France with an opportunity to reinforce its own cultural identity and reclaim a coherent political role. It discusses the penetration of American pop culture in France including the introduction of the Buffalo Bill Wild West Show in Paris in 1889.

The international political economy literature is rife with observations that states are under increasing pressure to trim their budgets, but though broad empirical work suggests trends and correlations between these pressures and changes in spending, these studies tell us little about how these reforms were achieved or what their effects were. Examining fiscal reforms in France, Germany, and Italy over the course of the 1990s, I argue that the approach to and content of reforms varied greatly, reflecting domestic circumstances. This paper finds that election timing, government fragmentation and polarization, and perceptions of an electoral mandate made governments more (or less) confident of their ability to push reform and dramatically influencing their approach to reform. More confident governments tended to pursue confrontational reforms that generally were characterized by refusal to negotiate reform with unions, by policies undermining unions’ future role in social policy, and by avoidance of side-payments or concessions to unions. Less confident governments’ more cautious reform efforts were marked by extensive negotiations with unions, by policies that supported unions’ future role in social policy, and by side-payments, sometimes in the area of social policy under reform, sometimes in a completely different policy area. Perversely, confident governments that were seemingly in a politically strong position sometimes were less able to achieve reforms. In regard to the content of the government’s reforms, this paper finds that cursory examinations of aggregate levels of spending and taxation do not adequately capture the effects of partisan politics or the distributional effects of reforms. Considering the more subtle effects of tax shifting and benefit targeting, I find that reforms reflect the government’s partisan inclinations with discernably different distributional impacts for the citizenry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many observers, Germany’s policy in the Iraq crisis marks an unexpected deviation from its foreign policy tradition. Recent research on German foreign policy stresses that both before and after unification, German foreign policy has been guided by three characteristics: caution in the use of military force (antimilitarism); support for the strengthening of international institutions including the readiness to significantly integrate itself in these institutions (multilateralism); and a mastery in maintaining close ties to both France and the U.S.. To explain this foreign policy continuity, many observers have pointed to a stable political culture and an internalized German foreign policy identity. From this perspective, even if one interprets Germany’s policy in the Iraq crisis as an instance of antimilitarist multilateralism, it appears puzzling why the German government took a stand against the U.S. and why it stressed its position would not be affected by a Security Council decision. This paper argues that Germany’s Iraq policy is much more in line with recent developments of German foreign policy than the existing literature would make us believe. By analyzing key aspects of the foreign-policy discourse with methods of qualitative content analysis, I show that especially the German discourse on multilateralism has not been marked by continuity. Instead, while German foreign-policy makers have continued to support multilateralism, a different understanding of multilateralism has evolved. It combines traditional elements of furthering international norms and values with new elements of asserting national interests in international fora. It embraces the open formulation of national interests and the privileging of short-term individual benefits over the longer-term securement of cooperative relations with key partners. The paper shows that with this development in mind, it becomes clear that Germany’s policy in the Iraq crisis is an outgrowth of a changing political discourse rather than a deviation from foreign-policy continuity. I conclude by discussing the implications of this finding for both the further development of German foreign policy and the academic study of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the credibility of G8 based on its ability to reliably implement the commitments it reaches within a number of core issue areas. Global issues tackled at G7/8 summits; Explanation on Summit compliance; Highlights of the annual meeting of G8 in June 1-3, 2003 in Evian, France.

Presents a case study focusing on French diplomacy on HIV/AIDS. Coordination of numerous diplomatic actors; Construction of a consensus on French position; Dangers of an ambiguitous foreign policy.

