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We compare levels of racial discrimination in hiring over time across six countries: Canada, France, Great Britain, Netherlands, Sweden, and the US. To assess temporal trends in discrimination, we combine evidence from 85 field experimental studies of hiring discrimination, encompassing more than 170,000 fictitious applications for jobs. Our results indicate that discrimination in hiring has not declined over the past four decades. Across countries, minority groups, and controlling for a number of study attributes, the results suggest that levels of discrimination have remained relatively unchanged during the periods analyzed. However, one exception is there is some evidence that discrimination against blacks/Africans in France has declined since the early 1970s, although it remains high in recent years. We find no evidence of increased employment discrimination in Europe against immigrants from Muslim-majority countries since 2001. These findings suggest that employment discrimination against minority groups reflects stable sentiments that have not changed much despite notable changes in attitudes, demographics, and the legal environment. Employment discrimination appears to be relatively distinct from political attitudes toward minorities and immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to understand if the experience of discrimination and the disposition to anticipate discrimination in social interactions explain racial differences in trust and if the relationship between discrimination and trust is stronger for whites or for racial minorities. Survey research finds that members of racial and ethnic minority groups--and blacks in particular--report substantially lower levels of trust than do whites. Indeed, racial differences in trust pervade a range of social contexts, from interpersonal relationships with friends, family, and neighbors to interactions with the health care, social service, and criminal justice systems. Scholars often attribute the racial trust gap to historical and contemporary forms of discrimination. Nonetheless, few studies have assessed the relationship between discrimination and trust in the U.S. context. Using the Chicago Community Adult Health Study (n=3105), I examine how the experience and anticipation of discrimination relate to generalized trust, trust in neighbors, and trust in community police. I find that the experience of discrimination contributes modestly to racial differences in all three forms of trust. However, the negative relationship between discrimination and generalized trust is strongest for whites and negligible for blacks and Hispanics. These findings suggest that efforts to eliminate discrimination in interpersonal and institutional contexts may have little immediate effect on racial differences in generalized trust. Moreover, perceptions of reverse discrimination may exacerbate an observed long-term decline in generalized trust among whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health scholars have implicated racism stress as an important factor driving pregnancy health disparities which disfavor Black women. Focusing on micro-level racial discrimination, missing from studies of racism and maternal health is a consideration of how racism, as a macro-level structural force experienced both directly and indirectly, affects health. Conceptualizing highly publicized incidents of police violence as indicators of macro-level racism because they are the result of institutionalized practices in law enforcement, and because they function as contextual, regional- level stressors for the community members located in the geographic regions in which they occur, this study investigates the relationship between the death of Michael Brown in St. Louis County, Missouri and the pregnancy health of the surrounding community, as indicated by preterm birth and low birthweight. Difference- in-differences analyses of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) data reveal in the 9 months following the death of Michael Brown, Black mothers in St. Louis County had a significantly higher rate of preterm birth and a marginally significantly higher rate of low birthweight compared to the control-comparison county during the same period of time and compared to the same 9 months one year prior. This study provides new insights into the relationship between racism and pregnancy health, underscoring the need to consider the "collateral effects" major race-related traumatic events can have on the health outcomes of communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dramatic rise in hate crimes against Muslim Americans has garnered increasing concerns about the pervasiveness of Islamophobia in the US and inspired growing scholarship on the racialization of Muslims and those perceived to be Muslim, such as Sikhs. However, significant gaps remain in our understanding of Muslim and Sikh experiences, as crime reports fail to capture the scope of hate incidents and discrimination that represent critical ways in which racism and Islamophobia shape the lived experiences of racialized religious minorities. Here, I examine the ways in which Muslim and Sikh Americans perceive experiences of discrimination, the effects of such experiences on their everyday lives, and how perceived discrimination shapes the construction of racialized religious identities. After conducting 30 interviews with community members (14 Muslim and 16 Sikh) and participant observations at a masjid (mosque) and gurdwara (Sikh place of worship) in Houston, Texas, I find that, in addition to perceived experiences of discrimination, the perceived risk of being discriminated against shapes life "choices" and chances. Further, Muslim and Sikhs' assertion of their religious identities are shaped not only by direct experiences of discrimination, but also an awareness of the broader socio-political climate which situates their collective identities as under threat. This awareness undergirds a complex negotiation between blending in and standing out that embeds religious and racial meaning into visible and invisible religious symbols. Findings contribute insights into the racialization process by pointing to the critical role of religion for members of these minority traditions when negotiating racialized experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines black perceptions of racial discrimination. Researchers have shown that blacks encounter an enormous amount of racial discrimination in the workplace, including but not limited to exclusion from critical social networks, wage disparities, and hiring disadvantages. But fewer studies examine the extent to which blacks believe racial discrimination is a salient factor in their occupational mobility, or the factors which might explain divergent perceptions of racial discrimination among black workers. Based