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A conference paper about consultation, mining and indigenous mobilization in Latin America is presented which is to be presented at the American Political Science Association conference in Seattle, Washington, in September 2011. The paper discusses topics including indigenous political mobilization in Latin America, Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization, and cases of Peru and Guatemala.

Existing theories of change in campaign strategies predict cross-national convergence in terms of candidates' linkages to voters and the degree of policy focus and cleavage priming in their appeals. However, the prevailing national patterns of electioneering in Chile, Brazil, and Peru have actually diverged from one another since their transitions from authoritarian rule. This paper develops a theory of success contagion that can explain the evolution of presidential campaign strategy in these countries as well as other third-wave democracies. I argue that the first politician to combine a victorious campaign with a successful term as president establishes a model of electioneering that candidates across the ideological spectrum are likely to adopt in the future. Such contagion can occur through imitation as well as the consolidation of norms among campaign professionals. Strategic convergence is less probable in cases of repeatedly poor governing performance, such as Peru. Instead, candidates are likely to choose strategies through an inward-oriented process of reacting against previous errors. This paper draws upon content analysis of television advertising, interviews with campaign staff, and case studies of specific elections in Chile, Brazil, and Peru. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peruvian army's behavior during 2000-06 presents an empirical puzzle: the government offered the army a mission it had traditionally performed—counterinsurgency—and yet the army performed this work at only a very minimal level relative to executive demands. This paper argues that army role beliefs are central to explaining Peruvian army security missions during 2000-06. The study also relies on a key insight from contingency theory. Specifically, it draws on James D. Thompson's (1967) landmark synthesis, based importantly on the proposition that organizations are structured and behave to assure predictability for that part of the organization that directly performs the organization's central functions—in the present analysis, army field units assigned security tasks.The paper focuses on a particular way in which uncertainty was introduced into the Peruvian army's counterinsurgency mission by forces from outside the army organization that were filtered through army belief systems. Together, these factors created an "insurmountable handicap" from the perspective of members of the senior cohort in the army: role beliefs supported assertive counterinsurgency, and the government assigned the army this work; yet the government denied the army autonomy that, according to army role beliefs, was necessary to perform this work effectively. More precisely, the senior cohort believed army personnel would be hesitant and thus ineffective in performing counterinsurgency operations if they simultaneously had to worry about potential accusations of human rights abuses in the event of civilian casualties. Without institutional autonomy from judicial oversight, officers required formal authorization from higher levels, which gave them some protection on the human rights front but tremendously reduced army flexibility and therefore effectiveness in counterinsurgency. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mobilization of ethnic identities has received increased attention in recent years. This paper examines the organizing efforts of indigenous groups in Ecuador and Peru in order to understand why ethnic identities are mobilized and politicized by some populations and not others. I argue that ethnic mobilization results from the formulation of a collective identity by entrepreneurs and activists through consciousness-raising and meaningful framing of symbols, which shapes or takes advantage of opportunities to advance the claims and grievances of the community to a broader audience, at least some of whom endorse the validity of the movement. Ethnic identities are then politicized by the ways in which movement members interact with other actors within the political system, and with the system itself. Of the many mechanisms that social movement scholars argue play a role in episodes of contentious politics, I focus on the mechanisms of identity formation, attribution of opportunity or threat, and certification by outside actors. Movement entrepreneurs, or brokers, do the work of identity formation by framing identities through consciousness-raising and activating symbols that resonate with potential movement members so that those individuals re-order attributes of their identity to privilege an ethnic identity as their public identity. Movement entrepreneurs also play a key role in attributing opportunity or threat to an event or issue, around which ethnic identities can be mobilized. Certification of the mobilization of ethnic identities by those outside the movement conveys a sense of validation of the ethnic identity and communicates endorsement of the identity to movement members and potential members. How ethnic identities are politicized depends on the sites that movement entrepreneurs have connected, literally (in the case of coalition-forming) and figuratively (in the case of politicization of discourse). I found that the aforementioned mechanisms of ethnic mobilization played important roles in all cases of ethnic mobilization, but the importance was weighted differently across cases, depending on from where the articulation of the identity came. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Events such as the UK-Iceland "Cod Wars" and the Peruvian and Chilean seizure of American tuna boats brought fishery and maritime issues to international prominence in the 1960s and 1970s. More recently, armed conflicts have erupted over maritime issues between such advanced industrialized democracies as Canada and Spain. Several solutions have been proposed to manage the increasingly contentious world of maritime claims. Stemming from the literature on common property resources, solutions focus on authority, privatization, and institutions. Two primary mechanisms for resolving competing maritime claims are evaluated in this paper: 1) the creation of private ownership of maritime zones in the form of Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs), and 2) the creation of an institution, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), to establish standards for maritime claims and resolve disputes. Privatization may promote long-term cooperation and more efficient extraction of maritime resources, but may be suboptimal if the creation of private property rights for maritime areas generates distributional conflict. Similarly, the institutional approach to managing resources of the seas offers many advantages for resolving competing maritime claims and providing explicit mechanisms for dispute resolution, but may be problematic if distributional conflicts arise and/or institutional design is suboptimal. We evaluate the effects of UNCLOS and EEZs on the peaceful and militarized management of maritime claims in the Western Hemisphere and Europe (1900-2001). Our analyses suggest that declared EEZs work more efficiently for helping parties reach agreements in bilateral negotiations, although membership in UNCLOS promotes more frequent third party conflict management