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Globalization is portrayed by some analysts as forcing convergence to a liberal norm, while others argue for the continued efficacy of organized market forms of capitalism, to use Peter Hall’s description, despite globalization. Has there been a general move toward liberal market structures among European economies? And are there discernable differences in economic performance that can be traced to these transformations (or lack thereof)? This paper seeks to explore these questions empirically through an examination of institutional change and economic performance in six advanced industrial economies that offer a mix of liberal and coordinated economic structures (i.e., the United States, Britain, and Ireland on the liberal side; France, Germany, and the Netherlands as coordinated economies). The convergence question is often posed strictly in economic policy terms, an unfortunate limitation given that globalization reduces states’ ability to control economic change. The key question is how the broader institutions of economic and social regulation -- society rather than government -- respond to globalization. As such this paper first produces an empirical index based on capital mobility, labor relationships, economic regulation, and social attitudes for gauging whether markets in these states have largely liberalized or remain relatively coordinated. Comparative economic performance since 1989 (marking both the fall of the Berlin Wall and the introduction of the World Wide Web) will then be examined to see if there is any correlation between political-economic responses to globalization and economic outcomes. The hypothesis is that there will be more diversity among European capitalist economies than the mainstream reading of globalization would predict, but that more coordinated economies face rising opportunity costs that will comparatively hinder economic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The IMF has used Structural Adjustment Loans (SALs) to encourage economic development in Less Developed Countries by alleviating short term financial difficulties and imposing loan conditions mandating economic restructuring in recipient countries. In general, SALs require governments to balance their books, reduce expenditures for social programs, promote export-orientated growth, and de-regulate and privatize state-held entities. There is much speculation in the popular press and in the academic literature on human rights that the imposition of SALs induces recipient governments to reduce their level of respect for internationally recognized human rights (Bello 1994; Commonwealth Secretariat 1989; Danaher 1994; and Sadasivam 1997). While there has been much previous research on this topic, most of it has been based on the observation of only one or a few cases, usually over a short time period (Bello 1994; Commonwealth Secretariat 1989; Chipeta 1993; Danaher 1994; Dennis 1992; Handa and King 1997; Kane 1993; Sadasivam 1997; Sowa 1993 and Vuorela 1991). Only a few scientific studies attempt to assess the effects of SALs from a cross-national time series perspective (Poe and Camp Keith, 2001; Buchmann 1996; Çagatay and Özler 1995; Dorosh 1996; Due and Gladwin 1991; and Sahn 1996) and only one of the previous scientific studies addresses the cross-national effects of SALs on government respect for specific civil and political rights (Poe and Camp Keith, 2001). Recent work (Przeworski and Vreeland 2000; Vreeland 2002) has examined the impacts of IMF adjustment controlling for issues of selection. Their findings indicate a selection process, which connects the factors that determine both the receipt and impact of adjustment lending. The negative impact on economic growth and income distribution, generate questions about the impact of adjustment on other issues including the respect for human rights. This paper investigates the impacts of IMF structural adjustment lending on respect for human rights and will employ a data set that includes annual observations of specific human rights practices for all countries from 1981 to 2001. Thus, we will be able to draw conclusions about how SALs affect particular human rights practices. We also will estimate the direct and indirect effects of SALs on the human rights practices of recipients and determine whether the relationship we discover between receipt of a SAL and subsequent human rights practices might be due to selection effects rather than the effects of the loans themselves (Abouharb and Cingranelli 2002; 2003; Przeworski and Vreeland 2000; Vreeland 2002). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about regional cooperation in Africa as a means of achieving development and growth and ending its marginalisation in the world economy. Within the last four decades almost two hundred African regional arrangments have been more or less unsuccessful according to their intended aims. Nowadays, the promises of regional cooperation vary from the best possibility to get fast access to the global market; the chance to preserve partial autonomy; to being the fundament of an alternative hegemonic project. Most approaches try to explain the present economic, political and social African reality with the help of suitable empirical facts that are proving the rightness of their analysis and are giving the sound basis for the knowledge about the right things to do. But this ignores both that there isn’t a world out there which we only have to discover in order to know what is right or wrong as well as the complexity of social arrangements. As a result, at the beginning and at the end of such talks are complaints: surprisingly people don’t do what they are ought to do. In our paper we will focus on some categories of rules and rule which can be found within the international (institutional) environment and the structures of national societies. Alltogether