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Benedict Anderson argues that nationalist ideas in Asia and Africa are modeled on the 'modular' forms of nationalism that developed in the Americas and Europe. This paper argues that anti-colonial nationalism is a field of contestation between different ideas and practices. Some of these were indeed based on selective appropriation of Western practices, whereas some of these rejected such ideas and practices and contended that decolonization or emancipation necessarily entailed rejecting the examples set by Western nations. This paper compares the thoughts of Frantz Fanon and M.K. Gandhi, two of the most influential figures in post-colonial thought in the twentieth century as well as active participants in major anti-colonial struggles, and contends that in spite of contextual and ideological differences between them both rejected the Western models of nationalist politics and emphasized a repudiation of colonialism through political and institutional innovations in similar ways. The three major sections of the paper deals with their respective critiques of colonialism and elite nationalism; the prescribed modes of political practice; and the projects of national reconstruction. The unifying thread in each of these three sections is their common concerns regarding negation of colonialism as well as the cultural alienation of the nationalist elite and the necessity of a radical break with Western models of nationalist politics. The concluding section attempts to understand the reasons why their visions of national independence remains unfulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on Eastern European immigrants and their functioning is quite limited. Some research has been conducted on Eastern European (EE) immigrants and their adaptation in the United States. However, there is a lack of information about the Eastern European immigration at a global level. The purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the patterns of EE immigration around the world. Since Eastern European's main destination areas for immigration are North America and Western Europe, the focus of the paper is on these two areas. However, immigration patterns to Asia, Africa, Australia and South America are also discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent immigration from the Caribbean, Africa and Europe has been overshadowed by immigration from Asia and Latin America, but these newcomers are of particular theoretical importance because they represent the immigrant analogs of the two most disparate and diametrically opposed American racial groups?Black and White Americans. This study employs data from the Current Population Survey (1996-2002) to compare patterns of educational and occupational achievement and mobility among Black and White immigrants. It is found that while the adult children of immigrants, irrespective of race, are doing significantly better than the immigrants themselves, racial disparities do exist. Upward mobility is, on some measures, more pronounced in the White immigrant population. While Black and White immigrants are practically identical in terms of educational attainment, the adult children of White immigrants have completed, on average, more years of education and are significantly more likely to have graduated high school than their Black counterparts. Patterns of occupational mobility seem to favor Black immigrants?particularly second generation Black women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our contribution’s goal is to revisit the notion of social exclusion, attempting to shed light on its theoretical underpinnings and to describe the better known approaches to the subject in the sociological literature. Our analysis has been limited to the sociology of the French-speaking world, highlighting the centrality of the concept in French sociology, its spread to the rest of French-speaking Europe (Belgium and Switzerland in particular), its recurrence in Quebec and, finally, its tentative use in Sub-Saharan French-speaking Africa. The multiple understandings of social exclusion, the variability of conceptualizations suggested for it as well as the widespread use to which it has been put reveal a paradox in the research material. This paradox derives from the contrast between the increasing use of the term in sociology, its appropriation by the politico-administrative discourse and its success in the media on the one hand and its rejection by sociologists who have considered the new challenges of the social question (Castel, Paugam, Taboada-Leonetti, Autès, among others) on the other. Furthermore, use of the term continues to generate much criticism. Despite the severity of the criticism, the notion of social exclusion maintains an "evocative force and a mobilizing capacity" which transferred to politics and the media as well the field of social intervention. All this leads, ultimately, to the question of how useful or fruitful the notion of social exclusion is. In light of the renewed and/or enriched theorization about the notion, it is essential to highlight its processual dimension. Hence, it should be considered as the final phase of a process of social isolation, which has a variety of degrees and facets. Thus conceived, the notion will be better able to reveal, point to and analyze the problems, contradictions, "pathologies" and individual and collective "traumas" to which the "new social question" give rise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African migrants to Europe are often portrayed as fleeing poverty, but research has also posited that inequality is a determinant of migration. Using data from the Migration between Africa and Europe (MAFE) study, this paper investigates the extent to which relative deprivation is a motivation for migration between Senegal and Europe. I hypothesize that different stages in the process of cumulative causation of migration are associated with different motivations for migration. I estimate a household-level model that measures both cross-sectional household wealth and relative deprivation, and use instrumental variable techniques to estimate counterfactual household wealth and relative deprivation at an earlier stage in the process of cumulative causation. I find support for the hypothesis that relative deprivation is a potential motivation for migration in a counterfactual world prior to migration, and that migrant households are significantly wealthier than non-migrant households at the observed end point of the process of cumulative causation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dispersion of contemporary jihadi terrorism is examined as it moves through social and geographical space over time. Implications for world-peace are then discussed. Terrorist events are coded in terms of the institutional sphere of the victim (economy, polity, etc.) and general geographical regions of the world (Africa, N. America, Europe, etc.) and then mapped over time. Terrorism is seen to be spreading both across institutional space and over geographical regions over time. Statistical methods are then employed to determine if the social institutional spread affects the geographic spread or vis-a-versa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]