on 60 in-depth interviews with black medical doctors, nurses and technicians in the healthcare industry, we show how occupational status fundamentally shapes how black workers perceive the nature and extent of the racial discrimination they face in the workplace. This finding helps to flesh out currently underdeveloped models of how and why perceptions of discrimination matter. Consequently, we argue that a status-based approach to understanding black assessments of occupational racial discrimination is a more salient measure than current theoretical models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even among the college-educated, Blacks report worse health than whites. Racial discrimination and segregation are thought to explain these differences, but no one has examined whether type of college attended differentially predicts health by race. We use the High School and Beyond data to examine whether college selectivity explains Black-whites disparities in health. We also examine whether historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) differentially predict health among Blacks, and whether this is moderated by college selectivity. We find that Blacks report worse health than whites at midlife, and that this relationship does not vary independently as a function of college selectivity but does vary as a function of both college selectivity and HBCU-status together. Potential explanations for and implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homeschooling is an increasingly common schooling option for middle-class black families, yet is often overlooked in race and education research. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 67 middle-class black and white parents living in one northeastern metropolitan area - half of whom homeschool, while a second set send their children to conventional school - the author examines how race influences parents' decisions to homeschool. Across school type, black middle-class parents use "black strategic schooling" logics to explain their decisions. They describe experiences of racial discrimination in predominately white classrooms led them to bring home or transfer their child to a different school. In contrast, white parents use "white strategic schooling" logics to explain their decisions. They describe their child's learning or behavioral needs as what drove their schooling decision, placing their child in predominately white academic settings, while many also seek racially diverse non-academic settings. The findings build on racial theory by examining the racialization of school choice through homeschooling. The comparison across black and white families shows how school choice displaces addressing systemic racism by schools onto black mothers, who end up managing it on their own by homeschooling or transferring schools. While white parents reflect the privilege of whiteness by using colorblind logics to avoid considering race in their schooling choices. The findings suggest the continued significance of race within parents' schooling logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies have used survey data on perceived everyday discrimination to assess the extent and health impact of racial discrimination and of disccrimination based on weight, sexual orientation, and other reasons. Some surveys use the word "discrimination" in the initial question put to respondents, while other surveys do not use this word. I argue that including "discrimination" in the initial question may depress reports of perceived discrimination and test this hypothesis with data from the 1995/96 National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States and the 2001-2002 National Survey of American Life. Findings suggest that using "discrimination" in the initial question considerably depresses whites' reports of everyday mistreatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We combine pre-Katrina Census and post-Katrina survey data to estimate racial differences in long-term displacement of city of New Orleans residents from the metropolitan area. At the population level, one in five Black adult New Orleanians was displaced, whereas White adult New Orleanians suffered no displacement at all. Greater housing damage and exclusion of Blacks from predominantly White suburbs were critical factors. Had White working-age city residents with equivalent socio-economic characteristics suffered equivalent housing damage, as many as one third would have moved to suburban New Orleans parishes, whereas only 1 in 20 Black working-age city residents actually did so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the geography of poverty has significantly shifted from an urban to a suburban setting, and the populations living in the poorer suburbs are increasingly racially diverse, including many who are first generation immigrants. However, within suburban communities, non-profit organizations (NPOs) combatting poverty are working from an infrastructure that is less robust than that of large cities. The weaker NPO infrastructure in suburbs is particularly troubling given that NPOs are now largely responsible for the delivery of social services, including immigration legal aid for a growing foreign-born population. The combination of these trends raises the questions: How does funding and staff capacity differ across urban and suburban legal aid NPOs? How do differences in social service infrastructure influence the strategies legal aid NPOs use to accomplish their mission? I examine this question through interviews with staff at legal aid NPOs and multi-service NPOs in the socioeconomically and racially diverse city of Oakland and in Eastern Contra Costa County - a county where poverty rates have increased, particularly in the east suburbs, and where the immigrant population has significantly grown. I find that while a smaller scale of social service infrastructure coincides with lower resources in the suburbs, the under-resourced atmosphere leads to more cohesiveness among a broader set of organizations and institutions. This cohesiveness serves two goals: first, it provides a set of reliable, trusted institutions that low-income immigrants can feel comfortable accessing, despite their legal status. Second, it provides a base from which to organize for community development by and for an increasingly diverse population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hartford, Connecticut, a national model for school desegregation, has spent the last decade dramatically increasing the number of its students who attend racially diverse schools. Yet a number of Hartford residents are dissatisfied with the marketing and implementation of these schools. My study, the first to examine an interdistrict program's marketing efforts, finds an unintended consequence of this education reform: many of Hartford's parents of color experience a disconnect