they constitute present forms of regional cooperation in Africa, e.g. the SADC, and choices for their future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reappraisal of the Russian immigration policy and a forecast of its future development in light of a drastic decline of the immigrant influx to Russia since the end of the 1990s. The significant factors to be taken into account in the process of the new immigration policy development are the unabated depopulation, the rates of economic growth and the situation on the labor market, the social tensions in the regions of immigration, and the financial resources of the state. The decisive influence on the formulation of this policy will have the adjustment and coordination of the leading political forces’ conflicting positions, the harmonization of the interests of the Federal center and the regions, and the public opinion. The emerging configuration of the new immigration policy includes: the preference granted to the Russian speaking population of the new independent states (i.e., the preference for the compatriots); the selective policy in respect to immigrants from the developing countries; the separate treatment of different flows of migrants (i.e., of the persons seeking asylum, immigrants, job-seeking migrants); the prevention of illegal migration flows; the accelerated integration of the compatriots arriving in Russia; introduction of a more strict procedure for granting the RF citizenship to immigrants; and the imposition of a more streamlined regime for foreigners and persons with no citizenship staying in Russia. The new independent states’ migration potential to Russia in the next 10 years does not exceed 4.3 million persons. Of these, just 2.1 million are the compatriots who have ethnic ties with Russia. Under the circumstances of the economic growth Russia cannot avoid the admission of immigrants from the developing countries. Three basic scenarios of the immigration policy and immigration flows are considered in the report: the inertial scenario, which implies a passive immigration policy as the social and political stability strengthens all over the post-Soviet space, the established differentiation of the economic development of Russia and other new independent states preserves and relatively favorable economic conditions predominate; the economic boom scenario, which implies an active immigration policy as the differentiation of the economic development of Russia and other CIS countries increases while the social and political stability over the post-Soviet space is preserved; and the escalation of political tensions in the Central Asian sub-region scenario which implies the growth of the fundamentalist attitudes and the Moslem extremism strengthening in the Central Asian CIS states, and the outbreak and escalation of armed conflicts in the region and certain, not very impressive Russia’s economic development outstripping. The paper provides assessments of migration flows for each of these scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The failure of the Copenhagen summit, followed by the limited success achieved at Cancun with the establishment of the Green Climate Fund has raised key questions regarding the processes needed to finance and combine climate change and development objectives. International organizations need need to do more than just add climate as another priority area for the existing development infrastructure to address. Climate Change support is not about aid, with donors and recipients. It is about taking joint responsibility for a global problem, based on common but differentiated responsibilities. This article analyzes the necessary adaptation of the existing international aid and finance infrastructure to face climate change mitigation objectives. If existing IFIs are to meet evolving standards of legitimacy, then their fundamental governance structures, as well as their operational procedures, will need to be reformed to give greater voice to developing country recipients. In parallel, the next generation of climate finance organizations needs to promote the responsibility of recipient countries, by strengthening the national financing institutions that will implement mitigation and adaptation activities. This article will identify short and long term objectives and explain how they could be achieved through the study of past and ongoing international sustainable development projects and cooperation processes. One of the achievements of the UNFCCC negotiations in Cancun was the decision to establish a Green Climate Fund (GCF). Issues relating to what role it will play in providing sustainable finance at scale; how it will fit into the existing development assistance and climate financing architecture; how it will allocate finance to developing countries; and how finance will be delivered effectively, all remain to be clarified. This paper offers an early contribution to the debate by highlighting some of the more pressing design issues and describing the implications of these features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the political economy of tourism from the perspective of global commodity chains (GCC). The GCC approach is particularly relevant in understanding the dynamics of two key areas of political economy: globalization and development. E ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to track down where the North-South dialogue has gone. It argues that it has far from disappeared in that the lines of division which it used to highlight remain in the many strands of politics which still divide the interests of rich countries from those of poor countries in the global political economy. But it has become more complex and it has been dispersed across a number of policy arenas. The paper argues that the way to get to grips with the issue in its contemporary guise is via a reformulated notion of development as a