Hiscox (2002) argues that the types of coalitions that form in a democracy over trade depend on the level of inter-industry factor mobility within an economy. When factors are mobile across industries, broad class-based coalitions develop. When factors are specific to particular industries, narrow, industry-based coalitions result. Using this theory, one can develop a partial explanation of why different advanced industrial states have different models of capitalism and different policymaking processes concerning trade...ASA-I turn attention to the role political institutions play in forming coalitions. In a democracy, the degree to which the executive or the legislature controls trade and industrial policy does much to determine the size of winning coalitions and the extent to which benefits are distributed in trade policy. I argue that legislatures tend toward minimum winning coalitions in trade policy, while the executive branch favors maximal coalitions. Legislatures tend to exclude more societal actors, while executive-dominated systems emphasize consensual policies, and include more societal actors in the policymaking process. Depending on whether the executive or legislature is dominant, and whether a state has class-based or sectoral-based coalitions, a state will have a partisan, pluralist, corporatist, or interventionist approach to trade policy. To illustrate this theory, I briefly examine how trade policy in France and Sweden has changed over time. In France, factor-mobility has been low for most of its history. As the executive became more dominant in the Fifth Republic, the government emphasized a comprehensive industrial policy. In Sweden, factor mobility has been mobile for most of its history. But as decision-making over trade has shifted from the legislature to the executive, Swedish policy focused on peak-association negotiations after WWII. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the patterns and differences across countries in the regulatory responses of a number of different states to common problems involving access to urban water services. Overall, while national governance traditions can explain these differences, there are also important implications for which characteristics of developing states and societies bear particular attention in considering the question of institutional transplant. This is especially salient since these regulatory developments are arguably â€" along with other trends â€" constructing a global water governance regime. Sensitivity to how institutional transplant occurs thus has implications beyond specific case studies. The paper summarises findings from two sets of case studies. The first set involves three Latin America countries â€" Bolivia, Argentina and Chile â€" who all have 'standard' semi-independent regulatory agencies, whose patterns of regulatory implementation show very different degrees of political salience and technical capacity in each country. These differences can be linked to broader political traditions and developments in each country. The second set focuses on three countries that have steadfastly refused to institutionalise independent regulatory agencies in relation to water services: France, New Zealand and South Africa. South Africa has insisted on retaining central political control in this sensitive area; New Zealand has left the issue in the hands of highly decentralised local politics, and France has tried to combine procedural legislation socially sensitive consultancy advice. France's conflicting approach to regulatory issues domestically on the one hand, and in the international investments of its multinational companies on the other hand provides an illuminating snapshot of the politics that bridge the two sets of case studies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II, both civilians and militaries witnessed the terrifying effects of the new technology of war. Strategic bombing and unrestricted submarine campaigns blurred, if not eliminated, the boundary between battlefield and homefront. The introduction of chemical weapons exacerbated the unrelenting horror of trench warfare. Strong effort was made in the interwar years to prohibit the use of "uncivilized" technology. Despite these attempts at limiting war, France, Germany, and Britain defected from the strategic bombing and submarine agreements in the first months of World War II; only the chemical weapons protocol remained secure. This variance raises the question, under what conditions do states adopt or reject the laws of warfare? This paper argues that the current literature on the war is insufficient. Traditional realist or rationalist analysis would dismiss the so-called laws of war; yet there are instances in which states have limited use of a weapon, even if it could have given them an edge on the battlefield. Constructivists, in turn, have pointed to the strength of the norm or, as Jeff Legro argues, the organizational culture of the military, but many of these explanations are tautological. This paper uses this critical evaluation as a starting point to develop new hypotheses on the laws of war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of my paper is to present France?s particular university landscape. For a North American the French system seems very complex. And in fact it is! The paper will thus present the numerous power struggles within the French academic system in order to show how it cuts many French scholars from cross-cultural dialogue and even from a fruitful domestic knowledge cumulation. The aim is not to ?accuse? the French system (in comparison with other systems) but to try to clarify the different sectors where struggles can happen. The first level where power struggle happens is between Paris and the rest of France (la province). If you are from a Parisian university or a Grande École (another French peculiarity) and you try to have a job in a ?provincial? university you can run into difficulties having a post. Usually, a ?local? will have the job. On the other hand, for a ?provincial?, it?s very hard to have a post in Paris or achieve the agrégation to become a Professeur des universités. This introduces the second peculiarity of the