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The main population in Kosovo and Metohija, during the medieval Serbian state, conssisted of Serbs. It will remain so after the occupation of these areas by the Turks. According to historical sources on the structure of the population in the Balkans at the beginning of the 16th centtury, it can be seen that the rural life in Kosovo is entirely Serbian. There were no Arbanas, not only Muslims but also Christians, in Kosovo at that time, and not until the 17th century. The Albanian colonization of Kosovo and Metohija, according to historical sources and anthropogeographica I reconstructions, began in the 16th century, but it was not characterized by a mass that would change the ethnographic picture ot these areas. Mass colonization occurred at the end of the 17th century, as a result of the difficult circumstances caused by the Austrian-Turkish war. From this time began not only the settlement of the Albanian population, but also the expulsion of the Serbian people from these areas. During the 18th century, even more so in the 19th century, the intention that this expulsion has a systemic and planned character is clearly recognized, in order to fully settle and appropriate these areas. Islamization was of the greatest help to them, because it made them Turkish wards and a tool used by the Turkish state against its Christian subjects. Islamization was a way for the Christian population to be assimilated not only into Muslims, but also to be Albanianized.

Peć kaza found a place in the works of numerous travel writers such as Ami Boué, Dr. Josef Miller, Ivan Franjo Jukić, Gedeon Josif Jurišić, Aleksandar Giljferding and others who spoke of it as an unsafe territory "where everyone was a public hajduk". It was for this reason that they claimed that traveling in this area was extremely dangerous. The city of Peć was the seat of the kaza and at the beginning of 1899 it was the center of gathering of Albanians, united around the goals directed against the Serbian population. In January of that year, numerous Albanians from various regions met and held a meeting, where they spoke about opposition to reforms and the expansion of tribal self-governance. Through influential beys, Porta emphasized the importance of unity and joint action against possible attacks from Serbia and Montenegro. The agreement between them caused concern among the Serbs and hinted at even greater insecurity. The position of the Serbian population was negatively affected by the Albanians agreements, but also by mutual conflicts. This is best illustrated by the event that took place in the village of Verići, in which ten out of twelve Serbian houses were set on fire. The injured asked for help from the vali, the mutasarrif, the consuls of Serbia and Russia as well. Because of those events, the Kosovo vali Hafis Pasha came to Peć in the summer of the same year, but he did not take vigorous measures to prevent further suffering of the Serbs. His stay was mainly limited to daily meetings with Zejnul bey Mahmutbegović and the key figure in this area, Mula Zeka, whose views influenced the vali's decisions. During vali's mission in Peć, there happened atrocities on a much wider scale, which had never happened before. It was a very turbulent period of time marked by numerous sufferings, murders, blackmail, fines and expulsions of the Serbian population from those areas. Albanians were always ready to cause new disturbances, disobedience and nonpayment of taxes, which affected the weakening of the state. Among the most persistent were the Fetahović brothers, Colj Sokol, Jusuf, Mula Zeka, Adem Zajim, Ibrahim Mehmed Redžić and others. They contributed to the removal of the energetic officer Šemsi Pasha from Peć and the removal of Peć's mutesarrif Suleiman Pasha, who was replaced by Alil Pasha, the former commissioner on the Serbian-Turkish border. Sultan Abdul Hamid and the Porta constantly favored the Albanians and instead of punishing the criminals, numerous decorations and ranks were awarded from Constantinople. The continuous support of the sultan and the Turkish authorities incited the Arbanas of Peć to new acts of violence. In just two years, 1900 and 1901, crimes of apocalyptic proportions took place against the Serbs in the Kosovo Vilayet, of which the most victims were in Peć kaza. The reason lies in the fact that, in addition to the Albanians terror, the victims were also exposed to daily attacks by the Roman Catholic Albanians, who were susceptible to Austrian propaganda. The Albanians leader Mula Zeka, was considered an Austrian mercenary and dominated the situation in the entire Peć kaza, where, according to the estimate of the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština, there were no more than 1,500 Serbian families at the beginning of the 20th century. Exposed to terror, the Serbs of Peć kaza fled from their homesteads. Many of them fled to Serbia, and some moved to other places in the territory of the Kosovo Vilayet, where their fate was still uncertain. The emigration continued later and according to the assessment of the Serbs of Peć kaza from 1907, in the previous twenty years, 20,000 people emigrated to Serbia and Montenegro, instead of whom Mula Zeka settled 300 Arbanas families from Malesia.

According to the administrative reform of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 19th century, the Gnjilankaza was part of the Prištinasandžak of the Kosovo vilayet. Kaza and the town of Gnjilane were of great importance for the Serbian population, which was compact and numerous in that area. It was precisely because of this that it was exposed to various atrocities and violence, which, according to Albanians idea, should have resulted in the emigration and reduction of the number of Serbs. Over time, Albanian crimes against Serbs in Old Serbia increased - it was recorded that there were 979 of them in the Gnjilankaza from 1889 to 1912, of which 151 were for the period from 1900 to 1903. Violence in Gjilan kaza was repeated every day, and Serbs, faced with confiscation of property, burning of houses, rape of girls and women, ban on carrying weapons, were forced to emigrate to Serbia or other places in the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish authorities did not take measures to restore order and protect the Serbian population. Failure to take measures and impunity against the perpetrators had the effect of increasing the number of atrocities, which encouraged lesser-known perpetrators, even the smallest and most ordinary Albanians, to continue destroying Serbs in full view of the authorities, not only in Gnjilan kaza, but in the whole of Old Serbia. There are numerous cases where the authorities looked favorably upon the rioters and cooperated with them on an almost daily basis. From time to time, the military actions undertaken did not bring the expected results, and the situation on the ground, after the suspension of the actions of the army and the gendarmerie, returned to its original state, after which an even greater anarchy reigned. From the Gnjilan kaza, and in general from the Priština sandjak, it spread and covered other parts of the Kosovo vilayet. The actions of the Turkish authorities, in this case the kaymakam of Gnjilan, who not only did not react to the complaints of the Serbs, but often stood in solidarity with the wrongdoers and supported such actions, went hand in hand with Abanian's misdeeds. The consuls of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština reported daily to the Government in Belgrade about the situation in Gnjilan kaza and Old Serbia in general, which through its representatives in the Ottoman Empire and in the capitals of the great powers tried to influence European opinion and cause their reaction. The Ottoman authorities wanted to demonstrate to Europe that they were interested in bringing order to Old Serbia, so the general inspector for the Rumelian vilayets, Hilmi Pasha, took some measures. However, his work was concentrated only on certain parts, but not on those where there was a need.