between the marketed promise of choice and their lived reality. Based on an 18month qualitative study in Hartford involving observations at school choice events, community forums and interviews with local policy makers and parents at two urban public magnet schools, the study examines both the messaging of school choice and how it is interpreted by Hartford residents. While many Hartford families attempt to get into magnet schools, they object to feeling unequal in a system designed to recruit white suburban families to act as integrators. Other Hartford families search for alternatives to desegregated schools or opt out of the magnet system entirely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A robust body of research demonstrates that African Americans are more likely to be stopped by police than whites net of neighborhood context, crime rates, and other individual level factors. Yet beyond this, we know very little about inequalities in the experience of being stopped by police. Using data on more than 3.5 million police stops in New York City from 2007-2014 and drawing on literatures on race, policing, and the contemporary social movement #BlackLivesMatter, we test a series of hypotheses regarding the associations between race, age, and use of force by police during civilian stops. Findings indicate substantial racial inequalities as well as significant interactions between race and age, suggesting that blacks and whites experience police interactions fundamentally differently, especially young black males. We conclude by considering how inequalities in police-civilian interactions have implications for other sources of inequality in society, including arrest rates, legal cynicism, and involvement in formal institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study extends the long line of research on the detrimental effects of racial discrimination by exploring the relational consequences of such discrimination for young, unmarried African American couples. Although previous work has suggested that racial discrimination impacts marital quality, racial disparities in relationship processes begin long before marriages form. Hence, the current study focuses on the potential implications of racial discrimination for the well-being and longevity of different-sex, nonmarital relationships among African Americans. Results suggest that couples in which the male partner experiences higher levels of racial discrimination are at an increased risk for dissolution in part because of increased relationship dissatisfaction for both partners. Hence, racial discrimination, particularly that experienced by men, appears to distress and, ultimately, disrupt nonmarital relationships. Understanding how discrimination impacts the unfolding of relationships across the life course is essential to untangling and addressing the "chains of disadvantage" identified by Umberson et al. (2014) as central to racial disparities in health and well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines references to race and ethnicity in 838 campaign flyers, brochures, door hangers, and direct mail pieces that 231 candidates for city council distributed during the 2014 Toronto and 2015 Chicago municipal elections. The findings pinpoint electoral campaigning as a major source of ethno-racial meaning. Candidates engaged race and ethnicity in five ways. They invoked ethno-racial stratification or cultural symbols and practices, cited endorsements from ethno-racial leaders and organizations, used heritage languages, and visually represented members of ethno-racial groups. The respective appearance of these references in Toronto and Chicago reflects but arguably also reproduces the cities' different political cultures. Black and Latino candidates in Chicago frequently mobilized perceptions of exclusion, discrimination, and conflict, while in Toronto candidates of all backgrounds portrayed ethnicity as a valued source of culture and group-based political inclusion. Implications for the study of ethno-racial politics, the "race and place" literature, and the political incorporation of immigrants are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This secondary study challenged the dichotomous variable most used, historically, to measure respondents' Type 2 diabetes/prediabetes (Pre-/T2D): the entrenched "presence/absence." We (1) created a new 4-category alternative to "presence/absence" that addresses Pre-/T2D's social as well as biological aspects; then (2) linked the new measure to race/ethnicity, accentuating racial disparities in Pre-/T2D's development. The 2011-2012 and 2013-2014 National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys measured respondents' HbA1C, one biomarker of Pre-/T2D, and also their self-reports concerning doctor's diagnosis of Pre-/T2D. The data simultaneously captured 4 statuses: Pre-/T2D indicated by doctor's diagnosis; Pre-/T2D indicated by biomarker; Pre-/T2D indicated by both; and no Pre-/T2D indicated. Controlling several relevant factors, the present study observed racial disparities across multiple categories of Pre-/T2D, suggesting worthwhile targets for Pre-/T2D prevention/intervention efforts that could confront racial disparities. The literature needs empirical studies featuring what would be, in our view, a particularly effective variable: one considering not only respondents' Pre-/T2D "presence/absence" but, simultaneously, respondents' Pre-/T2D awareness and Pre-/T2D-related self-care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This ethnographic study of school food service employees (i.e. lunch ladies) in an elementary, middle and high school in the Midwest introduces "feeding labor," a concept to signify a form of gendered labor that entails emotional and bodily feeding-related activities. Based on 18 months of participant-observation and 25 in-depth interviews, I illustrate three characteristics of feeding labor: (1) the physical labor of attending to the feeding needs of customers, (2) the emotional labor of managing feelings to display certain feeling states and to create and respond to customers' feelings regarding the prepared food, and (3) variations in the performance of feeding labor as explained through the intersection of gender with race, class, and age. These dimensions vary across different field sites and emerge as three distinct patterns of feeding labor: (1) motherly feeding labor involves physical and emotional attentiveness and nurturing with mostly middle- and upper-class young white customers, (2) tough-love feeding labor involves a mix of tough, but caring respect when serving mostly working and lower-middle-class racially mixed young teens, and (3) efficient feeding labor involves fast, yet courteous, physical labor with controlled emotional labor when serving mostly lower-middle and middle-class predominantly white teenagers. Like Kang's (2003) analysis of body labor, these findings show that a caring and nurturing style of emotional and physical display is central in schools with white, middle-class students but that other forms of gendered feeding labor are required based on differential racial, class, and aged schools that emphasize displaying tough-love and efficiency while serving students food. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study used nationally-representative data from the U.S. Consumer Expenditure Survey (CE) merged with census-track data from the 2010 United States Census to model ethnic disparities in spending on fresh and processed fruit and vegetables as a function of residential racial/ethnic segregation, income, household size and structure, educational attainment, marital status, age and sex. Results indicate that, in the absence of any controls, African-Americans and Hispanics tend to spend less on vegetables than non-Hispanic whites. Compared to non-Hispanic whites, African-Americans are also found to spend less on fruit. The initial analysis also shows that Hispanics spend more on fresh fruit compared to whites and blacks. However, after controlling for socio-economic status, marital status, age, sex (individual-level predictors) and residential racial/ethnic segregation (neighborhood-level predictor), racial/ethnic disparities in the spending on fruit and vegetable become insignificant. We also found that racial/ethnic segregation has a strong and negative effect on the expenditure on fruit and vegetables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have shown that racial microaggressions can be present in various forms and affect diverse racial and ethnic groups in everyday practices. Few studies, however, have discussed how such subtle, intentional or unintentional, aggressions sustain, reproduce, or self-strengthen racial stereotypes within a particular racial/ethnic group. Taking pan-Chinese immigrants as an example, this article focuses on the hiring practice and employment relationship. It examines job-search processes, cultural perceptions, ethnic interactions, and the work experiences of pan-Chinese migrant workers who find work in Australia. The data for this article were collected through thirty in-depth interviews carried out in Sydney. The interviews investigated migrant experiences of work with a particular focus on how people perceive and deal with the racial microaggressions inflicted on them. By showing how pan-Chinese migrants mutually tease each other with strong "Asian" accents, blame themselves for English that is not good enough to "qualify" for better jobs, and interpret white employers or colleagues' microaggressions (such as rude verbal behavior) in a different way (as if they are just a joke or a way to show friendliness), this article argues that racial microaggressions can be internalized and reproduced within an ethnic group (pan-Chinese migrants). They can ease mutual tensions between advantaged and disadvantaged groups but, at the same time, maintain the persistence of racial stereotypes in everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

London elected a Muslim mayor in 2016, less than a year after Germany took the lead in welcoming Syrian refugees. What accounts, then, for political leaders' public assertions of the death of multiculturalism and the resurgence of far-right parties? We examine the possibility that some areas of multicultural policy foster a sense of discrimination on the part of majority populations and reduce their sense of safety, putting pressure on political leaders for assurances and providing the impetus for populist political party agendas, even to the point of Brexit. Data from the Banting/Kymlicka Multiculturalism Policy Index project and from the European Social Survey allow us to explore the impact of specific areas of multicultural policy on those who identify as majority group members, ethnic minorities, and Muslims in fourteen European states. We provide a quantitative multivariate analysis of the influence of key areas of state-level multicultural policy on individuals' sense of being in a group that is discriminated against, as well as their feelings of safety, satisfaction with life, and satisfaction with the national government. Background factors, including respondents' education, are controlled. For each of the three groups of respondents, the article offers conclusions as to which areas of multicultural policy seem to contribute to the most adverse reactions. Our findings help to explain the backlash against multiculturalism and the shift in focus in European states toward "mainstreaming" integration programs. They also provide a contextual background for understanding the increasing sway of rightist party demands and cautions for the development of programs to counter violent extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of racial stratification typically utilize socioeconomic indicators (e.g., educational attainment, income, employment status) to demonstrate the embeddedness of racial inequality in the US context. However, health is another often overlooked key indicator of stratification. Furthermore, race stratification perspectives suggest the use of different reference groups for comparative health disparity studies. Using the Collaborative Psychiatric Epidemiology Surveys (CPES), this study assesses the utility of racial stratification perspectives in predicting health patterns. More specifically, I address the following questions: are racial stratification perspectives aligned with the health profiles of diverse racial groups in the U.S.? Does the applicability of racial stratification perspectives to health patterns differ for women and men? And, last, do the health patterns suggested by racial stratification perspectives persist after controlling for social factors often invoked to explain racial differences in health? Results indicate that health patterns are aligned with some racial stratification perspectives, but their applicability is contingent upon gender. In addition, even after adjusting for SES, stress exposure, and social support, evidence of health stratification remains. Implications for both race theory and health disparities research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on an understudied dimension of the residential attainment process: the spatial proximity to family. There are a variety of theoretical reasons to believe that proximity to family may vary systematically across core dimensions of social stratification. This paper employs zero inflated negative binomial modeling techniques and data from the 1997 and 1999 waves of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics to investigate group differences in family proximity. I find that such differences occur primarily in terms of residence in the same neighborhood. For example, African American adult children are significantly more likely