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This study examined the prevalence, predictors, and outcomes of spanking and verbal punishment in 2,573 low-income White, African American, and Mexican American toddlers at ages 1, 2, and 3. Both spanking and verbal punishment varied by maternal race/ethnicity. Child fussiness at age 1 predicted spanking and verbal punishment at all 3 ages. Cross-lagged path analyses indicated that spanking (but not verbal punishment) at age 1 predicted child aggressive behavior problems at age 2 and lower Bayley mental development scores at age 3. Neither child aggressive behavior problems nor Bayley scores predicted later spanking or verbal punishment. In some instances, maternal race/ethnicity and/or emotional responsiveness moderated the effects of spanking and verbal punishment on child outcomes.

The present study investigated the extent to which maternal intrusiveness and warmth during play, observed in 579 European American, 412 African American, and 110 more and 131 less acculturated Mexican American low-income families when children were approximately 15 months old, predicted 3 dimensions of the mother-toddler relationship 10 months later. Intrusiveness predicted increases in later child negativity in all 4 groups. Among African Americans only, this association was moderated by maternal warmth. Intrusiveness predicted negative change in child engagement with mothers only in European American families. Finally, near-significant trends suggested that intrusiveness predicted later decreased dyadic mutuality in European American and more acculturated Mexican American families, but not in African American or less acculturated Mexican American families.

This study examined whether sixth graders' (mean age = 11.86 years) adjustment to the school context (assessed by grades, achievement scores, and disruptive behavior) was affected by factors from both the family context (represented by students' reports of the number of parenting transitions experienced as well as current levels of supervision, acceptance, autonomy granting, and conflict in the family) and the peer context (represented by students' perceptions of peer norms supporting academic excellence). School adjustment was related to the number of parenting transitions experienced, family climate, and peer norms as well as to higher-order relations involving family climate and peer norms such that (a) high grade point averages occurred at only moderate levels of family supervision, (b) achievement scores were positively related to supervision at only low levels of family autonomy granting, and (c) grade point average was positively related to peer norms at only high levels of family acceptance.

This study assessed the relation between adjustment and perceptions of both family acceptance and family control in 2 samples of young adolescents, ns = 851 (mean age = 12.36 years) and 269 (mean age = 10.89 years), respectively. In Sample 1, dimensions of adjustment included self-reports of psychosocial competence and problems with self-regulation. In Sample 2, adjustment was indexed by peer ratings of likability. In both samples, family acceptance and family control were positively related to adjustment. However, in Sample 1, family control was also curvilinearly related to adjustment but in a different pattern for the 2 adjustment scores. Specifically, the positive relation between family control and psychosocial competence was stronger at progressively higher levels of family control, whereas low--but not moderate or high-levels of control were related to many self-regulation problems. In light of evidence that acceptance and control are complexly related to adjustment, we recommend that researchers routinely examine curvilinear effects in this area of study.