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There have been several attempts by different Spanish governments to reach peace accords with the Basque terrorist organization, ?Basque Homeland and Freedom? (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna or ETA), yet none have worked so far. Many Basques believe now is the time to reach an indefinite ceasefire and reach a peaceful solution to the conflict with the newly-elected (2004), Spanish-socialist government (Partido Socialista Obrero Español or PSOE) of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. After numerous arrests of ETA operatives (almost 170 this year), following the atrocity of March 11th, 2004, the illegalization of the leftist-Basque party, ?Unity? (Batasuna) and the general initiatives toward peace, the Basque-hardliners are more willing to create a peace process similar to Northern Ireland. Beyond resolution initiatives of this conflict and the sustainability of peace in the region, this paper will examine how ethnic minorities of Europe such as Basques will view nationalism in the future. Will Basques have rights in the European Union? How have Basques re-imagined their identity within this changing Europe? What does peace mean to the Basques after more than forty years of conflict? ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the extent to which socio-political factors played a rol in the Spanish direct investment drive process in Latin America. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses intelligence co-operation within the European Union from the Maastricht treaty to the Madrid terror attacks. This co-operation has taken place within the policy areas of Justice and Home Affairs and the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Drawing on theories of rational design and historical institutionalism it proposes a model of how we can understand the different developmental paths of the two policy areas. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain is considered a new immigration country whereby 7% of its 43 millions inhabitants are immigrants. While this number does not include illegal immigrants because of the difficulty in exacting an accurate number, estimates suggest about 1.5 million of people are non-documented immigrants (43% of the total). It was with Aznar's administration (1996-2004) that the Spanish government implemented a new migration policy that has led to a securitization of migration with a very strict migration law thus contributing to the maintenance of 'fortress Europe'. With the governmental change in March 2004, expectations have grown about a new migration policy that is more flexible and without criminalization of migrants. Zapatero's administration has begun to formalize the status of 'illegal people' staying in Spain but it is just the first step in managing a very problematic situation. The main aim of this paper is compare the two governments' attitude and understandings about migration and what the effects have been of these at the European and international levels addressing the question: can we speak of a real change of direction in the migration policy of Spain? ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent increase of migratory movements toward Spain from the so-called developed countries, and despite the lack of research on Spanish national-identity formation, is undoubtedly increasing heterogeneity as well as transforming the national identity ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 9/11 (2001) terrorist acts in U.S. and consequently in Spain (11/03/2003) and UK (07/07/2005) exercised a lot of pressure on the intelligence services to adapt to new threats by looking their past and preparing for the future. On this article, I exami ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the intelligence studies are beginning to have a major impact in Spain. The National Intelligence Centre (CNI) has driven this type of studies with various initiatives to create and consolidate a culture of intelligence in Spain. This st ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europeanisation increasingly operates together with other endogenous and exogenous dynamics to induce change in the domestic administrative, institutional and cognitive structures as well as social, economic and political contexts. The implications of the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This presentation deals with different discourses on Spain's international position and their links with the transatlantic relationship. It illustrates both the Spanish integration in the transatlantic security community and how recently, Spain's changing foreign policy have reflected and reproduced the crisis of the communitarian links. The contending discourses about Spain's international position are reflected in the disruptive stances of first José María Aznar's government and then its successor led by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero against particular participants to the community, but this opposition has a bigger relevance since it takes place in the context of growing transatlantic divergences, expressed in a most spectacular way concerning Iraq. Both stances, in different ways, have challenged part of what are relevant features of transatlantic links of community. Ultimately, matching the highly polemical redefinitions of Spain's international positioning with the idea of a transatlantic security community invites skepticism against the political and normative implications. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks public approval of President Bush?s job performance soared from 51% to 86%; the largest rally around the flag effect ever recorded in the U.S. In contrast, after the 11 March 2004 attacks on the Madrid mass transit system Spanish support for the ruling People?s Party (PP) disintegrated and there was a massive shift of several million voters in favor of the opposition Socialist Party (PSOE). What explains these very different public responses to violent terrorism? I examine the impact of international terrorism in the United States, Great Britain and Israel on public perceptions and opinions, by combining the ITERATE (International Terrorism: Attributes of Terrorist Events) dataset of terrorist incidents with public opinion polls from 1979 ? 