French system: the difference between a Maître de conférences des universités, a Professeur des universités and a research fellow (chercheur). The difference between the two first is hierarchical while the one between the two firsts and the third concerns their functions. The firsts are primarily supposed to teach (and write some things) while the latter are supposed to do ?research? (and incidentally) teach. Of course there is rivalry amongst all of them. The argument of the paper is the following: the competition between those different groups (Parisians against Provincials, Professeurs against Chercheurs) weakens the French International Relations (IR) community. Internal rivalries are so strong that they impede the development of an effective contribution from the French scholars to the international IR debate. Worst! It tends to hinder the development of a fertile dialogue in an otherwise rich intellectual national production. The paper is not normative. It will not advance propositions to transform the French academic practice. In the meantime, by pinpointing the ?peculiarities? of this system, it hopes to contribute to, first, a better understanding of this system and, second, to draw attention of the French scholars themselves on there own weakness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the reformations, the rules and norms of the Christian Republic which had governed both polities and rulers, could no longer function. The sanction provided by canon law could no longer fulfil the function it had fulfilled, as the law was no longer applicable to all European sovereigns. In light of this, new arrangements for entering into agreements and securing these had to be made, and the obstacles which a confessionalized Europe posed to the traditional workings of agreements between polities had to be overcome. Through an examination of the relationship between Catholic France and Protestant England from the Reformation of the 1530s until the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the paper will argue that the practice of states was as crucial to overcoming these obstacles as new developments in international law. If the adherence to promises could no longer be sanctioned by international law, how could one secure the adherence of states to their promises? Rather than seeing the emergence of international law as drive forward by legal scholars and political thinkers in early modern Europe, the paper suggests that the practice of states might very well have contributed to establishing the institution of international law. The empirical basis of the paper will be the legal treaties and agreements entered into by France and England in the period. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Configurations of social actors networks engaged in the fight for an alternate globalization continue to vary across places. Even if global mobilisations, such as the World Social Forum, facilitate the production of transnational mobilisations and some convergences between social movements across the world, marked differences still exist between them. By analysing networks of social actors engaged against neo liberal globalisation in two countries (France and Canada) and four places (Paris, Marseille in France, Ontario and Quebec in Canada), we show that these differences are linked with key factors such as the genealogy of alter- globalization movement in each context and the way it was embedded in local political dynamics; the nature of the relationships between actors and different level of governance (local; national or supranational or international). Building on the notion of political space and the recent literature in geography, the first part of the paper will expose the three political spaces of alter-globalization movements found in Canada and France and the specific relationships each of these spaces has with global events and mobilisations. In the second part of the paper we will analyse in more details the political dynamics that explained most of these differences, considering both the history of social movements building processes till the middle of the eighties and more recent contexts of mobilizations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France and Britain have the largest ethnic Islamic populations in Europe. Scholarly literature has generally focused on questions of integration, the success or failure of integrating these populations, and political reactions to their presence. This paper will focus on another, less researched question: the impact of Islamic populations on security and foreign policy. Journalists and some scholars have noted that the presence of large ethnic populations of Islamic origin has been seen by state authorities as security problem, and has had an important influence on how security is organized and pursued. The presence of these populations creates the perception of a security threat (especially in the post 9-11 world), and therefore helps to create? directly or indirectly? repressive anti-immigrant policies. On the other hand, it has also been argued that these same populations have had an important impact on foreign policy, particularly in the Middle East, in part because of their electoral clout, in part because of fear of unrest. If the first argument tends to see Islamic populations as objects of politics; the second sees them also as actors and participants. This paper will compare the process of security and foreign policy in France and Britain, and the ways that Islamic groups influence this process (a) by the ways that policy-makers understand the importance of their presence; and (b) by organized attempts to assert their presence through political institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper is to better understand Muslim identity within France. It has been nearly twenty years since the Affaire du Foulard, when two young girls were expelled from their school in Creil for wearing headscarves. It can certainly be maintained that part of this debate is due to the secular nature of the French government and society. However, one can also argue that concealed within this controversy is a direct challenge to French national identity. This paper, therefore, seeks to examine recent developments from the Affaire du Foulard in order to understand that this controversy is symptomatic of a much broader problem within France: that of integration of particular social groups, in particular those of Muslim identity. Furthermore, the paper goes on to argue the ideals of 'traditional' French feminist identity are in direct contrast with the ideals of hijab. Indeed this controversy has created an unstable climate in which French identity is questioned, perhaps at the expense of assimilating and integrating Muslims within France. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