Thanks to the diplomatic work of Serbia and the engagement of its politicians, a consular convention was signed, on the basis of which consulates in the Ottoman Empire were opened. Among the open consulates, the consulate in Priština was of special importance for the Serbian people. Its consuls dealt almost exclusively with the difficult situation of the Serbian people, as evidenced by numerous reports sent to the Government in Belgrade. There were no other consulates in Priština and there was a great need for its work and protection of the large Serbian population north of the Šara Mountain. The position of Serbs in the area of the Priština consulate was hampered not only by the work of Turkish officials, but also by the anarchy and daily tyranny of Albanians, towards which the authorities were lenient. From its founding in 1889 until the liberation in 1912, ten consuls served in the consulate in Priština. It was not uncommon for clerks or dragomans to perform duties in the absence of consuls. Not only did they perform the service, but they also left very valuable written notes of that time, which occupy an important place in domestic historiography. The consuls of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština witnessed various atrocities against the Serbian population by Albanians. The Turkish authorities acted negligently and did not show the will to take appropriate measures against the rioters. That is why, from the very opening of the consulate, various proposals could be heard, which were sent to the Government in Belgrade. Some of them referred to bringing the consuls closer to the Albanians, establishing contacts and cooperation with the leaders of Albanians, abolishing the consulate and finally arming the Serbian population. The consuls often insisted that the domestic and foreign press be engaged, because they thought that its actions would influence Porta and the sultan to prevent oppression of the Serbian population which, under the pressure, left their property and emigrated outside the Ottoman Empire.

In this paper the author presents a part of the results of field research conducted among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica between 2011 and 2014. The motive of the research was to offer a contribution to the understanding of the position of the Serbs in this city in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. A part of the research was paid to the problem of the image of Albanians in the perception of Serbs in the context of mutual conflict and the division of Kosovska Mitrovica into two parts - northern, majorly Serbian, and southern - majorly Albanian. This topic has imposed itself practically from the very beginning of the research, due to the fact that the Serbs in Kosovska Mitrovica generally defined their everyday life after the war in 1999 through the picture of division towards Albanians. Theoretically, the research was relied on the concept of ethnic identity, or ethnicity. Starting from Roland Barthes' interpretation of this phenomenon, according to which it is reflective, what means defined by boundaries as a social product arising from the need of groups to differentiate between each other, the aim of the research was to provide ethnographic material useful for understanding the identity position of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of conflict with Albanian ethnic group. Methodologically viewed, the research was conducted by using an anthropological approach, which meant that the studied problem was analyzed at the interpersonal level and through the experiences of individuals. Attention was focused on the discourse, which means that the research topic was observed from the point of view of the testimonies of the respondents included in the research. The testimonies of the respondents were obtained by using in-depth, ie qualitative research methods, in the first place formal and informal interviews. The research showed that the identity discourse of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica towards Albanians was marked by distance, imbued with feelings of threat and distrust. Members of the Albanian ethnic group were observed through the generalizing prism of opposing others, so that they were attributed characteristics with most often diametrically different sign compared to the characteristics that the respondents attributed to themselves, to their own, Serbian ethnic group. On the one hand, the respondents attributed negative characteristics to Albanians, which they considered as not appropriate for Serbs. These characteristics were observed at a double level: 1) regardless of contacts with Serbs ("uncultured", "primitive", "uncivilized"); and 2) in the context of mutual contacts (hypocritical, pretentious, cunning, calculated, etc), ie from the aspect of the attitude towards Serbs which was generally described as hostile. Negative characteristics attributed to Albanians respondents perceived as features opposite to the characteristics of Serbs, which means that by emphasizing them, according to the principal of mutual contrast, they implicitly pointed to the positive values of their own, Serbian identity. On the other hand, the respondents attributed certain positive characteristics to Albanians, namely those that they considered to be in favor of members of Albanian ethnic group in relation to Serbs, which the Serbs lacked. These characteristics were also treated in contrast to Serbian characteristics, and they meant patience, tact, wisdom, diligence, meekness, keeping a given word. The results presented in the paper upgrades the results of previous research that included the analyses of the image of Albanians in the perceptions of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in the conditions of the altered socio-political context in this area after the war in 1999. Presented ethnographic material, obtained in period between 2011 and 2014, showed that Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica perceived Albanians primarily through the prism of simplified ideas, which viewed from identity aspect implied the perception of members of the Albanian ethnic group as violent, and members of their own, Serbian ethnic group as victims. Generalization as a form of opinion about Albanians in the statements of respondents was colored with the intertwining of negative and positive attitudes about the characteristics of members of the Albanian ethnic group, with the fact that these attitudes were expressed in such a way as to compare the characteristics of their own group. Yet, the research obtained several views which softened the contrast between Serbs and Albanians, by pointing out the elements of a social character common to each other. The image of Albanians, in the end, gained some complexity thanks to the attitudes of those respondents who spoke about members of this ethnic group through the perception of direct connections and personal experiences. This brought to light the attitude towards Albanian that in some measure deviated from the prevailing generalizations, which, from an analytical point of view, suggested that the image of members of this ethnic group in the perception of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica was not as simplified as in the context of mutual conflict it might seem so at first glance.

Anarchy, which had occupied Ottoman's Empire in its last decade, had a negative impact on the position of Serbian population. Porte did not take more decisive measures to improve the situation in the field, but their politics was founded on the favouring of Albanians. Such attitude of Turkish authorities had long-lasting consequences, and Albanian unbridleness was getting larger. Oppressions were committed every day, and the main objective of Albanians was to break off compact settlements inhabited by Serbs as it was Ibarski Kolašin. Being found between Albanian oppressors from one side, and non-interested Turkish authorities, Serbs started arming themselves more actively. They purchased rifles in Serbia, and were given assistance by their compatriots, who escaping from villains, inhabited territory in the area of the Kingdom of Serbia along the border. Besides them, they were getting to weapon via some Albanians, with a certain monetary compensation. Albanians, after knowing that Serbs are being armed from Serbia, hoped more actively of their destruction. They requested from Turkish authority's weapon investigation in Ibarski Kolašin, and after the search of Shemsi pasha, in January of 1901 they were not pleased. In the summer of the same year, Isa Boljetinac with the help of his partisans was searching for weapon through Kolašin's villages, by committing crimes over innocent people. During the stay of Isa Boljetini in these areas the Kolašin's region had been deserted, and not only men were on strike but women and children as well. The only salvation from Isa's atrocities at that moment was the presence of Russian consul Mashkov, who, by the intervention via his embassy in Constantinople, managed to obtain the publication of imperial decree on the breaking of the weapon search. The publication of imperial decree and d the retreat of Isa Boljetinac from Ibarski Kolašin did not bring peace to Serbs. Namely, Isa was not pleased with the booty he had got during the summer of 1901 so that he was persuading other Albanian villains to go on with the weapon search in Kolašin's region.