efforts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study will examine the role of a transnational nongovernmental organization: CARE in dealing with the situation in the southern border region of Ecuador after the signing the signing of a historic peace agreement on October 26, 1998 that put an end to a prolonged border dispute between Ecuador and Peru. The dispute had last erupted into a violent conflict in 1995, but its existence had contributed to the lack of development in the border regions of both countries. Agreement was achieved through astute international mediation efforts that involved a commitment to establish a Binational Plan of Development for the Border Region. This case study analyzes the decision by CARE to submit a proposal to the U.S. Agency for International Development (U.S. AID) to develop the border region that was accepted. In October 2000 CARE signed with U.S.AID a $19.3 million agreement to carry out the Program of Sustainability and Regional Union (PSUR) for a five year period. The paper examines how this decision was made and implemented. It applies a framework for analyzing decision-making developed for classes in policy analysis and utilizes interviews conducted by the author in Ecuador in December 2004. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1980s and 1990s, Peru and Venezuela underwent some of the most dramatic changes in political parties that have occurred anywhere in 20th century Latin America, involving the collapse of what had previously been institutionalized party systems. Other countries, such as Argentina, faced similar pressures but experienced less party system change. Why did voters in some countries support insurgent candidates, while voters in other countries remained committed to traditional parties? What kinds of voters first began to support insurgent candidates in countries where the party system did collapse? This paper argues that divergences in policy positions between voters’ preferences and the substantive appeals of traditional parties can best account for these behavioral changes. In testing this claim, I adopt a focus on the ‘demand side’ of party system change, exploring the motivations behind voters’ decisions to change their electoral behavior. Alternative explanations, such as economic voting and corruption perceptions, do not adequately fit the evidence. The explanation based on ideological positioning and policy divergence, by contrast, is consistent with the data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the broader theoretical claim that civil society can be thickened (in democratic ways) with international support and collaboration. Case studies of domestic election monitoring organizations in Mexico, Nicaragua and Peru suggest that internationally supported civic organizations can play an important role in mobilizing political participation. There is less evidence to show that they can consistently fulfill other democratizing functions, such as modeling democratic practices and improving communication between government and citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant portion of international relations scholarship over the last two decades has focused on the democratic peace hypothesis that democratic states do not go to war against each other. But one category of coercive policy that has been omitted from the debate and which poses certain caveats for democratic peace claims is that of covert action. Nixon’s policies toward Chile and Peru in 1969-1970 provide an interesting contrast that is difficult for democratic peace theorists to explain. Both states were implementing nationalization policies that threatened US economic interests, but Chile was an established democracy while Peru was under military rule. The democratic peace thesis would predict that Washington would try to negotiate and compromise with Chile and be more aggressive with Peru. Yet, the Nixon administration did the exact opposite, attempting to subvert Allende’s election in Chile, while negotiating with Peru. Using original documents and a process tracing approach, and evaluating factors at the systemic, domestic, and individual levels, this paper will illuminate the causal mechanism(s) behind the administration’s decisions in these two cases, shedding light on why it reacted so differently to substantially similar events in the two states and on whether their respective regime types played any role in the policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I test the claims that government decentralization can strengthen democracy by considering one form of decentralization: the decentralization of health service administration to community boards. Based on comparison of four poor communities in Peru, two of which experienced community-based decentralization of health service administration, and two similar communities that did not, I evaluate whether or not community-based decentralization initiatives do indeed promote or strengthen social capital and local democratic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Existing studies of civil wars concentrate on either the prospects for termination or the effect of foreign intervention. These studies, however, do not provide an account of how civil wars develop out of political protest. This paper focuses on the dynamic interaction of the two actors--challenger and regime--in a civil war. Competitive coadaptation, or the notion of each actor adapting to the war at the same rate, is suggested as an explanation for civil war origin. In order to provide a more comprehensive account of civil war termination, a model of civil war origin is developed based on this premise. The model is tested against interval level data from four conflicts: Colombia, El Salvador, Peru, and United States. These results suggest that coadaptation is present in the Colombian, Salvadoran, and American conflicts. The presence of coadaptation indicates that each side is able to escalate its activity levels from one time period to the next and thus there is an increasing incentive for continuing the war. Until this spiral of escalation is broken either through a change in the political will of the participants or the access to resources a hurting stalemate will not develop and the war will continue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecuador and Peru present an interesting puzzle: in neither country does the army employ its forces to confront aggressively the major security threat that falls within the army's realm of expertise. In Ecuador, the army performs internal security activities instead of guarding the northern border from incursions by armed Colombian insurgents. In Peru, the army is not pursuing the remnants of that country's internal insurgency. This paper argues that the two armies' goals and behavior can best be identified and explained using an organizational learning framework, supplemented by an "organizational continuity/survival" approach. The paper shows how officers' interpretation of the past shapes perceived army objectives and roles, and in turn helps explain army behavior. Whereas in Ecuador the army largely pursues security goals, its Peruvian counterpart acts according to immediate interests in organizational (and officers' personal) prestige. The analysis relies heavily on officers' stated beliefs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses particularism as an important cause of variation in government service provision in Peru. Topics discussed include differences in government service provision within the population of democratic polities, particularistic exchange as an important driver of public service provision and reasons for studying Peruvian local governance as a critical case for the study of particularism.

