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'Creole', or domestically birthed, anticommunisms came in many different flavours and are in need of deeper investigation to understand how they responded to local conditions. This study examines one case from Ecuador where political leaders eagerly manipulated an anticommunist agenda to advance their own partisan prospects in ways that were distinct from the United States government's global geopolitical concerns. Conservatives had their own motivations, which sometimes paralleled with and at other times came into conflict with those of larger political powers. These 'creole anticommunisms' could be more aggressive than those of United States officials, even as they served other purposes. [q]TQ3[/q] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North American Indigenous peoples remain overlooked in Cold War scholarship, despite being tangibly impacted by this global conflict. This article presents a study of four foundational texts, to argue that the Cold War shaped the introduction of new destructive Indian policies in the United States and Canada, which aimed to eradicate the special legal status of Indigenous peoples. Moreover, Indigenous activist intellectuals like Vine Deloria, Jr. and Harold Cardinal successfully embedded their writing in the Cold War context of decolonisation and anti-communism to challenge harmful federal policy and the image of the United States and Canada as upholding 'freedom' and 'democracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article constructs a history of the mutual personal engagement of Native American sovereignty activists and Marxist entities in the 1970s and 1980s. Native American diplomacy attempted to reconfigure the geography of American Indian sovereignty into a fully independent Native America in alliance with revolutionary Marxism and its 'red' nations around the globe. Marxist-Native solidarity in Europe was enabled by older continental European fantasies about Indians, and sanctioned by some Eastern Bloc governments. Indian-Marxist alliances could not be sustained because of the difficulties of reconciling US patriotic anti-Communism, the Marxist revolutionary project, and the indigenous rights struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines British popular and media reactions to America's Bravo test shot in April 1954 and Coventry City Council's subsequent decision to abandon civil defence. The article finds that three key motifs emerged which relate to Britain's broader sense of national identity in the 1950s. First, the controversy formed part of a cultural battle for national identity between a conservative and potentially militaristic culture, and one which was more progressive and opposed war and nuclear armaments. Second, opponents labelled the councillors as Moscow stooges and this revealed underlying anti-communism. Third, reactions engaged with a secular strain of Cold War apocalypticism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines British propaganda efforts in France in the early Cold War in the light of a developing relationship in which the senders' own strategies were to be modified and challenged. The article argues that initiatives to broadcast propaganda from Britain into France via the BBC operated within a broader and developing information policy context. Broadcasting from outside the country through the BBC was supplemented with attempts by British personnel stationed in France to embed positive messages directly within the contemporary French media. By 1950 however, the British propaganda initiative seemed inappropriate and outmoded, taken over by the French themselves and by a British desire to prioritise countries outside Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the restrictive terms of reference and a limited operative budget, in the 1950s and 1960s the NATO Information Service launched a series of successful propaganda campaigns. One of the most effective initiatives was the organisation of a series of travelling exhibitions which toured the NATO countries. By travelling through the countryside and small centres, the travelling exhibitions reached areas that had not yet been touched by any other propaganda campaign. This paper investigates the choice of themes and objects put on display, the organisational problems and the question of assessing the impact of such initiatives in an historical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an anatomy of an inquisition. It examines the Cold War persecution of Edwin Berry Burgum, a university professor and literary theorist. Whilst his professional competence was consistently applauded, his academic career was abruptly destroyed. His 'fitness to teach' was determined by his political beliefs: he was a member of the American Communist Party. The paper argues that New York University, an institution that embodied liberal values, collaborated with McCarthyism. Using previously overlooked or unavailable sources, it reveals cooperation between NYU's executive officers and the FBI, HUAC and the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Though its focus on one individual, the paper illuminates larger themes of the vulnerability of academic freedom and the bureaucratic processes of political repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based on multi-archival research in the United States of America and South Africa, analyzes the nuclear relationship between South Africa and the US during the Reagan, Bush and Clinton Administrations, by tracing South Africa's journey to non-proliferation during the last decade of the Cold War. During the Reagan years, anti-communism and the Cold War formed a major component of US foreign policy and dictated a closer nuclear relationship between the US and South Africa, coupled with US non-proliferation efforts vis-a-vis South Africa. At the end of the 1980s, the US efforts coincided with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the withdrawal of Soviet support and indeed a nuclear war potential from Southern Africa. In late 1989, South Africa at last gave up its nuclear weapons development and destroyed all its nuclear weapons, followed by signature of the NPT in July 1991. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-communism has often been seen as a marginal aspect of white Rhodesian political ideology, designed to manipulate eccentric metropolitan and American opinion. However, it was neither shallow nor peripheral, but integral to it and essential to an understanding of the politics and ideological resilience of White Rhodesia in its closing decades. Many white Rhodesians regarded African disaffection as externally fomented and international, so that there appeared to be no need to address any grievances. The Cold War crucially sealed Rhodesia's political fate, since the successful encouragement of anti-communist sentiment made it difficult for a Rhodesian government to advocate compromise of any kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]