The role of Isa Boletini in the time of the opening of the Russian consulate in Kosovska Mitrovica was of crucial political importance for the Serbian people living there. It was the time of intense Albanians' oppression, which went unnoticed or ignored by the Turkish authorities. In the beginning, Isa Boletini was the protector of the Serbian population, whose consuls in Priština reported no crimes committed by him. Meanwhile, his actions reversed course. His activities were aimed against the Serbian people and the Turkish authorities, who in turn started losing their standing with the Albanians. With the growing support from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Albanians leaders organized numerous gatherings, which adversely affected the Serbian population. Those gatherings resulted in gradual renunciation of obedience such as avoiding to pay the Ottoman tax to the Sultan. Albanians opposition to the Russian consulate in Mitrovica rose to prominence. Consequently, the Russian representatives urge Constantinople to request for the Isa Boletini be removed from Mitrovica. The Sultan yielded to the Russian request, while Isa Boletini resisted and tried to bargain for himself, but eventually left for Constantinople. He hoped that the support of the local Albanians leaders would assure his swift return. His absence did not improve the position of the Serbian people, who were continually exposed to extortion and taxes.

The paper discusses the issue of political processes in Kosovo and Metohija in a comparative historical perspective. We consider the historical vertical line of processes that followed the political situation of the Serbian people in this area, as well as political processes and events that have marked the contemporary crisis in Kosovo.

Dissatisfaction of the Albanian population in Old Serbia and Macedonia during 1910 and 1911 turned into open conflicts with Turkish authorities. These conflicts resulted in a large number of wounded and killed, and a lot of houses were burnt and destroyed. Turkish authorities, knowing that the Albanians represent a fortress in the preservation of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans, decided to organize a sultan's visit to this part of the state. The visit represents the achievement of the idea of Youth Turkish Committee which had the intention to calm down the Albanian population from one side, and to avoid the interference of great powers in internal questions of the state from another side. During his seventy days journey through Old Serbia and Macedonia Sultan visited Thessaloniki, Skopje, Priština and Bitolj, where he was receiving religious and civil representatives of all nationalities including the representatives of foreign countries in those places. Preparation which were done for the arrival of Sultan supposed, among other things, the participation of the Serbs. The presence of the Serbian military delegation in Thessaloniki was for Turks the expression of peaceful politics of the Kingdom of Serbia toward Ottoman Empire. Sultan's visit to Old Serbia and Macedonia and touring of Murat's turbet, where the decree on amnesty of all political culprits being in the country or outside was read, did not completely satisfy the Albanians. Their dissatisfaction affected Serbs the most. The Albanian fury increased every day and the requests multiplied. They included the appointment of the Albanians for administrative, military and judicial officers in the areas where they live, doing military service in their country, opening of schools in "the whole Albania" in which the teaching process will be conducted in Albanian language with Latin alphabet, building of roads and railways through Albania. These requests openly led toward the autonomy and creation of new state, which will come true after the First Balkan War in 1912 with dedication of Austria-Hungary and Italy.

In the last decades of the eighteenth century, the Porte endeavoured to preserve the control over the territory endangered by the particularistic tendencies of the provincial administrators, which marked the period of Ottomans history known as period of ayans. Mahmud-pasha Bušatlija (1779-1796), who at certain moments managed to establish independent power in the Sanjak of Scutari, belonged to this milieu. The Venetian and French sources provide a new light in interpreting the position and behaviour of Sanjak-bey of Scutari Mahmud-pasha Bušatlija. Aware of the position in which the Ottoman state found itself, he subordinated the Sultan's interests to the regional, trying to establish an independent authority in the relation to the Porte in the area that was entrusted to him. In this, he was helped by the occurrence that was happening in Europe, in which relations were shaken by the consequences of the French revolution. In that period, the Ottoman state was confronted with the intentions of Austria and Russia to reduce its territory in the Balkans, but also by the rebellions in the eastern provinces, which was the by-product of the rise of the new ruling dynasty in Persia. However, the strengthening of the movement of Ali-pasha, another Albanian rebel, which, as time will show, was much more serious and with deeper consequences on the international plane, the hands of the Porte remained tied in the final settlement with the Scutari Sanjak-bey, which for the second time offered him forgiveness in 1795. The choice of the priorities that needed to be resolved certainly influenced the Porte's decision at a time when a much greater danger to the Ottoman state came from the surrounding of Edirne, where the Ali Pasha Tepeleni movement was strengthened, and also from Russia, which sought to obtain the epithet of the Mediterranean force by opening the Straits and through occupation of maritime bases in the Mediterranean.

The avoidance of Porta and sultan to fulfil their duties taken at Berlin's Congress, especially in the way of the improvement of Christians position led to the rebellion of Armenians and Cretans including the war with Greece. The pressure of great powers additionally disturbed the Albanians, already being embittered due to the outcome of the war. Their participation in Greek-Turkish war enabled them to keep the arms and use it against, following their opinion, culprits for the condition in which Osman Empire was being found in. It came about the increase of oppression, which Serbian diplomacy tried to settle by intensive activity. On the other hand, it occurred the process of homogenization of the Albanian people. That process was under the influence of Austro-Hungarian propaganda, to which Serbs from Old Serbia had been a main obstacle for its plans acquisition. After separate movements, it came about the assembly in Peć at the beginning of 1899. This town had been designated as gathering place since Mula Zeka lived and had a great stronghold in it - a main exponent of Austro-Hungarian politics in Kosovo villayet. The decisions of the assembly went on the politics of Prizren's League, but did not have the same strength. And as the Prizren's League ended by the conflict between the Albanians and regular Turkish army, in the same manner this one was finished, but with minor military conflicts.