2004. At its heart terrorism is about fear. While terrorist attacks destroy, maim and kill, the intended audience for these attacks is almost always the larger body politic and the terrorist?s goal is to strike fear into their hearts. I examine the fear-causing impact of terrorism through a useful proxy: public opinion polls. Few scholars have systematically measured public perceptions of terrorism and terrorists, how public opinion is affected by terrorist acts, what the public thinks about government handling of terrorist incidents, or its attitudes toward specific counter-terrorism measures. I fill this void by testing for a relationship between terrorism and public opinion. If such a relationship does exist what theories best explain the causal and temporal mechanisms at work? Do terrorist attacks really have a debilitating impact on a country?s morale or do attacks have the opposite impact, instead of paralyzing the public, rallying them to a central goal? Do the characteristics (lethality, location, target, tactic) of an attack lead to differential impacts? Does this relationship vary over time, by perpetrator, or by country? The answers to these and other questions have important theoretical and policy implications for governments, citizens, and terrorist groups. Governments should be concerned with what the public thinks about terrorism and how the public wants the government to respond. Measuring the public?s reaction to terrorism is also one way to estimate how successful terrorists are at causing fear. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain?s response to ETA?s actions, in terms of the normative aspect, have been similar to those of other countries dealing with political claims using violent means since the end of the 1970s ; a strong authoritative reaction through the creation of a special « terrorist » law ? entailing restrictions and even the suspension of some fundamental rights with regards to detention, privacy of communications, inviolability of homes - by hardening the procedural and penitentiary system and by the introduction of new criminal incriminations associated to more severe sentences. Though Spain found inspiration in the various antiterrorist legislations in the neighbouring European countries, the country endowed with one of the most impressive judicial antiterrorist arsenal to the point that Spain did not need to adopt any special antiterrorist legislation following the September 11th attacks. This article aims at analyzing the history of the various Spanish anti-terrorist pacts is therefore both the history of a rather performative antiterrorist political line able to redefine the democratic legitimate area and the history of tensions, interferences and political agreements between the Basque Country and the Central Government on the issue of the Basque autonomy but also about the connection to radical nationalism. It is therefore necessary to understand and analyze how the whole political class in Spain came to unanimously condemn ETA, up to the fact that in 2002 Spain provided an instrument to render constitutionally illegal a political party failing to condemn, as a principle ?terrorism?, as other parties would. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A complete explanation for Spain's economic performance vis-à-vis that of Latin American economies must take into account the institutional frameworks in which decision-makers were allowed (or not) to carry out liberalization. This study examines whether post-Franco Spain "inherited" certain institutional frameworks that still centralized economic policy and allowed decision-makers to enact economic liberalization policies. Other Latin American countries with a similar institutional heritage, like Chile and Brazil, are then compared to underperforming Latin American economies to see if institutional heritage after dictatorships allows for easier enactment and enforcement of liberalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Strait of Gibraltar separates Spain and Morocco, two countries belonging to different stages of development but with inevitably intertwined realities. The income gap between these two countries surpasses even that of the much studied U.S.-Mexico border along the Rio Grande. This has many implications for the policies of both governments, from immigration control to counter-terrorism and many other areas. The terrorist attacks that took place in Madrid on March 11, 2004, and the innovative policies implemented by the Socialist Party in Spain, have reshaped the Spanish-Moroccan border in ways that have important implications for the European Union, striking differences with American policy vis-a-vis its southern border, and offer an alternative model of fight against terrorism and interstate cooperation. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spurred by a decade of remarkable economic growth between 1995 and 2005, Spain rapidly emerged as Europe’s most important immigrant destination: the number of non-Spanish citizens resident in Spain mushroomed from five hundred thousand in 1995 to over three and a half million by 2005. With the government lacking the bureaucratic infrastructure to handle massive immigration, the vast bulk of immigrants arrived without authorization. Successive Spanish governments responded by periodically undertaking large-scale immigrant legalizations or regularizations. Granting irregular migrants amnesty rewards an illegal activity, but is usually justified as a way to “wipe the slate clean” so that future immigration will be better managed and controlled. The Spanish example demonstrates that this is a false hope: migrants granted temporary work and residence permits generally overstayed their authorization periods while new irregular migrants continued to arrive. The case of Spain reflects similar dynamics at work in Italy, Portugal, and Greece. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant women coming from different part of the world is currently an increasing phenomenon in Spain. Most of these female immigrants become domestics workers as well as they are providing care services: all professional profile in caring labor historically relegated to women. The communication deal with the study of these emerging markets and their consequences for the social conditions of migrants: characteristics, conditions at work, typology, careers and social conditions. With the results of researches carried out about migration we look at two elements: on the one hand, in order to the north-south divide, we focus on the social integration and exclusion processes according to the origin countries analyzing differences and similarities among them; on the other hand, we study, in methodological terms, the strengths and the weaknesses in order to define new methodological challenges in this area. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]