?Dans un débat comme celui-ci, n'oublions pas que nous avons comme auditeurs tous les pays civilisés,' [In such a debate, let us not forget that we have all civilised countries as audience] President of the French Chambre des députés, 15.12.1922.Before electronic mass media, parliamentary debate and reporting of it played a central role in political communication and the development of national democratic public spheres. However, to what extent did parliamentary debates inter connect on a European wide level?This paper explores foreign policy parliamentary debating and speaking as means of transnational elite communication and to what extent foreign policy decision makers used national parliamentary debates and speeches consciously to communicate with a wider, European audience. It focuses on communication between foreign policy decision makers in governments, parliaments, diplomacy and military in Britain, France and to some extent Germany.This is done through a comparative study of four British and French statesmen, Aristide Briand, Austen Chamberlain, Winston Churchill and Raymond Poincaré for the first three to four decades of the 20th century. The paper discusses the search for coordination and good or bad faith concerning Anglo-French alliance policy and Franco-German rapprochement and reconciliation. It examines to what extent these elite foreign policy decision makers were aware of parliamentary debates in allied and adversary countries and influenced by the content of these debates. Equally it investigates whether the case persons sought to communicate with outside governments and parliaments from their own platform. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the process of political integration and the construction of political identities of immigrant groups in modern democracies. In many cases, a complex array of immigrants of numerous national origins get grouped together in the political arena, such as Latinos in the U.S. or North Africans in France. This aggregation may be calculated on the part of immigrant groups in order to consolidate power, or it may be imposed by outside (perhaps rival) actors through the construction of monolithic identities. Institutional factors like ethnic categories on the census (see the Hispanic case in the U.S.) can contribute to the construction of new ethnic identities, which may take on political significance. This paper seeks to understand the construction of immigrant and ethnic identities in host countries, and also asks what impact large-scale immigrant groupings have on anti-immigrant rhetoric. My hypothesis is that anti-immigrant mobilization is more difficult when there is no single immigrant group to be easily vilified. Several cases including the U.S., France, and Australia will be examined to show that ever-larger immigrant groupings are encouraged by both pro- and anti-immigrant forces. Aggregation rather than fragmentation will be the trend. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers contemporary efforts to reform the constitutions in Belgium, France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. Each of these countries has experienced growing political pressure to reform its constitution over the last ten to fifteen years. In some instances, these efforts predate this period and have become part of the political landscape. Some sources of this common phenomenon are unique to each country, while others are shared. The paper takes a comparative historical approach to consider the political and economic conditions in which these countries have experienced these growing political pressures to reform their constitutional arrangements. The paper?s purpose is to highlight what is common and what is unique to each of the contemporary cases. To this end, it is argued that international economic pressures are as important as the moment of constitutional founding in order to understand the contemporary debates. The paper relies on analytical frameworks developed by Douglas North and James Mahoney to consider domestic and international factors that have generated these reform efforts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like ?globalisation?, multiculturalism is a concept that evokes a cognitive short-circuiting. We know what it is ? we see the Benetton adverts ? but we cannot really explain it. Often multiculturalism is used to describe/analyse post-industrial societies like the US, France, Britain, Germany, for example. In this sense, multiculturalism as a discourse is meant to belie a practical and integrative approach; we must all live together and multiculturalism allows us to do that. In another sense, it operates at an ideological level and is attached to globalisation; multiculturalism is progressive, liberal, and tolerant. For IR, multiculturalism has some important benefits. It blurs the lines between the domestic and the international. It incorporates questions of race, and culture into analyses. And, it acknowledges difference. For these reasons, multiculturalism is seen to be ?good?, to be the cornerstone of every ?right thinking?, worldly theorist of politics. Importantly for this paper, it is also central for theorists of global politics who must find a way to incorporate the complexities that emerge from, and within, various geopolitical locations. But, this paper asks: is multiculturalism really ?good?? How does it differ from an assimilationist approach? Building on Radhakrishnan?s Theory in an Uneven World (2003), this paper analyses theories of multiculturalism and assesses their place within the