Great powers saw the area of Old Serbia at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century as a suitable field for their objectives accomplishing. The most interested for the events at this area were Russia and Austria-Hungary. Although these two adversaries signed mutually two contracts: 1897 and 1903 on the status quo preservation in the Balkan, Austria-Hungary was waiting for the right moment to invade this area. At the beginning of 1904 Russian influence was weaken due to the war which it had entered with Japan. The defeat it experienced and revolutionary movement spreading over Russia enabled Austria-Hungary to reinforce its position in the Balkan and Old Serbia in general. In order to accomplish its objectives, it found a suitable instrument in Albanian population, who reinforced the oppression against Serbian population. For only two years, from September 1904 to September 1906, there were 621 murders, 53 violations over Serbian girls and women, 135 cases of violent transfer into Islam, and blackmails which had been executed were assessed to 7.000 liras or 161.000 dinars. Due to general insecurity and life deterioration 1.628 people were forced to run away in Montenegro or Serbia. Austria-Hungary made a great use of the Russian business in the Far Eastusing different methods. Money and arms sending, bribery of Albanians including rumour spreading via their friars in the field are some of examples of the proven tactics Austria-Hungary were using. Albanians considered Russia as the main culprit for reforms implementation, which they had opposed severely. Thus, they made a great use of each opportunity to get revenge on Serbs, who remained without stronger protection of Russia, which they needed a lot. Situation in the Far East and the Russian defeat in the war with Japan, although it does not indicate a direct connection with Serbs, had indirect consequences on the position and suffering of Serbian people in Old Serbia.

After the defeat of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in April War, the former Stavicki County belonged to the Italian occupation area. Since the invader did not link its vital interests to this economically underdeveloped region, it left it to the Albanian government from Tirana, which organized its civil administration here during 1941. Although Italians had retained their power in the county, a leading role was taken by exponents of the Great Albanian quisling's state. That will have far-reaching consequences for local Serbian population, which will turn out to be true during 1941. This paper was written based on the material which is to be found in the Archive of the Department for History of the General Staff of the Republic of Italy, Military Archive of Serbia, Archive of Yugoslavia, Archive of Serbia, and Historical Archive of Kraljevo, and the selected scientific literature.

The author of this paper shows the results of research among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica from the point of view of their memories on everyday life before the war 1999. The central attention was paid to the memories on the most important, and at the same time, contending others, that is, Albanians. The basic aim of the paper is to give contribution for the consideration of the role the mentioned memories in the post-war, radically altered ethnical and socio-political discourse have had in the self-identification of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica; giving contribution to the conception of ethnographic material for the consideration of their recent everyday life being fulfilled almost fifteen years with refugee-related reality, security risks, economic passiveness, and uncertain tomorrow. From theoretical point of view, the author starts from the comprehension of memory as thoughtful image of the past inseparable from the experience of reality being happened now which is, in other words, interweaved by the needs of the present days, and hopes looking forward to the future. As such, memory is contemplated through the direction by social and cultural context, that is, through the belonging to collectivity which is modelling individual memories in accordance with identity-related discourses, value system, and symbols comprehension. The author is also relying on the socio-constructivist approach of the identity study, as per which identities are created inside the discourse as the result of some social frame, which means they are situation conditioned, changeable and subject to negotiating, rather than being a permanent category which people are possessing 'it themselves'. The research had been conducted with respondents through interviews which were of open type, and which were diffused toward the most different directions where pre-war everyday life were the most present. The attitudes of the respondents were in the focus of research so that the material at which the paper was based upon was of narrative character, from which the analysis was directed to the discourse under which was understood the form of social practice whose basic unit was the attitude, that is statement. The research had been conducted among elderly and middle age people of Serbs which were born in Kosovska Mitrovica or spent a large part of their life including the ones which emigrated there after the war from the wider area of Kosovo and Metohia Southern from the river of Ibar. In the aim of field research the author repeatedly stayed there from the middle of 2011 until the beginning of 2014 in the total duration of over six months. The research results indicate the fact that memories of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica to Albanians in the context of pre-war everyday life interweaved by the discourse of post-war everyday life, where everyday life before the war 1999 is experienced through the belonging to our time, during which in Kosovo and Metohia the state of Yugoslavia was present, that is Serbia, differently from the everyday life after the war being described in the context of their time, where that area belongs to the protectorate of international community, and the preponderance in power distribution passes at Albanian side. Contrast between the two mentioned times in the discourse of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica is expressed in the multiethnical character of everyday life before the war, as the opposition of the state after the war where the ethnical division of the town and open antagonism of Albanians occur manifested in numerous attempts to exterminate Serbs from the part of the town Northern of the river of Ibar. The main responsibility for such turning point is reproached to Albanian side for which it is alleged that it started showing intolerance toward Serbs and desire for separation many years before the war. The difference between everyday lives before and after the war is represented as discrepancy between the one Serbs has or does not have today, and the one Albanians had before the war. Albanians in the memories of respondents at everyday life during several decades until 1999 appear as equal citizens, whom Serbs regardless of different ethnical belonging accepted as neighbours, colleagues, acquaints, even friends. On the other hand, the position of Serbs after the war is experienced diametrally different. Their everyday life from the division of labour they connect with the sentiment of significant risk, uncertainty, tensions, and risk of the outbreak of interethnic conflicts, for which as the worst offenders are referred to Albanians. It is considered that the Albanians in our, Yugoslav time, lived much better than Serbs live today, in their, Serbian time. Contrary to their own position, which has been from the war onwards experienced through the exposition to many permanent pressures and largely denied rights, respondents have connected Albanians until the war with everyday life in which they were not being deteriorated by Serbian side. Relationships of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica toward Albanians after 1999 are imbued with the sentiment of the experienced injustice. Such sentiment is interwoven in the self-identification of Serbs as the main victims of the war, inextricably connected with negative perception of Albanians as the main culprits for evil being inflicted to Serbs. Memories at Albanians in the context of everyday life before the war are the resource which has got an important role in the victimization of Serbs. Through the images on the other once, before the war, is shaped the image of yourself today, after the war. By memories to Albanians in pre-war everyday life in other words, is positioned the experience of yourself as the part lost a lot by the war, which Albanians had already had before the war in Yugoslavia and Serbia.

After the Berlin's Congress from 1878, a part of Southern Serbian areas acquired its freedom. There were four districts: Niški, Pirotski, Toplički and Vranjski. Nevertheless, a large part of Serbian ethnic area in the South remained outside of the borders of the independent Serbia, that is, in the scope of Ottoman Empire. This paper is telling on the position and suffering of the Serbian national being in the territory of Old Serbia during 1905, based on the reports of the daily newspaper 'Politika'. Since the 'Politika' was considered as the one of the most legible daily newspapers in the Kingdom of Serbia, by analysing of its texts on the circumstances in the territory of Kosovar and Bitoljski villayet, we tried indirectly to show the importance of newspaper's articles in the procedure of historical truth on the destiny of Southern Serbian countries definition, during the first decade of the 20th century.

