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This paper examines domicidal practices against illegalized border crossers in Calais, France as a technology of citizenship and migration governance. It addresses recent calls to include actions and interventions which restrict citizenship in the context of illegalized migration within critical citizenship studies literature. Studying the state violence upholding and spatializing normative citizenship allows for a deeper understanding of citizenship's implication in the European border regime, and raises questions on the concept's continued application to theorizations of migrants' political movements and spatial manifestations. The paper proposes anti-citizen politics as an alternative before arguing that the presence of this politics within the city's squats and jungles, more than the physical occupations as such, is what the French state seeks to eradicate through acts of domicide. Working from empirical examples, the article describes a 'carrot-and-stick' domicide currently at work in Calais where the eviction and destruction of autonomous forms of migrant inhabitance is combined with a simultaneous offer of state managed accommodation. These tactics operate together to drive migrants out of the city of Calais, away from the UK border, and ultimately into a determination of their detain/deport-ability via citizenship's scrutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship largely sees fraud-based citizenship stripping as a tool for guaranteeing the consistency of the naturalisation process against applicants who do not respect the rules. This implies that the line between 'desirable' and 'undesirable' citizens is drawn in accordance with procedural norms. In contrast, this article argues that deprivation on grounds of fraud aims to create a virtuous and responsible political subject. Drawing on the cases of France and the UK, the paper shows how government officials and judges understand citizenship deprivation not simply as a means to safeguard the procedural integrity of naturalisation, but as a mechanism for the moralisation and responsibilisation of applicants. The article further contends that not everyone is made the subject of 'renationalisation'. British and French deprivation policies reproduce suspicions and stereotypes against specific categories of migrants, constructing them as second-class citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does sustained and increasingly transnational immigration weaken the national character of citizenship regimes? This paper addresses this issue by examining French responses to immigration over a 40-year period. In spite of the changing character of immigration and changing state strategies, all governments throughout this period have sought to maintain the national character by making full access to rights contingent on one's conformity to national values and moralities. As the government made accessing rights dependent on conformity to national norms, the legitimacy of immigrant activists seeking to expand their rights has depended on their abilities to conform to the rules of the national political game. Resisting marginalization therefore requires the assimilation of the immigrants into nationally specific political cultures, which contributes to reinforcing the national character of citizenship regimes. By examining the particular case of France, the paper aims to show how top-down and bottom-up processes by states and activists work in different ways to keep the nation at the center of citizenship regimes in spite of the ongoing and very real challenges presented by transnationalism and globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of more restrictive border controls governing global mobility provides important sites of crystallization through which differentiated and stratified rights to movement are produced, negotiated, and reimagined. One such form, the detention of migrants, is often understood through a logic of exception as the exclusion of unwanted migrants from the borders of the political community. Critical scholarship on detention informed by an autonomous migration perspective suggests a more nuanced reading of detention as the differential inclusion of migrants through positions of precariousness, transformations of legal statuses and subjectivities, and control over the direction and temporality of migratory flows. Building on this trajectory, this paper argues that the very meaning of the camp also needs to be brought into the analysis of a politics of migration and of control. For spaces of detention are sites of contestation that can be used by migrants (and those in solidarity with them) as resources to navigate border controls, reimagine political community and subjectivities and through which migrants engage in practices of citizenship. Reflecting on the destruction of the migrant camps in and around Calais, the paper examines three different images of the camp space known as 'the jungle' and draws attention to camp spaces as social and political spaces, in which the struggles to define them are an integral part of what is at stake in the struggle between a politics of control and a politics of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article advances a genealogy of migrant struggles and citizens solidarity practices, with a focus on the French-Italian migrant passage. It contends that scholarship has mainly mobilised a spatial approach to migrant struggles, while the temporality of solidarity and the collective memory of struggles have remained under-theorised. Then, the article moves on by focusing on the French-Italian Alpine border and it analyses the longstanding history of migrants' passages there and, jointly, the mobilisations that took place in that area over the last decades exploring how these sedimented a citizen collective memory of solidarity practices. The final section deals with the history of mountain rescue at the French-Italian Alpine border and shows how migrants were saved by volunteers. The piece concludes by arguing that an insight into the memory of migrant struggles and solidarity practices enables foregrounding the transversal alliances which have been built between migrants and citizens and unsettling binary opposition between the former and the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a discourse analysis of French and Swedish legislative debates from 1968 to 2017, this article examines how actors challenge and reinforce dominant ideas about the link between nationality and political rights. We argue that the broader political culture influences which discursive strategies – or 'frames' – are more likely to structure parliamentary debates in different national contexts. However, our analysis also shows that legislators sometimes develop new discursive frames in which they reinterpret dominant norms to make them consistent with their views. Through this incremental process of reinterpretation and reformulation of dominant ideas, debates over non-citizen voting rights have chipped away at the link between nationality and political rights. Our findings suggest that initiatives to enfranchise non-citizens trigger lower levels of conflict when they can be framed as a policy tool for immigrant integration rather than as a matter of popular sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 20 years, rules governing citizenship stripping have been debated and modified several times in France and Britain. Through this process, deprivation of citizenship has been transformed into a sanction that specifically targets ‘Islamist’ terrorists. This article examines the revival of citizenship deprivation from the mid-1990s onwards and draws on parliamentary debates, legal cases and interviews with lawyers and officials. It shows that governments develop strategies to make sure they are able to rid themselves of individuals whom they present as dangerous to the nation, even if this implies going back on or bypassing human rights norms. The theoretical argument put forward is that