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Infinitive in Lithuanian as a second languageOne of the most apparent features characteristic of learners who speak Lithuanian as a second language is their overuse of infinitive forms where such forms should not be used in Lithuanian. The analysis of the general sequence of acquisition of the Lithuanian verb system shows that the infinitive was used nearly evenly through the whole acquisition process, i. e. learners who had just started to speak Lithuanian used about the same amount of infinitive forms as the more advanced speakers. This paper analyses in detail the use of the infinitive form by the learners at different levels of acquisition, what functions and in what contexts the infinitive form performs, as well as any changes in the development. The analysis makes it evident that despite the quantitative similarity of the use of the infinitive forms in different varieties of acquisition, the use changes fundamentally in quality. Moreover, it becomes clear that even the speakers of the basic variety, who often use the infinitive as the base form of the verb and therefore also as a predicate instead of a finite form, never use the infinitive of the modal verbs in this fashion and their utterances in which the infinitive is used according to the target Lithuanian language system employ the construction of modal verbs + infinitive. The paper also analyses what other constructions with the infinitive are used, when and in what way they start being used in the post-basic variety of acquisition.

Opportunities for International Phonetic Alphabet application to the sounds of Lithuanian dialectsThe paper discusses the issues of transcription of Lithuanian dialects. It compares the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) with the characters of the currently popular font Palemonas.From the 20th to the 21st century, almost for a whole century, there has been a tradition in Lithuania to mark texts of Lithuanian dialects using the so-called Copenhagen transcription that was adapted by Georg Gerullis. The established Lithuanian transcription system largely differs from those applied in other languages, even from the closest neighbours Latvians. Therefore, researchers are often confronted with the problems of comparing the research results of several languages. In the 21st century the issues of different transcriptions became more relevant after quantitative measurements of language variance became popular. They are usually made by computer programs which require identical data.The discussion paper analyses the opportunities for IPA application to the sounds of Lithuanian dialects, discusses the marking correspondences of vowels, consonants, some phonetic features and prosodic units in the font Palemonas and IPA, and provides examples of words from various Lithuanian subdialects transcribed by applying both systems.

The present article introduces a list of glosses to a collection of Lithuanian protestant spiritual hymns, compelled by Gottfried Ostermeyer, one of the prominent intellectuals and promoter of the Lithuanian culture and language of the 18th century in Lithuania Minor. The glossary was intended to facilitate the understanding of certain older or less known expressions, as Ostermeyer put it ‘obsoleta und minus cognita’, and due to political disputes among the intellectual community in East Prussian Lithuania Minor at the time of their publication fell into oblivion. The paper discuses a more or less random selection of twenty entries from the glossary, focusing on their dialectal features, semantic and morphological divergence from existing derivatives of the same root, and pays special attention to the derivational history and cross-IE cognates.Judging by the material studied in the paper the Lithuanian spoken idiom of the 17th-18th c. appears to be very vivid in onomasiology, creative in the usage of morphological means and still in possession of certain roots already gone in the dictionaries of the late 19th century and scarcely perceivable in the modern paramount linguistic database of LKŽ.

The aim of the current paper is to analyze Latvian reflexive verbs from the point of view of their polyfunctionality and distributon.The polysemy of the reflexive verbs is not usually disucussed in the connection with its distribution pattern in the sentence either. This can be partly explianed by the fact that the reflexive verb can have some non-standard language meanings, which following the established practice of the traditional grammars and sometimes even dictionaries, were not depicted in the language system description either. So the current paper is an attempt to analyze the polyfunctionality of reflexive verbs in connection with their semantic and syntactic functions, without judging the language use from the normative point of view.The classification of Latvian reflexive verbs is based on the relationship between semantic roles and syntactic structure according to the principles devised by Palmer (1994) and Saeed (1997).One and the same reflexive verb may have different lexical meanings with a different distribution for each of the meanings. One and the same verb can belong to different subclasses of the subject and object (or impersonal) verbs.Some reflexive verbs have evaluative or aspectual (iterative) meanings. The evaluative meanings usually are manifested by a positive or negative assessment of the event (the context can be enhanced by the adverbs good or bad) and the consequences while the aspectual meaning is manifested by the intensity of the action, that is – iterativity.The study confirms the assumption that reflexive verbs are independent lexemes as opposed to non-reflexive verb forms. Each reflexive verb has its distinct semantic system and distribution which is different from polysemy of non-reflexive verbs and their distribution. The system of reflexive verbs in Latvian is open where new meanings and even new reflexive verbs arise particularly in colloquial use.