In the middle of the last decade of the 20th century the situation in Osman's Empire complicated by the escalation of the three most important issues: Cretan, Armenian and Macedonian. Although remote from geographical point of view, these issues were much closer than it had been seen at first sight. Circumstances on the one issue caused some occurrence within another one. Cretan question was passing through the history of Osman's Empire from the Greek uprising in 1821 until 1913, when it had been settled finally by the annexation of Crete to Greece. Nevertheless, the final phase of this question happened in 1895 when the uprising of the Cretans broke out once again, who had requested the promised and regulated rights. Mutual bloody conflicts led to the intervention of Turkey, Greece and other great powers. Although great powers wished to keep the policy of status quo, Greece and Turkey tried to take advantage of the new situations. The war broke out and it was fought in the mainland of the Greece. Greece was defeated, but by the intervention of great powers it was signed the peace as per the principles of status quo. The escalation of Cretan question led to the alterations in the politics of Balkan states. Serbia and Bulgaria, and partly Montenegro, tried to stay involved into the circumstances, looking for adequate opportunity to get involved into the liberation of their compatriots who were under the Ottoman rule. These states were severely warned by great powers not to be involved into war events. Christian states, first of all Serbia, was carefully viewed by the Albanians from Kosovo villayet, being given incentives by the stories from Austria-Hungary that the only guilt for their adversities belonged to Serbian side. The war between Turkey and Greece reflected directly to the events in Kosovo villayet. Withdrawal of armies from the Kosovar towns barracks and armament of Albanian volunteers had impact on the Serbs position deterioration in Old Serbia. Unruly and armed groups of outlaws, angry due to frequent invitation and the created situation, none was able to keep under control. They manifested their anger against Serbs.

The last century of the Osman's Empire had passed in the fight for its preservation, and at the same time, for the liberation of the conquered peoples what demolished dilapidated Empire. Balkan's Christian peoples at the dawn of the 19th century entered the fight for liberation creating their states at the detriment of the Osman's Empire. That was an additional reason they had been seen with greater distrust. General crisis had engulfed the whole state which found the culprit in Christian population. Nevertheless, the top of the Empire was aware the reasons of the crisis had been much deeper so they were endeavouring to settle them by reforms introducing. The interference of the great European powers, which are insisting on the Christian's position improvement within the Ottoman's Empire, had much more impact on the publicity which the culprit for bad situation had seen among the Christians. The first general reform was introduced by the proclamation of the Tsar's Chart (hat-i humajuna or hat-i sheriff) in 1839. It contained provisions on the judicial, financial, administrative and military reforms. For Christians it was important the provision proclaiming the equality of all citizens regardless of their religious and national belonging. From this proclamation until the Balkan wars, Turkey had proclaimed many times the introduction of reforms, and they always contained the provision on the equality of all inhabitants. From practical point of view, nevertheless, it seemed differently. Conservative Islamic population by fighting for the preservation of their privileges, and Sharia fixed order as the main culprits for reforms introduction mentions Christians against which it directs wider strata of Muslim population dissatisfied by bad situation. Their propaganda found a fertile ground through the state, but the greatest proponents were in the areas in which Christians lived intermingled with Muslims. One of the areas like that was Old Serbia. Serbs and Albanians lived intermingled in it besides less number of others. Wishing to prevent the liberation of Balkan' Christian peoples and further loss of territory, the sultan proclaimed the idea the Albanians is the shield of the Empire, what they had wholeheartedly accepted. This idea was connected with the loss of privileges, due to which they had become the greatest opponents of reforms. The indecisiveness of the authorities encouraged them additionally due to which they entered greater conflicts with Serbs and with regular troops as well. This finds its expression at the end of the 19th and in the first decade of the 20th century. Depredations being committed against Serbs were forcing the authorities, pressed by the great powers, to introduce reforms due to which they were entering open conflicts with Albanians.

In this paper the specificities of ethnic identity of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia, and first of all, in the Northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica - the town which still represents the trigger of ethnic conflicts are presented. In the context of social conflicts consequences in Kosovo and Metohia, which was recognized by one third of United Nations members as the independent state, the characteristics of ethnic identity of Serbs that were opposing the idea of life outside of the borders of the Republic of Serbia should have been recognized. That was conducted by the sociology of identity whose importance in the researches of this kind is to be at high level. Deeply instrumentalized from political aspect, ethnic identification of the Serbian and Albanian people is based on the presentation of himself as the victim of hegemony of 'other'. The crimes of his people are in the conversations diminished and vice versa - the ones of other ethnic group are exaggerated. Such condition in Kosovska Mitrovica, the divided town in the North of Province, conditions the renewal of ethnic conflicts, which are taking place in the main bridge over the river of Ibar - a symbolic border between majority of 'us' and majority of 'them'. In such socio-political constellation, the importance of ethnic identity is being deepened, neglecting other ways of collective identification.

The author presents preliminary results of neighbouring relationships research among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica, by which he tries to give contribution to the study of intragroup relations among the members of Serbian community in that town, in the area which is to be crisis-stricken from the war in Kosovo and Metohia 1999, conditionally speaking border, and multiethnic one. Field research was performed at the restrained sample of respondents mostly among the members of middle generation of Serbs living in Kosovska Mitrovica before the war 1999, and among a number of the ones emigrated there from the wider area of Kosovo and Metohia southern of the river of Ibar. The author reached empiric material by combining of structured and semi-structured interview, which means the conversation with the respondents had been done by means of strictly defined questions and by means of reminders with indicated themes and aims within each one. The research was conducted in many attempts from the middle of 2011 to the middle of 2013. The research results show that neighboring relations among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica are being experienced as important ones primarily because they are being put in connection with the fact the persons from the immediate neighbouring are being included, with whom everyday life is shared and to whom it is possible to count on should it is the need. The importance being attributed to neighbourhood includes the maintenance of good relationships with neighbours, which includes any further courtesy and kindness in everyday communication during the encounters, hospitality, mutual assistance, and exchange of visits during some feasts such as patron saint etc. neighbouring relationships are seen as the traditionally inherited ones, which are losing in their importance due to demographic, socio-political and economic consequences provoked by the war in Kosovo and Metohia 1999. Due to the mentioned, it can be heard among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica that neighbouring relationships were better ones beforehand than now. First of all, it is about relationships with neighbours Serbs, bearing in mind the fact the relationships of the same kind with members of other ethnic communities, among others with Albanians, are seen as the ones which due to some cultural differences even before the war were not much too close. Although it is considered they should be good, and in accordance with that they are mostly practiced, relationships among neighbours finally can be only superficial, formal, and even bad. The respondents during the research repeatedly mention it is not excluded in the neighbourhood exists mutual disrespect, disinterest quarrel etc. In that case, the character of each individual relationship should not be neglected which may exist among neighbours, which is in essence, no matter of the general understanding the neighborhood is important, determined among other things by the individuality of the participants in the communication process of neighbouring connections establishing and maintaining. That means one thing: intragroup relationships among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica, in this case interspersed through the institution of neighbourhood, may be additionally more complex, where it is necessary instead of any generalization study them more thoroughly and more carefully.