than their white counterparts to live in the same census tract as their parents. Conditional on not sharing the same neighborhood, the spatial proximity of adult children and parents is less predictable. This analysis suggests systematic variation in the way family influences the spatial distribution of population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mobilization of black intellectuals and activists was essential for the insertion of social and political demands aimed at addressing the issues of the black population in Brazil after the end of the Vargas dictatorship (1937-1945). In the historiography of the political unrest of the period, the work of black women, have received little scholarly attention. As a result, the reconstruction of their ideas has been a hard task. A focus on black women activists of the time such as Arinda Serafim and Sofia Campos Teixeira, specifically an examination of their speeches, provides a complex understanding of their interlocking articulation of race, class and gender. To investigate the thought of black women involved in racial mobilization in the late 1940s goes beyond removing these important leaders from the historical invisibility in which they languish, which at face value would be a great achievement. The performance of these women restores the role of the struggle of black women, who were not passive agents in asserting their rights. In the labor arena, the defense of domestic workers reveals characteristics of the condition of black women in that context. The participation of women such as Arinda Serafim and Sofia Campos put significant pressure on the burgeoning women's movement. The search for female autonomy as driven by black women could not ignore their intersectional character, and actively questioned the different social positions that white and black women held in Brazilian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While racial discrimination in mortgage lending has been substantially documented, few studies have explored the different consequences of investment patterns for black and white communities. Because neighborhood vitality and stability is in part dependent upon external investments, the effect of mortgage loans on neighborhood social conditions demands further inquiry. In this paper, we investigate the link between external investments, in the form of mortgage loans, and levels of neighborhood crime. Specifically, we argue that weak investments through mortgage loans in communities create social conditions that lead to heightened levels of crime. This argument draws on research that explores the varying degrees that external investments can improve social conditions within neighborhoods that ultimately lead to varying levels of crime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When a biracial child has one black and one white parent, society tends to identify the child as "black" or "biracial" but rarely as "white". This study investigates how parents contribute to the development of their biracial child's identity. Using in-depth, open-ended interviews, my research examines the roles that parents play in negotiating their biracial child's identity in a racialized society. The findings of my research demonstrate the overwhelming impact that the perceptions of race in society plays in the location, manner, and environment in which parents raise their biracial children. My research has found that these societal perceptions contribute to a shift in a way that parents identify their children and the strategies they use in developing their child's identity. My findings demonstrate the significance of the one-drop rule in the strategies that these parents use in developing their biracial children's identity. With the presence of the one-drop rule in our society, the participants in my research have placed more of an emphasis on the development and strengthening of their child's black identity than their white identity. As the majority of the parents who participated in my research would identify their child as biracial, the strategies utilized in the development of their biracial children's identity fails to correlate with the way in which they characterized their child's race. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is affirmative action? Where did it originate? Who benefits from affirmative action programs? Why is it so controversial? These questions have stumped generations of Americans on how to adequately move forward on equal opportunity. Affirmative action is not about choosing unqualified minorities or women over white males. It tries to level the playing field and repay certain groups for past discrimination. The conservative backlash to affirmative action was politically motivated. Republicans gained advantage by painting affirmative action as unfair and as "reverse discrimination." Examining cases that have shaped policy, I highlight the benefits of affirmative action (promoting cross-racial understanding, alleviating racial stereotypes, and preparing citizens for a multicultural society. Critiquing affirmative action opponents, I focus on Justice Thomas and his view that affirmative action stigmatizes minorities as underqualified and that universities use it to attract 'tokens.' Networking is essentially the "old boy" system, a form of affirmative action used by the white privileged to gain access to status that minorities are almost always shut out. My use of the word conservative does not indicate a particular political party. (White liberals also network.) Instead, it is used indicate a form of class (de facto racial) preference to maintain the status quo but not endorsed by legislation or government intervention. I call for grassroots movements among minorities, women and activists to support affirmative action programs to alleviate social inequality, racial prejudice, and discrimination and to create, not merely equal opportunity, but equal outcome. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use data from the June and October series of the Current Population Survey to describe trends in the life course patterns of women with postgraduate training, including trends in age at first birth, marriage chances, and marital homogamy, focusing on the comparison of white and black women. We can show that marriage chances for highly educated black women declined over time and relative to white women. At the same time, fertility declined as well, and in a dramatic reversal of demographic trends, highly educated black women born after 1955 are much more likely to remain childless by age 44 than similarly educated white women. On the other hand, black men and women are more likely than whites to live with children while in graduate school throughout the observation period, indicating differences in the strategies and life course patterns in these groups that may have consequences for racial inequality in family as well as career outcomes among the highly educated. The cross-sectional data that are available do not allow us to explore those consequences but our findings suggest that further research could shed a light on enduring racial inequality in the middle class and in combining family and a career. