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The paper contributes to the literature on black students and racial disparities in high school completion in Canada and makes original use of the 2006 Census to analyze the educational attainment of 18- to 19-year-olds in Ontario and Quebec. Results of a logistic regression indicate that in both provinces, black/white disparities in graduation rates disappear when income, family structure, language, gender, and place of residence are taken into account. Higher rates of socioeconomic disadvantage among black children pose challenges for high school completion. These findings do not imply that racism has no impact; indeed, the paper concludes that high school completion may not be the outcome most suitable for evaluating the effects of racism on educational attainment. Future studies should examine the causes of racial disparities in intermediate outcomes of school success (i.e., grades, special education placement, academic tracking, and disciplinary sanctions), and their effects on the graduation rates and postsecondary pathways of black students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Student success is facilitated by strong bonds between families and schools, including a shared sense of purpose and mutual trust. However, for Indigenous peoples these relationships are often broken, undermined by the legacy of residential schooling and assimilative educational practices. Drawing on interviews with 50 Indigenous (mainly Haudenosaunee, Anishinaabe, and Métis) and non-Indigenous parents and educators, this paper examines the ways in which issues of class and race shape interactions between teachers and Indigenous parents. The interviews reveal that legacies of racial discrimination against Indigenous peoples in schooling affect family/school relations among middle-class (MC) and lower-class (LC) parents in different ways. MC parents intensify relations with the school while, in comparison, LC parents tend to disengage as a consequence of their negative schooling experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Task shifting, which involves the transfer of care work from regulated health-care professionals to home care workers (HCWs), is a strategy to ensure the efficient delivery of home care services in Canada and internationally. Using a feminist political economy approach, this paper explores the effects of task shifting on HCWs' skills. Task shifting may be understood as a form of downward substitution-and an effort to increase control over workers while minimizing costs-as some of health-care professionals' responsibilities are divided into simpler tasks and transferred to HCWs. Our interviews with 46 home health-care providers in Ontario, which focused explicitly on HCWs' role in care provision, problematize the belief that 'low skilled' care workers have little control over their work. HCWs' skills become more complex when they do transferred tasks, and HCWs sometimes gain greater control over their work. This results in increased autonomy and mastery for many HCWs. In turn, this serves to reinforce the intrinsic rewards of care work, despite the fact that it is low paid and undervalued work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L'accès aux universités prestigieuses, les mieux classées et dotées de ressources, quoique peu étudié, représente une dimension additionnelle des inégalités en éducation au Canada. La théorie de l'inégalité maintenue efficacement (IME) soutient que les groupes favorisés vont dominer l'accès aux institutions les mieux classées peu importe le palier scolaire. Cet article teste cette hypothèse en utilisant les données uniques de milliers d'élèves du Conseil Scolaire Public de Toronto (TDSB) qui ont été suivis à partir de la neuvième année jusqu'à leur entrée dans un établissement postsecondaire. Ces données ont ensuite été associées aux données de classement des universités, de leur revenu, de leurs dépenses et de leurs fonds de dotation. Une série de modèles statistiques à niveaux multiples indique que l'entrée dans la hiérarchie universitaire ontarienne tend à refléter les inégalités dans l'accès général aux universités. Les femmes, les étudiants d'origine asiatique, et les étudiants issus des quartiers ayant des statuts socio-économiques élevés sont plus susceptibles d'entrer dans les universités les mieux classées et dotées de ressources; tandis que les étudiants qui s'identifient comme Noirs et hommes, sont moins susceptibles d'entrer dans ces institutions. Les avantages du statut socio-économique élevé et de l'origine asiatique sont seulement partiellement expliqués par les variables académiques comme variables médiatrices. Ceci suggère que le statut culturel joue un rôle dans l'élaboration du choix universitaire, alors que le sexe ainsi que les autres inégalités raciales sont dus en grande partie aux processus du parcours académique. Access to highly ranked, prestigious, and well-resourced universities represents an additional yet understudied dimension of educational inequality in Canada. The theory of effectively maintained inequality contends that advantaged groups will dominate access to the best-positioned institutions within any credential tier. This paper tests this hypothesis using unique data on thousands of Toronto District School Board students that were tracked from Grade 9 to their entry in Ontario postsecondary institutions, and then linked to data on university rankings, incomes, expenditures, and endowments. A series of multilevel models shows that entry into Ontario's university hierarchy tends to mirror inequalities in general access to universities. Female, Asian-origin, and students from higher socioeconomic neighborhoods are more likely to enter higher ranked and better resourced institutions, while students who self-identify as black and male are less likely to enter such institutions. High socioeconomic status and Asian-origin advantages are mediated only partly by academic variables, suggesting that status cultures play a role in shaping their university choices, while gender and other racial inequalities emerge largely through academic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I trace how the reform of social assistance in Ontario, especially the post-1990s enforcement of lone mothers' employability via welfare-to-work programs, parallels shifts in dominant moral codes of mothering, from 'mother-carer' to 'mother-worker.' Additionally, I use this case as an entry point to consider the implications of public and policy allegiance to these moral codes for all mothers. The central argument I make is that the introduction of welfare-to-work programs in Ontario did not occur in a neoliberal state-sanctioned vacuum but also involved the circulation of ideas about moral mothering outside of policy into policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]