The author is presenting in this paper the preliminary results of the research of the relationships of Serbian population in the northern Kosovska Mitrovica living there before the war had been commenced in 1999 toward Serbs settled the town after the war, by moving from the wider area southern from the river of Ibar. The objective of the paper is to provide a contribution of the ethnographic material conceptualization based on field work in order to take into account the dynamics of the construction process of intragroup identities among the members of Serbian population inhabited in the part of the town northern from the river of Ibar, in the area which is to be crisis-stricken, conditionally speaking a border one, but multi-ethnic as well. From theoretical point of view, the author relies on social-constructivist approach of identity study, as per which identities are changeable, situationally conditioned, and subject to negotiation, where an important role is played by interaction, self-identification, and identification by others, or so-called 'neighbouring discourse', and relationships of power and domination. The field research was performed on the limited number of respondents sample, mostly among the members of middle generations of Serbs in northern Kosovska Mitrovica, which can be named as indigenes, based on a structural and semi-structural interview, which means the conversation with the respondents was taken by clearly defined questions, and based on the reminder with indicated themes and aims within each of the themes. The research results show that in the attitudes of the indigenes a dichotomy we/they is to be conspicuous with regard to Serbian population emigrated from the area southern from the river of Ibar. The immigrants are being experienced in the unbreakable bond with the complex everyday life in northern Kosovska Mitrovica full of security-related risks, uncertain tomorrow, economic passivity, and finally refugee-related reality. It is about the facts which considerably changed the social reality in the town in the last fifteen years, from which the perception of the immigrants as the different ones was undoubtedly underlined by the relationships toward the appeared changes. As per the attitudes of the respondents, the immigrants are appearing as different ones first of all from culturological point of view, as the inhabitants from their local surroundings brought different value system and different behaviour. In that sense, they were connected with the ones being percepted as essentially others, these are the Albanians. These differences do not weight ethnicity, which means the indigenes experience the immigrants as Serbs, as the members of the same ethnic group with which they are connected with the feeling of solidarity comparing with the opposed Albanian population. By attributing them of certain differences, the indigenes are not only effecting the identification of the immigrants, but at the same time, are confirming their own indigenous identity as well. The respondents were emphasizing they had been born in Kosovska Mitrovica, and they are living there a majority of their life, explicitly or implicitly appropriating for himself the name old Mitrovcani. The feeling of dignity regarding their indigenous identity is emphasized with the respondents in the context of negative qualifications being attributed to immigrants, where they are seen in reverse angle: as the holders of real values, guardians of pre-war town's spirit, tolerance, restraint, honesty etc.

The beginning of the twentieth century brought new crises in Osman's Empire. The most important, and at the early beginning of the century, affair in Ibarski Kolašin, resulted in the consulate opening in Kosovska Mitrovica, and the attitude Turkey has to carry out the proclaimed reforms by which the position of Christian population would be improved largely. The reforms introduction was not to be a simple job since broad strata of the Osman's society were against it, starting from beys, through officials until the Sultan himself. Albanians were to be the loudest opponents of the reforms, who had seen in them a policy of detente toward Serbs, loss of their privileges, and introduction of order in the state. Their opposition toward the reforms was influenced by the chiefs and Austria-Hungary as well, which was to find in such turmoil its interests, although officially it had advocated for reforms. The reforms introduction coincided with the opening of Russian consulate in Kosovska Mitrovica. The arrival of the consul Grigorije Scerbina in January and submission of plan for reforms implementation in February 1903 led to many meetings throughout Kosovo villayet. One of the greater meetings came about during March in 1903 in Laushi and other villages of Drenica. The Albanians, around a thousand of them, directly from this meeting headed toward Vučitrn, being bound by oath (besa) that they would resist reforms and exterminate Russian consul. Having not been resisted they took the town and arrested eleven gendarmes. This fact, and previous knowledge that the Sultan was always giving in to demands, convinced them it would be like that in the future so that they set off to Kosovska Mitrovica. Nevertheless, having pressured by great powers Sultan this time decided to suppress the resistance by force. The attack to Mitrovica occurred on the 17th of March 1903. The town was defended by the division comprised around three thousand people, and supported by the artillery. In the defence of the town Russian consul Scerbina took active part, who was afterwards accused of personal adjustment of sighting device on cannons. As per some allegations, during the attack 317 attackers were killed. This caused the bitterness with the Albanians, and the attackers withdrew in the direction of Drenica and split up. Tomorrow, on the 18th of March one Turkish corporal shot at the consul Scerbina while visiting the Turkish military positions. This act was justified by the revenge for his killed cousin. The attack to Kosovska Mitrovica in March 1903 showed a real condition in Osman's Empire. The Albanians, non-accustomed to be opposed by the state, took the attack which should have prevented the reforms introductions and exterminate Russian consul. Having pressured by great powers Turkish state resisted and easily suppressed the attack, by which it showed it had been the main culprit for bad condition in the state.

At the beginning of the sixties, Yugoslavia entered the period of relative foreign policy safety. Stable international position enabled introduction of questions of internal reforms. After the conflict at the political top, the current confederation gained victory, under which influence economic and administrative reform started. The reform of federation was conducted under the wing of self-governing relations development, which, during the time, had been gradually leading towards its con-federalization. In the background of the revolution beginning was the national issue, which had influence on Dobrica Cosic's point of view. Once firmly confident in the future of Yugoslav integration, Dobrica Cosic began to see the problems the divided Serbian people were dealing with. Convinced that behind the mask of self-governing hides the nationalism which leads into the disintegration of Yugoslavia, D. Cosic considered that it was his duty to stand in defence of Serbian interests. On the XIV session of CC LS Serbia, in May 29th, 1968, D. Cosic, tried to emphasize the problems that Serbian people were dealing with in Kosovo and Metohija. It was the first time the issue of Kosovo was mentioned at one of the fora of ruling League of Communists of Yugoslavia. Initiative of Cosic was rejected and his stands condemned. CC had decided to ignore his allegations. Only few months later, Shqiptar nationalism had burst into mass demonstrations where the request for Republic of Kosovo was spoken aloud, and the points of view D. Cosic represented were confirmed. After his declaration, he left LC and became informal representative and patron of interests for Serbs on Kosovo whose problems were ignored until the late eighties.