universal problematic facing all countries and the consequent exploration of the impact of unequal development upon relations between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the construction of a viable, global nonproliferation regime possible? There can be no doubt that political and economic trends militate against its likelihood, but the stakes?no less than the survival of American democracy and the maintenance of global political and economic order?are so high as to make analysis of this question imperative. At one level, the paradox of proliferation is embedded in globalization, which I take to be the intensification of international commerce, communications, and multilateral organization. As such, globalization is an obvious progenitor of proliferation. The paradox is that the spread of knowledge and industry enables both the promise of economic development and the threat of military annihilation. We see this most clearly in the dispersion of technologies and materials associated with the chemical, nuclear, and pharmaceutical industries. But the same can be said of the biotechnology industry, if genetic weapons are developed, and of the information technology industries, with regard to a networked system of systems that supports a reconnaissance strike capability involving so-called conventional weapons. These are the industrial and technical drivers of proliferation that accompanied the explosions in trade, foreign direct investment, and international education of scientists and engineers in the closing decades of the past century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing consensus among political scientists and economists that politics has a strong effect on economic growth, as reflected in various statistical studies showing that regime type, political instability, state institutions, economic inequality, and ethnic divisions influence economic growth. In this article we evaluate this conventional wisdom. We find that many claims are only weakly supported by theory and instead rely primarily on empirical findings. We then show that these empirical results are relatively fragile in both cross-sectional and cross-sectional time-series analyses. Finally, we find little evidence that public policies intervene between politics and growth as is typically hypothesized in the literature. We do, however, note one important exception to these generalizations. We argue that there are compelling theoretical reasons to believe that ?state institutional quality? influences growth and, empirically, we show that the relationship between these variables is relatively robust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to develop a unified formal framework to analyze the interaction of politics and economy of an authoritarian state with an open economy in both domestic and international stage. The ruling elites in the state face problems of domestic political stability, economic growth, foreign investment and international security. They are likely to be better informed than the public about the political and economic situations of the state (e.g. the potential magnitude of a border conflict with a foreign state), and thus may have a strong incentive to mislead the public under certain conditions. The paper constructs a two-period game theoretic model based on basic macroeconomic principles and develops a set of equilibria about the strategies of four core players (i.e. elites, citizens, foreign investors and foreign states), which analyzes how foreign investment, international security, political stability and economic performance interplay with each other given information asymmetry. It seeks to answer what the impact of foreign investment on domestic political stability (i.e. the probability of a revolution) is and vice versa; whether external threats are good for elites to maintain their rule or it creates a window of opportunity for revolution; whether an authoritarian state is always more aggressive militarily or not; whether foreign investment improves security relations between states or better security relations contribute to more inflow of foreign investment; and how changes in a state’s economic performance influence elites’ rule. Regression analysis based on data of China is used to test hypotheses generated by the model. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowhere is the gap between winners and losers in the Central and East European (CEE) transition more evident than in its subnational, cross-regional variation. Both globalization and economic integration in the European marketplace have strongly impacted the geographic and regional distribution of the benefits and costs of integrating markets. Declining activity rates and purchasing power in the less advanced CEE regions and rapidly increasing economic disparities across more and less advanced CEE regions place significant burdens on the future outlook of these less developed regions. Empirical evidence suggests that in CEE the real losers of European integration are low and unskilled workers with little education in declining regions. Variation in regional rates of economic growth and development is of course not news in the wider European Union. Despite evidence of increasing economic convergence across states, increasing regional disparities are a global phenomenon (Sala-I-Martin, 2002) and are likewise well recognized in the European context (Quah, 1996). The appearance of regional disparities in CEE however represents one of the greatest challenges both to the political and economic stability of CEE and to the Union as a whole. This is above all the case because the less developed regions of CEE have experienced some of the worst features of the economic transition.FDI has flowed far more strongly to CEE’s more developed regions, indirectly contributing to rising economic disparities across the more and less advanced regions. And economic