The article explores the results of the participatory bugdeting (PB) process of Peru that had not been documented after ten years of implementation since 2003. It reveals that the PB is still dominated by elite actors that do no represent the diversity of the country's civil society sector. The lack of improvement of two important indicators of governance, sub-national conflict and trust in local institutions, are tackled.

This article explores the emergence of subnational economic nationalism in Peru. It explains the nature of the conflicts that are taking place between subnational governments and transnational corporations (TNCs). It illustrates pressures by focusing on the so-called Arequipazo in 2002, when local authorities and grassroots actors forced the national government to cancel the privatization of an electrical power plant.

Examining urban popular movements that found and develop illegal land invasion communities, an intriguing puzzle emerges: for most invasion organizations the acquisition of land titles causes participation levels to plummet and the group's agenda to stagnate, yet some neighborhoods achieve land titles, sustain high participation, and continue to acquire other services like piped water. Why do these latter movement organizations achieve movement resilience? I argue that the more typical trajectory of movement collapse is explained by the disappearance of the key selective incentive—property security. Some organizations, however, evade this "security trap" through mixed motives, meaning that the group's basic material agenda is supplemented by a non-material and often altruistic agenda that sustains participation in the face of reduced selective incentives. Examining three neighborhood case studies in Lima and Quito, I argue that a new "Innovator" type of invasion organization is more likely to exhibit sustained participation and movement resilience due to tactical innovation, democratic governance, and mixed motives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article shows that belligerents also gain freedom of operation and political capital with the local population based on the cases of Peru, Colombia, Afghanistan, Burma, and Northern Ireland. The benefits belligerent groups derive from access to drug production and trafficking are not simply the improvement of capabilities due to an increase in financial profits, but also an expansion of strategic and tactical options and the improvement in relations between the belligerents and the local population.

NA ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of the connection between the narcotics economy and insurgent movements in Peru and Colombia shows that the guerilla access to illicit substances intensifies and lengthens the militarized conflicts. The insurgents gains are in the form of financial assets, enhanced military capabilities, expanded strategic and tactical options, and improved relations with local populations ? the latter, crucially, denying governments important intelligence on the guerrillas. The existence of a ?narco-guerrilla? threat, however, is a misnomer, for the guerrillas and the drug dealers often have competitive interests and highly problematic relations. Governmental attempts to defeat the insurgency through crop eradication are often counterproductive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study which examined the squatter settlement development in Peru and Ecuador through data drawn from neighborhood-level case studies of invasion organizations founded in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. Phenomenon of land invasions in Latin American cities; Theoretical framework and conceptual foundations of invasion organizations and social movements; Logic of city and service demand selection; Overview of invasion organization case studies; Theoretical implications of the study's analysis of organizational strategy.

I explore the state?s utilization of rape as a tactic of terrorism and torture during states of emergency in the cases of both apartheid South Africa (1950-1990) and Peru during the height of Leftist insurgency, from 1980 until 1992. I propose that this rape is part of a strategy to maintain the subordination of disadvantaged social groups. In both South Africa and Peru, agents of the state used rape to punish women who associated with, who were related to, or who were themselves insurgents; to obtain information about insurgencies; to demonstrate the regime?s power; and to cower an entire disempowered ethnicity or class by raping a few of the girls or women belonging to the group. Rape is, of course, not documented as an official state policy by either government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines party system collapse in Peru and Venezuela between 1986 and 2000. Events that led to the initiation of a systemic thaw in Peru and Venezuela; Responses of Venezuela's system sustaining political parties to the upheaval in the party system landscape; Components of the party system collapse.

The paper will analyze the Peruvian Communist Party-The Shining Path (PCP-SL) discourse on gender, aiming to come up with what attracted women to join the movement. The PCP-SL had an important number of women as both militant cadres and members of its central committee and its actions (i.e. massive massacres, selective assassinations) can be defined as terrorist. The Peruvian case was an exceptional case in the 1980s: women belonged to a terrorist organization in numbers that were not seen before in Latin America (where, in general, women accounted for 16%-30% of the members of violent organizations and played more of a supportive and administrative role), in contrast to the PCP-SL case where women accounted for 50% of its members and played an important role within the higher spheres of the organization (40% of it's central committee members were women). Moreover, since its creation the second in command has been a woman. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]