Six documents were presented in this paper. The four of them are from the personal fund of Tihomir Đorđević, preserved in the Historic Archive of Kraljevo, one of them from the Archive of Serbia in Železnik from the fund of the Commissariat for Refugees, and one from the Archive of Military-historic Institute, aligned in the Nedić's archive. Furthermore, these documents as per their content and versatility, and the fact they are offering to the researcher, show the opportunity to have a complete insight into difficult situation in which Serbian population in Novi Pazar were situated in 1941, and to comprehend causes, notice the responsible ones and register consequences of Serbian population distress as well.

Everyday life of colonists in the period between two world wars was analysed as the consequence of ideological project of the Slavic one spread and establishing of demographic balance in Kosovo and Metohia. The fundament for this paper writing is the monograph of MA Aleksandar Pavlović Everyday Life of Colonists in Kosovo and Metohia 1918­1941, which represents an important contribution to the study of everyday life in Kosovo and Metohia. By describing everyday life, Pavlović managed to indicate the fact that colonists had been used as the instrument for achievement of much more important objective of that time authorities, which, under the veil of the worry of their economic-social position improvement, wished demographic balance in Kosovo and Metohia. As the colonization and the process of agrarian reform was implemented arbitrarily without clear strategy, and later on, interrupted by the outbreak of the Second World War, it can be said the colonization process neither was completed nor achieved its original function. The evidence for the mentioned is everyday life of colonists deteriorated by bad living conditions, antagonism of the natives, and security-related threats, which became reality after the outbreak of war.

With the Fourth Plenum and suppression of centralistic current led by the chief of the State Security Service Aleksandar Ranković, the author stresses that a new period in the history of Kosovo and Metohia set in. By the loosening of political burdensome and police conducted control in the Province, the Albanians raise the issue of quicker economic development and national emancipation. By using of difficult economic situation and deterioration of interethnic relationships, which led to the first post-war chauvinistic outbursts against non-Albanian population in Kosovo and Matthias, Albanian personnel make a 'further step' by requesting the review of the Constitution. The aim of such outbursts was the acquisition of statehood. Therefore, they have come forward at public forums several times from 1967 requesting greater rights and competences for the Province. Nevertheless, by sliding over competent political institutions in Serbia, they addressed illegally the higher federal functionaries for help, as of Tito and Kardelj. While Kardelj was giving them an open support, Tito was a bit reserved. Therefore, Albanians have seen the visit to Kosovo and Metohia as Tito's positive defining toward their requests. As it will have been seen furthermore, they had right. The author concludes that Tito silently supported Albanian initiatives, but not in the price of chauvinistic outbursts and similar anti-state activity. The time will show very soon that Tito's warnings and advice remained without effects.

Đakovica, as per the author's view, belongs to the row of the most important Kosovo-Metohian towns whose past from the 16th to the 20th century has not been enlightened enough. During this chronologic period, Serbian inhabitants of Đakovica and its surrounding were permanently exposed to terror and assimilation processes - Islamization and conversion to Albanians. These processes had become especially intense at the beginning of the 18th century, where the descending of the Albanians from mountainous areas of the North of Albania in the gentle Metohian plane was noticed. That resulted in the suppression and demographic dwindling of the Serbian population, whose number was predominantly falling down. Despite all survival-related difficulties, Serbian element managed to hold out in Đakovica until 1912, that is, await the liberation by persisting in their faith. Difficult position of the Serbs from Đakovica was the subject of some observations of many travel-book writers, who were visiting it and left some precious testimonies. The most conspicuous were the ones written by foreign pens (Gilferding, Jastrebov, McKenzie and Irby, Dharam etc), who were astonished by the subsistence, faith and persistence of the Serbs from Đakovica to preserve and survive at their fireplaces for centuries.

The topic of the research of spacious aspects of culture of the Serbian population in Kosovska Mitrovica, the town which was from 1999 split from ethnical grounds in two parts: Southern, inhabited almost exclusively by Albanians, and Northern one, inhabited mostly by Serbs. Division from ethnical grounds is also present in the Northern part, in which several quarts are inhabited mostly by Albanians. By starting with the concept of spacious behaviour under which the author understands specific forms of public behaviour of people, which include the overcoming of some distance, that is moving through the town, the author tries to think over of the Serbian population toward the mentioned division of labour, and come to the answer to the question whether and in what way such division has impact on the patterns it relies on in everyday moving and performance of everyday activities. Furthermore, by methods of structured and semi-structured interview, the research was being conducted in the Northern Kosovska Mitrovica from 18th to 22nd July 2011, on the sample of ten respondents of the Serbia ethnical identity. The achieved result during the research shows that the area of the town in which the respondents live is being defined through the discourse of Serbian-Albanian division, which is being manifested in everyday life through permanent interethnic tensions, and from that point of view parts of the town inhabited with Albanians are being perceived as risky ones with regard to their own security. In accordance with the above mentioned, the frames of everyday moving of town's areas are being mostly connected with parts of the town inhabited by Serbian population, while in parts inhabited by Albanian population such as Bošnjačka mahala and Three Skyscrapers, they go only per need or do not go at all. The given results are to be considered only as the initial ones, and the author thinks they should be reviewed additionally in order to deepen the study of this problems. The contribution of this paper is to be in the following: 1) it gives the contribution to the more thorough overview of everyday life of Serbs in the Northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica; 2) theoretically, by this paper it is drawn the attention on the importance of connection of the theory of risk with the concept of spacious behaviour, especially from the point of view of interethnic tension consideration as facts in urban spaces defining. Regarding the last mentioned thing, the author suggests that for the marking of moving through the town which includes planning in the aim of risk minimization from (ethnical) conflict, instead of the syntagm spacious behaviour the use of the one named spacious strategies.

