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Of the various types of lobbies in Washington, D.C. scholars probably know less about the lobbies representing the interests of foreign nation than any category. There have been just a handful of studies that have examined the foreign lobbies with most of the work done of the Israeli lobby and the Old China Lobby of the 1950s and 1960s. Mearsheimer and Walt's 2007 book on The Israel Lobby produced a firestorm in American politics over whether that lobby had an undue influence on U.S. foreign policy. Other academic work has mentioned the Cuban, Armenian and Irish lobbies as particularly powerful. But, very little is known about the many lobbies in our capitol that represent foreign interests. Other than the Old China Lobby ((1920-1973) and a couple of studies of the Japan Lobby of the 1980s, Asian lobbies have been generally ignored. Very little is known about the lobbies that represent the rising powers of Asia: China, India and South Korea. Probably the biggest story of the past three decades has been the rise of China to great power status. Nations on the rise sooner or later understand that they need effective representation in American politics as the political, economic and security issues begin to mount in frequency and significance. In this paper, we focus on the history and the rise of three of these rising Asian lobbies: the New China Lobby, the India Lobby and the Korean Lobbies. We will close with a discussion on how the foreign nations' lobbies and the American ethnic lobbies work together to represent foreign national interests and what elements combine to make for a significant foreign lobby. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the reasons for the successes of the diplomatic strategy known as nordpolitik in South Korea in the early 1990s. Sanctions and reward power in international politics; Causes of the efficacy of South Korea's nordpolitik toward the Soviet Union; Outcome of South Korea's nordpolitik toward China.

The study quantifies and measures balance of power (BOP) and economic interdependence (EI) of China, Japan, Russia, and North and South Korea for 1985-2000. It figures out general trends of BOP and EI in Northeast Asia for last 15 years. Further, it tries to see how BOP and EI interact with each other with focus on China and Japan. Finally, it draws some theoretical and practical conclusions for peace and prosperity in Northeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role of Confucianism in Singapore, South Korea, People's Republic of China and Taiwan. It explores the widespread attachment to Confucian values in each of the countries and examines the ideology played in the four societies. It highlights the difference in democratization where Singapore and China are authoritarian regimes, while South Korea and Taiwan have made transition to democracy with authoritarian past.

This research focuses on China's efforts to improve and consolidate relations with South Korea and their limitation. How is China enhancing its soft power in South Korea? Is China charming enough to South Korea as to influence the bilateral relations between South Korea and the United States? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, changing national identities have transformed the China-Taiwan and Korean conflicts. Democratization in Taiwan and South Korea, and liberalization in China, have forced leaders to compete for popular legitimacy by appealing to national identities. Along with the collapse of the Soviet Union, these contested national identities have been the main factors driving change in the conflicts—pushing China and Taiwan inexorably apart and toward a showdown, while helping to sustain what appeared to be a mortally wounded North Korea. This explains why one U.S. ally, Taiwan, has become more hawkish, while the other, South Korea, has turned more dovish. These foreign policy changes, in turn, have reinforced changes in underlying national identities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]