discipline of International Relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international organization of the Democratic Peace matters. Interdemocratic institutions are particularly suited to block escalation pathways between states and to prevent conflicts from resulting in war. The paper builds on findings from three fields of research: (a) the liberal analysis of the democratic peace, (b) systemic approaches to international institutions, and (c) new quantitative studies of armed conflicts. The paper identifies three pivotal contributions of international institutions to peaceful conflict management. International institutions can be used to overcome the security dilemma among states and to tame power competitions. They sustain international cooperation and forestall the recourse of governments to unilateral self-help strategies. Finally, international institutions increase the autonomy of issue areas, which decreases the risks of destabilizing spill-over effects from other issue areas. The paper holds that these three functions are extra-ordinarily well performed by interdemocratic institutions. Therefore, interdemocratic institutions are considered a missing link in the explanation of the democratic peace.To strengthen our argument, we choose five state dyads for structured-focused comparisons. We investigate the security relations of Argentine and Brazil, Argentine and Chile, Germany and France, Greece and Turkey, and Indonesia and Malaysia. Each of these dyads is integrated in a comparatively dense institutional network and in each case the United States has a hegemonic interest in preserving peace. In a first step, we look for significant differences in the form of international institutions. Do democracies tend to organize their security relations differently than other states? And do the form of international institutions change in predictable ways when their member states democratize? In a second step, we compare the robustness of international institutions in times of crisis. Here we ask whether interdemocratic institutions more effective in transcending the security dilemma and in stabilizing cooperation among member states? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares internet regulation in the US, France, and China, and asserts that though regulation is different in form across these national contexts, authorities in all share a perception of the internet as threatening to their authority. That the internet would be perceived as threatening is not surprising because it is causing profound changes in social interactions, altering the ways in which societies communicate, form communities, and interact with the state. Some of these effects may be hidden because they are experienced more profoundly by individuals under the age of 30 than by other groups. More than other groups this age bracket has most extensively pushed the borders of their social communities out into the internet. For example, MySpace now boasts over 50 million members; Facebook has 11 million members; the online posting board system ign.com has over one million members; and with 6.5 million inhabitants across servers the online world of Azeroth in Blizzard?s videogame World of Warcraft recently became the first fictitious ?country? to boast a larger population than many real countries. As the high number of popular press stories in the US on the dangers of social networking sites such as MySpace illustrate, these e-communities offer a difficult regulatory challenge to authorities, largely because such communities have been invisible to people over age 30. In some countries, authorities? lack of awareness of the internet as an opportunity for communities to focus, organize, and channel resistance allowed protesters in France in fall 2005 to use posting boards and text messages to organize spot protests, and others to organize the immigration rallies in the US in spring 2006. In other places, as the expansion of Google into China shows us, the free flow of information is considered threatening, and governments have strictly restricted the sites and types of e-communities that are available to citizens. Consequently, this paper explores both the variation in state regulation of the internet, and subsequently e-communities, as well as the ways in which these e-communities provide a space for resistance to the state. I examine the laws regulating the internet in the US, France, and China, and argue that in places where there is a norm of freedom of the press regulation of the internet is occurring ?backward? in response to internet use. However, in places where information transfer has always been suspect, regulation of the internet is occurring ?forward? in anticipation of how cyber space can be used to challenge authority. Though this appears to be a pattern of behavior we could predict from regime type, all authorities share the perception of these e-spaces as threatening. In order to make this argument I also look at the ways in which these communities operate that make them challenging to authorities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposed paper will analyze the ways in which Muslim immigrant women and French women born into Muslim immigrant communities are constructed by and through French media and legal discourses. The paper will open with a discussion of discursive processes that put these women under erasure while at the same time foregrounding them as the ?new? face of immigration in France. It will then move on to show how legal narratives as well as legal/social practices are locating and locking Muslim women into ?domestic? and ?traditional? roles within French society. The paper will end with a discussion of Muslim women?s organizing that offer provocative critiques of current French administrative and legal practices. In the paper, I will argue that Muslim immigrant women (especially undocumented ones) have been kept out of the sphere of rights in part through discursive and material practices that tie them to the family, matrimony, and motherhood. It has been argued that some immigrants in France are relegated to a zone of infra rights (Lochack, 1985). Here I suggest that for women, these infra rights are