As per the author's view, deep crisis which was upsetting the Ottoman Empires at the beginning of the 20th century was the consequence of a long-term non-resolution of the occurred problems, and a wrong approach to the events in the state. One of the ways of problems solving was the introduction of reforms what some great powers were insisting on. Non-accordance among them, non-sincerity of the Ottoman powers, and resistance of the local leaders together with the inhabitants, were main obstacles in the execution of the proclaimed reforms. The consequence of such state was the Young Turkish Revolution which was upsetting the Ottoman Empire at the end of its existence. Albanian inhabitants took part in the struggle against reforms, partly under the influence of the local agas and beys, and partly due to the propaganda coming from the side of Austria-Hungary. Stories which could be heard among the Albanians were that the main guilty ones for the reforms introduction who would diminish their rights and equalize the 'Christian people' with them, Serbs and 'Muscovites' who supports them. Being got used to self-will, the Albanians could see in each movements introduced and implemented by Turkey, if only that was about taxes collection, the introduction of reforms, for what Serbs were being blamed. The pressure of great powers on the reforms implementation especially became stronger after the Affair in Ibarski Kolašin 1901-1902, where the self-will of the Albanians came to its full expression. The endeavour of the state to introduce reforms was subject to conflicts by the Albanians in the sense of frequent mutinies, which were rather more random with not precise and articulated requests, than represented an organized uprising. Mutinies were initiated with the aim to become fruitful from many sides: by state bodies, which enter the imposed reforms with no sincerity, from local leaders, who think reforms were directly pointed to their interests, and from Austria-Hungary propaganda which sees reforms as an obstacle in the project Drang nach Osten realization. These three important factors in the mutinies with the Albanians enlighten themselves in the events in the eve of the Young Turkish Revolution. By reacting to the stories on the reforms introduction the Albanians at many places throughout Old Serbia organize meetings in which they 'take an oath' against mutual conflicts, and with the aim to create a unique front against the action of the state. Documents are telling us that unity not only was it realized, but there were mutual conflicts as well, though more on religious basis between the Albanians Moslems and their fellow citizens Catholics - fandas. There were also differences in the Moslem's corpus, where leading Albanians were supporting movements rather declaratively than in reality having fear for their position in front of the authorities. Furthermore, The Serbs from the area of Kosovo and Metohia found themselves in an inappropriate position. Although the Albanians left them in peace for some time due to the occupation by their state formation, they were not excluded from the events completely. Calls from the Albanian side were coming to join meetings against reforms, what was considered as cynic one, since reforms should have improved position of Serbian and other Orthodox inhabitants, while from the other side, it was their wish, supported by the information of the Serbian consul, not to come into conflict with the state. They faced a direct danger in the situation as such. By denying of joining the movement against reforms they were absorbing caprice of the Albanian inhabitants on themselves, supported by propaganda on them as main culprits for reforms introduction. Two streams appear among the Albanians regarding reaction to such Serbian behaviour - both fatal. The first one, which had been pleaded by Ljumljani, was that Serbs should be killed massively and publicly, whilst the second one was more cautious and pleaded for the same, but to be done in a different manner - secretly and, at the same time, in less number, in order not to draw the attention of great powers. Just in that time there was the Pasian's affair, when one Serbian guard on its way to Poreč had been revealed and killed, what additionally directed the Albanians' attention toward the Serbs by making blunt their anyway barren movements against reforms? This served the state to continue with procrastination of reforms introduction, which finally resulted in the Young Turkish Revolution in 1908.

The author states that in his endeavors to protect Serbian population in the Ottoman's empire, Serbia had decided to do it by means of diplomacy, and the outcome of such determination was the sign of Consular convention. Thanks to this convention, Serbia managed to open consulates in Thessalonica, Skopje, Bitolj and Prishtina very quickly upon the sign of it. Serbian consuls immediately started sending reports on the difficult position of Serbian people and looking for possible solutions. The most difficult was the position of Serbian people in Kosovo and Metohia, which were under the competence of Prishtina's consul. His position was not safe either, what had been testified by the murder of the first Serbian consul in this place Luka Marinković. His successor was Todor P. Stanković, who was in better relationships with prominent Albanians due to his knowledge of language and earlier activities. Therefore, he insisted in the solution of Serbian issue by bringing together of Albanians and Serbs. Although he passed two mandates in that position, and made personal efforts for this plan to come true, he did not succeed. There were many reasons why he could not make a success, but one of the most important was the intervention of other states, first of all Austria-Hungary. The part of this plan was the buying of affection of some Albanians by giving them temporary presents, but neither this one was successful. All resulted in giving many presents to some Albanians, the most frequently ones in arms and money. Permanent periodic paying of some Albanians arose from the mentioned in order to protect some villages and monasteries, including country's areas from different oppressors, evil-doers and pests. The largest number of these 'protectors' turned into its contrast and burden lying on Serbs. In the last decade of the 19th century, the institution of country's field guard, who was obviously Albanian, was legalized. Out of the danger called field guard Albanian, Serbs were set free by the consul Sima Avramović in 1902. As none of the plans had given significant results, under the influence of the consul Svetislav Simić, a plan that Serbs should be protected with armament appeared. Nevertheless, this plan had not given expected results due to complex political circumstances, but led to the movement of the Albanians in order to detect arms, what resulted in new misdeeds against Serbs.

The author points out to the fact that difficult position in which Serbian people were found in Old Serbia during the second half of the 19th century, gave impetus to the educated and brave people to engage and gave their contribution to the improvement of Serbs position, in accordance with their possibilities. Due to the low number of literate people, it was difficult to find brave and educated ones. The author points out that the one of them was Hadži-Serafim Ristić, arhimandrit of the monastery Visoki Dečani, who believed and hoped the state in Old Serbia, could improve, and in accordance with his possibilities he engaged himself at that matter. The first part of his activities related to the maintenance and rehabilitation of the Serbian monasteries and churches in Old Serbia, due to which he was coming to Belgrade many times during the middle of the 19th century, requesting and was given money for the renewal of the Serbian holy objects, and first of all the monastery of Visoki Dečani. Furthermore, the author emphasizes that the second part is connected to the writing of requests and complaints in which he described difficult position of Serbian people in Old Serbia, which were handed in to the courts and governments in Serbia, Russia and Ottoman Empire. Therefore he collected data on separate oppressions containing the names of victims and oppressors including the description of the same with the aim to point out to the difficult position in which Serbs are to be found. Because of the fact his documented requests did not find a good reception with the Ottoman authorities, he was printing them as books during the whole decade of the 19th century. His second intention was to inform wider publicity through books with real position of Serbs in Old Serbia.