deprivation forms part of an effort to ‘renationalise’ citizenship, that is, to reassert national membership as a privilege that states can take back and to prove that this membership still matters both to provide individuals with rights and to protect the national community’s identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the last decade, France has put in place a series of measures to reinforcelaïcitéandRepublican values. While these notions have never clearly been defined, they have been used as a justification to scrutinize and interfere in the bodies, sensibilities and practices of ‘Muslim’ citizens. In the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attacks in January 2015 and the November 13th terrorist attacks that same year, these policies have become ever more important, and are buttressed by new ‘extraordinary’ measures, such as the ‘State of Emergency’. This article explores these different measures, and analyzes their consequences for French citizens, especially citizens of Muslim faith. It also pays attention to political and legal strategies put forth by activists to denounce these recent shifts, and to propose a more inclusive and equal understanding of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses some of the salient features of the post-2001 Macedonian citizenship model, understood not only as a legal formula, but also as a social and cultural fact (Brubaker, R., 1994. Citizenship and nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge/London: Harvard University Press). By using the analytical lens of two competing conceptions of nationhood and citizenship (political vs. ethno-cultural), the article analyses the phenomenon of ‘fractured citizenship’, as reflected in the apparent tension between an official, elite-driven discourse of the Macedonian model of multi-ethnic democracy on the one hand, and diverging ethno-culturally coded initiatives, ideologies and perceptions, on the other. The article concludes that in the future the fractures will either ‘heal’ through a weakening of the ethnic dimension, or progress towards a new form of fragmented citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the emergence of the Reseau Education Sans Frontieres (RESF) in France, a movement that emerged in response to fear about the deportation of immigrant children who were pupils in French schools. Mobilising ethical concerns about children's welfare, the movement has been able to create public debate about the French State's moral responsibility to protect these children of 'sans-papiers'. Based on qualitative research, this article analyses the membership of RESF and its modes of action to show how this mobilisation has taken place, stressing the importance of 'everyday interactions' in this mobilisation, and the use of new frames of moral injustice concerning children's welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a means to shed light on modem citizenship, this article explores the history of the practice of banishment, deportation and the revocation of citizenship in the transition from the old regime to the new in France. Despite the acknowledged novelties in the understanding of citizenship ushered in with the French Revolution flowing from the adoption of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, it is evident that there was an important continuity with old regime principles, namely, the notion of citizenship as a privilege. Indeed, not only did the French state maintain its power to revoke citizenship and expel its members, but the new republican understanding of citizenship along with a more disciplined international environment led to the transformation of the practices in ways more severe and debilitating for the convicted. This history of expulsion and revocation of citizenship rights is used to illustrate a basic tension in modem understandings of citizenship between an inclusive understanding of citizenship committed to an ideal of universal rights and the political and civic criteria for belonging that have in practice been used to police members by revoking the very privileges on which their protection of basic rights depended. The study then gestures to a way of resolving the tension, namely, a consideration of the idea of a fundamental right of citizenship itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The articles in this Special Issue of Citizenship Studies explore the meanings and practices of citizenship in five European countries-Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, and the United Kingdom. The creation of a European Union citizenship as a legal reality has raised important questions about the possibility of developing a common concept of citizenship on the basis of a variety of national traditions and understandings. We illustrate the richness of elements that throughout the member states of the Union constitute the idea and practice of citizenship, and reflect on their compatibility with the further construction of a European polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Integration has renewed interests in the concepts of both citizenship and citizenship rights: civil, political and social. Citizenship is an instituted process and a status. The development of citizenship rights depends on a nation's legal infrastructure and varying community capacities for participatory association. In the French case the communities were and are: religious, labor (the private sector being apart from the civil service sector, which includes about five million people), immigrants and political parties. The article's study of citizenship and democratization in France expands beyond a focus on the French state capitalist dirigisme, to include relationships among public spheres, community associational life and patterns of political culture. Somers [(1993) 'Culture and place of the public sphere: law, community, and political culture in: transition to democracy', American Sociological Review, 58, pp. 587-620] has examined these assumptions for the English case. The French revolutionaries of 1789 and later French thinkers believed that voting rights represented the entire spectrum of political rights. While they projected to integrate large numbers into an abstract body of citizenship through universal male suffrage, the law in fact took effect only in 1850-1852 under the directory of Napoleon III and was ratified during the empire in 1852. Women acquired voting rights only in 1944. The French concept of citizenship has always intentionally neglected social and socioeconomic and cultural pluralist dimensions, because of a fear of social fragmentation leading to the destruction of the Republican ideology; this has brought about a renewal of the attack on particularism. The French notion that democracy is based on the 'will of the people' to live together allowed the concept to be universalized to include everyone who wanted to belong to the French nation. This was reinforced from 1889 until 1993 by a generous application of jus soli. A... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this essay is to provide a discussion of the way in which citizenship and nationhood are implied in the territorialization of the modern state. Moreover, it attempts a brief exposition of the manner in which a new form of citizenship is involved in the de-territorialization of political space within the European Union. The main argument is developed as a critical engagement with Rogers Brubaker's study on 'Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany'. Following a critical evaluation of Brubaker's exceedingly rigid ontological framework, this essay offers an alternative reading of the historical relationship between citizenship, nationhood and political space in France and Germany. With both nation and state stripped of their exclusive status as possible mediations of political organization, a brief sketch is offered in which the European Union Citizenship is evaluated in terms of its contribution to the de-territorialization of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]