decline in the CEE’s less advanced regions has thus far not been stemmed by attempts at creating regional support mechanisms. Central governments themselves are torn between investing in the less developed regions and cementing economic development at the national level (Ellison, 2007). Thus the question remains how best to promote the economic development of the less developed regions.What strategies should be employed to attract investment to and build employment in these regions remains controversial. This paper asks what can be done? Will EU structural and cohesion funds or the Lisbon Agenda help reverse these trends? Can more FDI be directed to the less developed regions of Central and Eastern Europe through other public policy tools? This paper will provide an empirical analysis of the factors influencing subnational regional economic development. Using data on the subnational regional distribution of FDI flows, this paper will ask what factors best explain the regional distribution of FDI flows and will further explore the impact of this and other variablesâ€"in particular New Economy modelsâ€"on the prospects for regional economic development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given their economic capacity and tradition as the major providers of Overseas Development Aid, global development policy is an obvious field for much more advanced co-operation between Europe and Japan. However, while there are similar intentions and responsibilities, actual policies and preferences differ. Apart from different regional emphases, there are also different normative considerations that guide European and Japanese development assistance. Japan and Europe seem agree on a philosophy that emphasises humanitarian considerations, an appreciation of the concept of “human security”, the recognition of global interdependence, environmental conservation and potential for self-help as desirable conditions for development aid. When actual decisions on donations are made, many other considerations, among them traditional notions of regional hegemony and trade interest, seem to guide policy-makers in both regions. The paper looks at shared and differing concepts of Japanese and European development aid and asks whether better co-ordination between the poles could change the global debate on development aid. The paper has a normative agenda which is, however, rooted in a remarkably deep understanding of the practicalities of Japanese ODA. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the relatively unexplored theoretical interface between the concerns of the discipline of International Political Economy and normative political theory's consideration of global justice. In particular, the paper explores some of the normative implications which, it argues, arise from the pattern of contemporary economic globalisation. The paper argues that, contrary to the diverse claims that globalisation represents a radical dispersal of economic power, global political economy continues to be characterised by remarkable regional concentrations of income, productivity and output. The literature on global justice, particularly as discussed within normative political theory, too often neglects the powerful political economy underpinnings of global inequality. The paper argues that those who seek to secure some notion of global justice must engage with this dimension of reality but that this reality also makes the idea of global justice morally and politically compelling. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With recent changes in Central America such as the passing of CAFTA, the political economy of the region is shifting radically from primarily agricultural to more service-based economies. In particular, many Central American countries are turning to tourism as an option for future development. Ideas about development based around the generation of foreign exchange and employment have done little to alleviate the high levels of poverty and inequality in the region. This paper argues that IFIs are increasingly funding projects intended to increase the ?productive capacity? and ?enterpreneurial spirit? of the economically marginalised populations of Central American countries, offering integration into the market as the key to successful future development. Drawing on recent research into the political economy of tourism in Central America, this paper outlines an emerging ?entrepreneurial? model of development across the region, arguing that this approach does nothing to challenge structures of inequality. Using the example of gendered power relations, it shows the limits of such development strategies to contribute to meaningful social or economic development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global economy is inherently characterized by uneven relationship between the South and North. Historically this relationship has significantly contributed to the underdevelopment and marginalization of the countries of the South by the more developed countries of the North. Over the decades, the developed countries of the North have maintained, sustained and reproduced this relationship through various economic, political, social and cultural mechanisms. As the developed countries battles and competes for the control of global economic exchanges, multilateral trade arrangements were created between the developed countries and the developing countries to either maintain the existing trade relations or to change the pattern and direction of trade and other economic exchanges. As the process of globalization increased by the later part of the 20th century, the global economy was therefore characterized by the growth in multilateral trading arrangements and regional trading areas under the guidelines set out by global trading institutions such as the GATT and its precursor, the WTO. By the 1990s, the Cold War had declined and the former Soviet Union