in part produced by gendered relations that affect all women in France but affect some immigrant women in particular and contradictory ways. In the context of the sans-papiers (undocumented immigrants) movement in France, being a mother has been one of the most successful bases for legalization for undocumented immigrant women seeking to obtain a change of status. However, derivative rights acquired through family reunification have robbed many immigrant women of their legal autonomy and placed them in vulnerable situations vis-à-vis their families and the French state. Moreover, once located in the realm of domesticity and ?tradition,? Muslim immigrant women become the privileged signifier and constant reminder of certain immigrant communities? failure to integrate into French society. Here, old notions of Muslim women drawn from France?s colonial imaginary are rearticulated into the current context of post-colonial population movements. In particular, images of oppressed and overly fecund women haunt current discussions of the ?immigration problem? in France. These re-articulations place Muslim immigrant women at the center of anti-immigrant and racist developments in contemporary France and render them particularly vulnerable to such developments.By discussing Muslim women?s organizing in France, the proposed paper will also address how activists themselves understand the discursive constructions and social/legal practices that target their communities and women within them. While privileging progressive interventions within French politics, the paper will also engage the reality of traditionalist women-driven forms of organizing that have emerged within Muslim communities in France. The paper will try to make sense of both forms of militant interventions at this particular historical moment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emergence of the principle of spatial differentiation in early-modern Europe. Focusing on how distinct national memories were shaped through the creation of national myths and monuments in the intellectual history of Portugal, England, and France, the paper suggests that a connection between collective identity and memory is integral to the process of spatial differentiation. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some within academic and public quarters have stated, oftentimes forcefully, that the spread of radical Islam within the correctional facilities of the United States and other states, poses an inherent and immediate threat to the security of these countreis. The goal of this paper is to examine the actual extent of the threat posed by the spread of radical Islam within the prison systems of the United States and other states. In the course of the paper we will attempt to answer the following questions: How do we define the risk? What is its nature? Is it a true threat or merely a perceived one? If an actual threat, what measures can our officials take to identify it and what can they do to mitigate and control it within our prisons? There is no denying that to some extent the threat is real. We seek to examine the true extent of this threat. Those who have investigated the rise and spread of radical Islam within our prisons consistently suggest that threat is grave. The cases of Richard Reid and Jose Padilla, both former inmates who converted to Islam and who later took up the cause of terrorism, are cited as core evidence. An al-Qaeda training manual seized by British authorities in 2003 which directs its operatives, should they be incarcerated, to actively recruit fellow inmates, is also frequently referenced. Beyond these pieces of evidence, however, the proof is limited at best. Instead, it is simply assumed that terror organizations are actively constructing a ?fifth column? composed of former inmates within our borders.To this end, we will attempt to both clinically examine and, if possible, test the threat posed by radical Islam within our prisons in an effort to determine the nature and extent of the threat. We examine a series of case studies looking at individual cases in the United States, and then place recruitment in US prison systems in a cross national comparative framework. At the individual level, we will examine cases of Padilla and Reid. We also examine the cases of other lesser-known individuals (such as Jose Emilio Suarez-Trashorras) who are known to have converted to radical Islam while in prison and who later became involved in terrorist activities. Such examinations are important insofar as they will allow us to partially address the first two questions posed above. At the international level, we will compare the US with the UK, Spain and France, three countries known to have serious problems with Islamic radicalization within their prison systems. An examination of these cases will permit us to address the remaining two questions.In addition to our case studies, we will present our preliminary descriptive and analytic statistics. It must be noted that an absence of accurate statistics is perhaps the single greatest obstacle to properly evaluating and understanding the extent of Islam radicalization within Western prisons, particularly those of the United States. Within the US, for example, prison officials do not formally survey prisoners as to their religious affiliations. Moreover, were such surveys to be conducted, the inmates are not required to respond. Further complicating the situation is the fact that the few informal surveys that have been conducted by corrections officials tend to demonstrated that many inmates simply do not know what denomination of a given religion they practice. This is a significant hurdle. That being said, we compile as thorough an examination of our Muslim prison population as possible by utilizing federal and state data, in order to at least begin to identify trends indicating the extent of conversion and subsequent radicalization of inmates. We are currently in the process of also developing a survey of Muslim prison chaplains designed to shed further light as to the percentage of radicalized Muslim inmates indoctrinated within our correctional facilities... ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]