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using cumulative risk theory as framework, this study provides the first evidence linkingperceived racial discrimination to fear of terrorism in a nationally-representative sampleof African-Americans interviewed up to two years after the terrorist attacks of September11, 2001. Based on data from the National Survey of American Life (NSAL), findingsreveal that African-Americans who had experienced racial discrimination in the past were63.3% more likely to report that the 9/11 terrorist attacks had shaken their sense of safety"a great deal," compared to those who had never experienced discrimination. Moreover,this association is only slightly attenuated and remains statistically significant aftercontrolling for a number of hypothesized confounders. These results suggest that racismposes a significant risk factor for psychological vulnerability to acute stressors, even ifsuch stressors are unrelated to the experiences of racial discrimination. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on preliminary findings from 31 interviews and from participant observation carried out with genealogists from southern Louisiana. The focus is on that section of the research which examines how respondents deal with finding slave ownership in their families. Thus far, I have found two main responses: non-judging or empathizing. Non-judging respondents see slave ownership as something that can not be judged while empathizing respondents struggle with the knowledge of their family's involvement with slavery. In each case, the process of doing genealogy provides an opportunity for respondents to create narratives to explain past and present racial inequality in their own families and in the U.S. as whole. Despite the popularity of genealogy, and the ways it may shape participant's thinking about race and inequality, there is relatively little sociological research on the intersection of genealogy and race. While sociological theorists of race do extensively address how history has shaped the present racial terrain, they rarely look intensively at how everyday people use and give meaning to history as they grapple with thorny issues concerning race, racial inequality, and racial identities. I argue that our theory of the reproduction of racial thinking and social structure would be considerably strengthened by attending to the way people of different racial backgrounds give meaning to and actively use history to make sense of their own lives and of larger public discussions about race in the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper raises three theoretical questions intended to expand the terrain of theorizing race and racism. The paper explores the phenomenon of cyber racism and what this means for our understanding of race and racism in the digital era. The questions raised here are: 1) does cyberspace allow for an escape from embodiment and the forms of oppression connected to it? 2) how do "truth claims" online, such as the cloaked sites about civil rights leaders, inform our understanding of epistemology and race in the digital era; and 3) how can we understand the critical race perspective of 'words that wound' in a globally networked society in which the laws of states such as the U.S. undermine regulations on hate speech formulate by other nation-states. The paper asserts that the threat of cyber racism in a democratic society is less about the supposed threat of "recruitment" or political mobilization, and more about the nevertheless real epistemological challenge it poses to undermining the very basis of racial equality. The paper ends with a call to expand the terrain of theorizing about race and racism to include a conceptualization of cyber racism within a globally networked society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines two distinct types of racial discrimination perceived by the immigrant second generation in the United States and Britain. Afro-Caribbeans report experiencing racial discrimination outside school, from adults, while Indians tend to report experiencing racial discrimination in school, from peers. These findings move theories of racial discrimination beyond a black-white paradigm, and also shed light on theories on the impact of perceived discrimination. If Afro-Caribbeans don't report school-based racial discrimination, then reactions to racial discrimination in school cannot explain an oppositional orientation towards school among Afro-Caribbean students, as suggested by some scholars. In the paper I integrate the literatures on racial discrimination and immigrant incorporation for a deeper understanding of experiences of racial discrimination among the second generation. The paper is based on an ethnography in two multiethnic schools, one in London and one in New York, and 90 in-depth interviews with second generation Indian, Afro-Caribbean, and Indo-Caribbean teens in New York and London. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores some of the ways that those of us who occupy privileged social statuses can work toward social justice in the academe. As a White heterosexual male, I appear, at least on the surface, among the least likely people to challenge privileges in the Ivory Tower. Nevertheless, through a discussion of personal and professional experiences that have shaped me as an academic, I argue that it is precisely my occupation of these privileged categories that places a responsibility on me (and others like me) to challenge those very privileges and work toward social justice. Those of us who are privileged have plenty of opportunity to challenge inequalities—if we open our eyes and choose to see them. A rigorously critical understanding of how inequalities operate illuminates how mundane, ordinary institutional practices are riddled with privileges of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation, privileges that get normalized precisely through mundane, ordinary practices in institutional settings. Challenging these inequalities is never easy. It is never "a good time" to speak up about racism, sexism, classism or homophobia because doing so disrupts the everyday goings-on that constitute academic (and other institutional) life. Putting Seidman's (1995: 118) notion that "queer politics mobilizes against all normalized hierarchies" into action is at the heart of what striving to be queer means in the academe. I use striving to be queer rather than simply being queer to underscore that action is required rather than solely having an identity as a "good liberal" person. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the way in which the white racial frame does the work of creating and enforcing rhetorical boundaries on policies designed to implement racial reform which facilitate the retrenchment of white racial privilege and power. We suggest that the white racial frame operates as a key mechanism in the process of stalling racial progress and reform by imposing tacit boundaries, limitations, and assumptions on the discourse surrounding progressive racial policies which ultimately limits their effectiveness. To illustrate this process, we analyze the discourse concerning affirmative action, a policy designed to both end racial discrimination in employment and education, and to redistribute resources like access to schools and jobs. We focus our analysis on the institutional setting of elite law schools, a setting which is unique, both because it has an influence upon policy making with regard to affirmative action, in the sense that it socializes many of the people who will make and interpret the law with regard to this policy, and because it represents an institution in which the policy may be utilized in student selection and faculty hiring. Through a discourse analysis of three distinctive textual sources within the institutional setting of law schools, we illustrate how the white racial frame gets employed to do the work of stalling progressive racial policies, thus facilitating the reproduction of white privilege, power, and wealth, without any explicit expression of intentional animosity on the part of whites participating in the discourse. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the processes of racial identity formation via an examination of a white nationalist organization and a white antiracist organization. Findings indicate that the construction of white identity in both groups is based on the reproduction of various racist ideologies. The realization that there is a shared "groupness" to outwardly different white identities has the potential to destabilize the recent trend that over-emphasizes white heterogeneity at the expense of discussion of power, racism, and discrimination. As a resolution to this analytic dilemma, this paper advances a conceptual framework entitled 'hegemonic whiteness.' White identity formation is thereby understood as a cultural process in which (1) racist, reactionary, and essentialist ideologies are used to demarcate inter-racial boundaries, and (2) performances of white racial identity that fail to meet those ideals are marginalized and stigmatized, thereby creating intra-racial distinctions within the category 'white.' ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the manner in which racialized social relations are embodied in genealogical narratives. Focusing on two particular manifestations of racialized genealogical narration, namely polygenism and the so-called one-drop rule, it represents an attempt to bring together the sociology of race and the sociology of memory as manifested in social narratives of ancestry and descent. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of Black families is often reduced to analyses of various family structures such as types of household, number of children, and marital status. While family structure and statistical data analyses are helpful and necessary, they also do not capture the experiences and values of families. Thus, this paper is instead centered on understanding Black families from a Black family viewpoint. The data for this paper is from a Black focused parenting magazine, Raising Black and Biracial Children. I found that through analyzing a magazine catered to Black families and distributed nationally, I could attain one type of insight into the issues that concern Black parents. I analyzed twenty-six issues from 1995 to 2002, a total of 99 articles, and found for four primary themes: racism, Afro-centrism, slavery, and comparisons to Whites. In this paper, I discuss passages from several articles which highlight each theme to reveal how these issues are discussed, evaluate the importance of them to Black families, and show how they are not just factors affecting Black families but also utilized in daily life. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The race-based contradictions between the principles and practices of U.S. democracy are a topic of intense critical scrutiny. A similar and generally under-analyzed contradiction involving American Indian tribes and their place (and their members' place) in the American political system also has profound consequences for the future. Although tribal nations are sovereign or semi-sovereign bodies within the United States, they are not included in the Constitution, and nor is their status understood, much less accepted, by the public. The collective rights that tribal citizens enjoy appear incongruent with the principle of equality between U.S. citizens, and periodically provoke resistance. In that the literature about racial discrimination and democracy is relevant but inadequate to understanding the contradictions involving tribes and their members in relation to the United States, this paper draws upon the concept of citizenship to present a historical account of the colonial origins and present status of these contradictions. Three divergences between tribal and U.S. models of citizenship are presented to clarify the nature of latent (and sometimes active) tensions involving tribal members and U.S. citizenship. Noting the interweaving but dissimilar trajectories of inclusion experienced by blacks and Indians, the paper provides a historical account necessary for understanding the roots of the present situation and possible developments in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of racism is at the forefront of the debate over the legitimacy of the anti-immigrant movement. Contemporary racism survives on strategies put in place post-WWII and post-Civil Rights that make it more covert. Moreover, Latinos, who are the primary target of the anti-immigrant movement, are often overlooked as racialized subjects. This effectively disguises racism and often leaves explanations for what makes the anti-immigrant movement racist at bay. Based on a literature review and interviews with the anti-immigrant movement (1999-2008), this paper reveals how the anti-immigrant movement is embedded on a global scale, how racism is embedded in the anti-immigrant movement, and highlights how this racism has manifested in the post-9/11/01 world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gap between the grades of Black students and those of whites has been explained in terms of racial differences in multiple measures of student habits (including effort). The current study the attempts to close the gap between the standardized math scores of Black and white students in a longitudinal study using the time students spend on homework. Racial