had collapsed. Capitalism had triumphed and there was need, especially by the USA to build a community of free market nations to spread democracy and capitalist principles. Europe has since controlled and dominated economic activities in Africa. The USA wanted a significant share of economic activities in Africa. From the 1990s there was a gradual shift in America?s policy toward Africa. From 1995, the US Congress began a series of debate which eventually led to the enactment of the Trade and Development Act of 2000 with Sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean Basin. The part of the Act which defines trade relations between USA and Sub-Saharan Africa is called the African Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA).The AGOA became operational in 2001 and was to last until 2008. However in 2005, the president of the USA extended it to 2015, thus giving it more longevity. Its primary purpose is to gradually offer duty-free and quota-free access to selected SSA products to American market while opening up the regional economy to American businesses and investments. AGOA is not dissimilar from other multilateral trading arrangements based on neo-classical model such as the Lomé conventions between Europe and Africa. The intent of this paper is to assess the impact of AGOA on participating Sub-Saharan African countries. Like other neo-classical schemes the paper will argue that AGOA lays down certain economic and political criteria to be satisfied by SSA countries, it ensures increased purchase and consumption of American products and services and carries with it certain essential ingredients of American capitalist philosophy and governance. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how recent contributions to the topic of Religion and Development challenge traditional notions of both "Religion" and "Development". Following this I draw on contemporary research into the creation of new religions to argue that issu ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The roles of ‘knowledge and power’ and ‘knowledge as power’ in development have been increasingly gaining the attention of critical scholars as well as policy practitioners. While the former seek to articulate the way in which (global) development is constituted through power struggles which also entail struggles over knowledge in development, the latter tend to misapprehend both. That is, the discourses of development they construct render invisible that development has been historically a continuously contested practice. This is evident for example, in the continued deployment of the comparative method in the theory and practice of mainstream development analysis. Methodologically, such approaches reify spatial boundaries and operate with a temporal logic that necessarily subordinates alternative conceptions of development to that of ‘past time’ in terms of a temporalisation as ‘past, prior or primordial’. A consequence of this is the foreclosure of the possibility of articulating social struggles in challenge of the politics underpinnings this spatio-temporal fix. This paper argues that a critical engagement of this dynamic with reference to the dialectic between ‘knowledge and power’ and ‘knowledge as power’ in struggles over development can render visible the analytical and practical tensions that ensue under a continued legacy of colonial /postcolonial thinking within a reconfigured ‘international’ political economy of global development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One resounding absence in much current critical IPE theorising is the absence of spatial considerations. There is an incipient, though unacknowledged, nation-state centrism in much contemporary critical IPE focused on the immutability of the nation-state and inter-state system, conflating nation and state, reifying the nation-state, while simultaneously sustaining the dualisms of national and global, political and economic. This article therefore highlights the internal relation of space to the unfolding of capitalist social relations. It emphasizes the importance of space and scale. The article contends that a line of critique could be focused on a more nuanced exploration of the transnational in critical IPE. The spatial concept of scale and particularly the politics of scale has much to offer to help us understand the nature of global order and disorder. Put simply, what appears as order at one scale may seem like disorder at another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical Realism (CR) provides a metatheoretical framework within which an open-ended reconciliation of economics and political economy can occur. Moreover, CR provides a way of overcoming the dichotomy between facts and values without reducing one to the other. It is a key point of CR that prescriptions cannot be disengaged from understandings of concrete reality; and that social scientific explanations have normative (emancipatory) implications. In this paper, I reflect on the methodological underpinnings and lessons of three on-going research projects on global political economy, focussing on global financial markets, relations of power, and (politics) of global economic growth. One of the promises of CR is that it provides a wholistic global framework that enables – or even necessitates – systematic trans-disciplinary research. CR can also be seen as a branch of new global philosophies that are emerging, and anticipating a global ‘democracy-to-come’ (Derrida). We and others can learn to be more free, also by co-creating (in some regards) new global realities. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on the literature on state building and seeks to advance our knowledge about the failure of foreign aid to achieve donors? intended economic goals. State building is a process by which rulers aim to neutralize political rivals outside and inside the state, to protect their supporters, and to extract resources from citizens in order to achieve the first two goals. Since extraction entails a coercive and repressive apparatus that usually provokes citizens? dissidence, rulers tend to substitute extraction for foreign aid to achieve their political goals rather than donors? intended purposes. This substitution effect provides two testable hypotheses. First, the higher the level of foreign aid is, the less likely the level of economic development will be. Second, the higher the level of foreign aid, the more likely incumbents will remain in office or neutralize potential political rivals. These hypotheses are tested using generalized methods of moments with a cross section, time series of 120 countries from 1970 to 2004. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing literature on the development of Islamic banking and finance (IBF). Some international political economy (IPE) readings situate the growth of IBF since the 1970s in an analysis of petrodollar surpluses and excess liquidity in the Middle ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s attitudes toward multilateralism, especially as it relates to regional security issues, have undergone noticeable changes over the past 15 years. From its rather suspicious view of the then emerging multilateral security institutions in Asia, such ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a multivariate model of political change that distinguishes incremental differences and changes in political openness from democracy per se. It explains that the major effect of economic freedom is the emergence of powerful new private economic actors. It concludes that economically free countries are likely to achieve higher levels of political openness while nations with state-dominated economies tend to have less political freedom.

The article argues that multi-directional population movements are all related to economic growth in Third World countries. It contributes to the academic discourse on migration by lumping together some forms of population movements according to duration of stay and freedom of choice. It presents several types of population movements. Third World countries which have been grouped in 3 categories according to the role of tourism in their economies are explored.

Since the economic crises in East Asian countries broke in 1997, East Asian model of economic development based on extensive state intervention in the markets has come under heavy criticism in and out of the region. Rather than ?developmental state,? ?crony capitalism? has become a buzzword to describe the same East Asian political economy. At the heart of this controversy lie the different views toward the relationship between financial regulatory measures based on investment risk-sharing between the government and business which had been used to coerce and/or persuade the latter to follow governmental development policies during the developmental periods. Has this relationship changed since the 1997 financial crisis and subsequent reform efforts? If so, how and to what extent has it changed? This research examines the relationship between financial reform and corporate restructuring in South Korea since 1997 financial crisis. Given the critical role financial regulation had played in corporate restructuring and the lack of corporate monitoring functions of private financial institutions during developmental periods in Korea, the institutional changes in financial regulation since the 1997 financial crisis were expected to have a profound influence on the process and outcome of corporate restructuring in Korea.However, given that the effectiveness of an institutional reform depends on the extent to which it can bring forth subsequent formal and informal changes of related institutions and resist counterbalancing forces of the latter, evaluating the impact of this new regulatory system on corporate restructuring requires an analysis of how this new financial regulatory system had been contested, initiated, and implemented in practice. This analysis, however, can provide only a partial account by stressing the direct involvement of regulatory agencies in corporate restructuring and underestimating another mechanism: the indirect and longer-term effects of financial regulation on the financial market which in turn influences the processes and outcome of corporate restructuring. By integrating the direct and indirect role of financial reform on corporate restructuring, this research contributes to the better understanding of the ways in which financial regulatory reform could have an influence on the larger economic system in which it is embedded. Moreover, it can shed light on the changing patterns of East Asian government-business relationship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If Rosa Luxemburg is right that there is an 'organic relation' between primitive accumulation and expanded reproduction in the long historical geography of capitalist development and if she is also right to insist that the dynamics of expanded reproduction can be understood in law-like terms while the 'stern laws of the economic process' are 'hard to determine within the tangle and contests of power' entailed in primitive accumulation, then how can we reconstruct Marxian political economy around the idea of this organic relation? What, furthermore, is the relation between the on-going forms of primitive accumulation that I call 'accumulation by dispossession' and the processes of creative destruction that have long been understood as central to the permanantly revolutionary character of capitalism as a social system? To what degree, finally, is accumulation by dispossession turning out to be the grand stabilizer, albeit with disastrous social, political and environmental consequences, within a chronically crisis-prone capitalist system? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]