differences in parents' helping with and checking on homework favored Black students. However, these measures of parental involvement had only a weak, though significant, association with student effort, which in turn had a small though significant effect on standardized scores. However the difference in the time Black and white students spend on homework did little to close the test score gap between them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Obama Effect: Incidental, By-the Way- Racism as the New NormIn this paper I use my work as an expert witness on a federal civil rights discrimination lawsuit, national survey data and media accounts of racial inequality to develop the idea of incidental racism. Incidental Racism views racial difference and racial inequality as a function of culture, not innate superiority. Incidental racism operates within an ideological framework where the presumption of equal opportunity by whites means that factors other than race can be used to justify discrimination that are in fact race based. Unlike other explanations of racism (laissez-faire, color-blind, institutional) which views colorblindness as a dodge to maintain white privilege, incidental racism views non-racial explanations of discrimination as a deeply held belief that colorblindness in the new norm. This perspective is especially true among individuals under 30. Incidental racism allows the color line and white privilege to be maintained through a seemingly colorblind discourse. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social scientists and social scientific funding agencies have increased their focus on the obesity epidemic. Within this scholarship, it has become widely argued that the social acceptance of obesity among African Americans contributes to higher rates of the disease within this population. From this reasoning, it should follow that the negative social consequences of obesity (i.e. those that are due to stigmatization) do not apply to obese African Americans. This paper is concerned with investigating that premise as it applies to risky sexual behavior among obese teens. Propensity scores are used to determine the race-specific association between obesity and risky sexual behavior within national sample of 986 African American and White women in late adolescence between 1996 and 2002. The results indicate that White women who were obese during their first sexual experience later report higher rates of sex outside of a committed relationship, multiple sexual partners, and considerably older sexual partners. However, obesity is not related to risky sexual behavior within the African American subsample. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11 the social environment has changed for Muslim communities living in western nations. In recent years a variety of literature has emerged about the potential targeting of Muslims through the new security measures and anti-terrorist legislation that has been implemented in North America (Choudhry 2001, Macklin 2001, Helly 2004 and Pratt 2005). According to this literature these new measures are damaging for Muslims because they construct them as being dangerous and make them vulnerable to discrimination. However, where this literature has come short is in providing an understanding of the actual experiences Muslims have had with these new security measures and legislation and what impact it has had on their lives. This gap is the impetus for this research. Through the use of fifty in-depth interviews, I contribute to the existing literature by examining how government attempts to ensure safety and security is impacting the lives of young Muslims in Canada. More particularly, I explore what experiences young Muslims have had post 9/11 in their interactions with state policies at airports and borders; and how these experiences tied to Orientalist depictions of Muslims in the West and also to the gendered and racialized processes in our society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent efforts to make up for the neglect of some early sociologists, such as Harriet Martineau, because of gender prejudice and of others, such as William E B DuBois, because of race, have overlooked the neglect of Herbert Spencer. While changing intellectual fashion has undoubtedly been involved in the neglect of Spencer, ideological prejudice (such as depicting him a "conservative") and incorrectly typing him as a nominalist and reductionist appear also to have been the case. Spencer's intellectual contributions tower over those of, say, Auguste Comte, this being said without minimizing Comte's contributions to the discipline. Among Spencer's many efforts, his contributions in the later years of the nineteenth century on both sides of the Atlantic, in three chapters in his Synthetic Philosophy and in other writings, helped establish sociology as a legitimate discipline.Ideology in sociological theory is inevitable but attempts to lessen its influence in ignoring and/or dismissing the sociology of so towering a figure as Spencer ought to be made. Ideology is difficult to deal with but substantive errors, such as depicting him as a nominalist, are clearly erroneous and ought to be corrected. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racially integrated neighborhoods are less common than segregated neighborhoods because of a number of barriers, including residential behaviors on the part of whites who make maintaining stable integrated neighborhoods difficult. Whether it is because of overt or color-blind racism, whites are reluctant to purchase homes where significant numbers of nonwhites live (Bonilla-Silva 2001; Ellen 2000; Massy and Denton 1993). With data taken from a larger study, this article investigates homeowners' perceptions of race and race relations within a racially integrated neighborhood in Baltimore, MD. Fifty semi-structured interviews were completed with 67 homeowners, including 42 with whites. This study attempts to assess to what extent white homeowners in a racially-integrated neighborhood accepted a color-blind worldview, or if they had an alternate framework for understanding race. I found that like O'Brien's anti-racists (2001), there was a range of rejection of color-blindness, from selective to reflexive race cognizance. Most white homeowners recognized the institutional basis of racial inequality, their own white privilege, and made note of others' race and racial disadvantage. However, there were a few who voiced dismay when people made a "big deal" out of racial differences, or when they were being reminded of their own race in a city that has a majority of black residents. Although these sentiments echo a form of color-blindness, they are also a part of the social negotiation process that whites face when living and working with substantial numbers of African Americans. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]