VERBS OF PROBABILITY IN ENGLISH AND LITHUANIAN: IN SEARCH OF EQUIVALENTSSummaryThe paper looks at the qualitative and quantitative parameters of equivalence between English verbs of probability SEEM, APPEAR (LGSWE 1999: 708, 977) and their Lithuanian translation equivalents. The focus of the pilot study is on the following types of structures: English (BNC) Lithuanian (CCLL)JY0 1825 And they seemed to be old friends. CGE 887 She appeared a quick learner.Man atrodo, tebesu paauglė.Kol avižos auga, laukas atrodo žalias.The data for the translation corpus have been compiled from fiction (Rowling 2000), the British National Corpus (http://www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk/), the Corpus of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language and the Parallel English-Lithuanian corpus (http://donelaitis.vdu.lt), monolingual/bilingual dictionaries and grammar books. The purpose of the analysis is to compare the syntactic and semantic potential of the given verbs in the two languages to mark stance and to express speaker’s uncertainty. The paper aims to see what alternatives/decisions are preferred by translators and how much they are influenced by the source language, which might contribute to the discussion of the notion of equivalence in translation.

LITHUANIAN GAUTI (‘GET’) AND TEKTI (‘BE GOTTEN’): ASPECTS OF GRAMMATICALIZATIONSummaryThe paper deals with the Lithuanian get-verbs gauti (‘get’) and tekti (‘be gotten’) within the framework of grammaticalization. The purpose of the paper is to analyze semantic as well as morphosyntactic properties of the verbs under the study and to disclose their tendencies towards grammaticalization. Following the point of view that the very beginning of the process of grammaticalization is in the context of a particular construction the focus of the paper is on the constructional patterns in which the verbs gauti (‘get’) and tekti (‘be gotten’) appear and on the basic types of complements of the verbs. Since frequency is considered to be an important indicator of grammaticalization, the paper looks at the quantitative distribution of basic structural types of complements used with the Lithuanian get-verbs under analysis. Besides, types of modal meanings which gauti (‘get’) and tekti (‘be gotten’) denote are analyzed as well.The Lithuanian verbs gauti (‘get’) and tekti (‘be gotten’) express an ingressive aspect of possession, i.e. onset of possession or acquisition. As lexical verbs with the meaning of acquisition the Lithuanian get-verbs are found in the constructional patterns with NP as their grammatical object. When the noun possessed denotes a concrete entity, the verbs have the meaning of concrete acquisition, and when the noun denotes an abstract entity, the verbs express an abstract acquisition. Both verbs gauti (‘get’) and tekti (‘be gotten’) more often tend to express abstract acquisition. However, there are some differences in the possibilities of expressing the lexical meaning of acquisition: only the verb gauti (‘get’) most frequently functions as the full lexical verb and the verb tekti (‘be gotten’), in contrast, functions as the modal verb.Modal meanings of the Lithuanian get-verbs are expressed by the constructions with an infinitival complement (INF). Both of the verbs gauti (‘get’) and tekti (‘be gotten’) denote non-epistemic necessity and non-epistemic possibility. However, the meaning of non-epistemic possibility seems to be very peripheral for the Lithuanian get-verbs. It is worth to notice that the modal verb tekti (‘be gotten’), besides its modal meanings, in certain contexts tend to mark aspectual meaning of perfectivity. However, the conclusion about the status of the verb tekti (‘be gotten’) as an aspectual marker requires further analysis.

ABOUT THE POSSIBLE ANCIENT CZECH-BALTIC LEXICAL CONNECTIONSSummaryThe paper deals with the ancient (up to the 13th century A. D.) Czech–Baltic lexical correspondences. The West Balts are supposed to penetrate into Moravia and the territory of the middle Danube. Probably they were the Galinds, that at the turn of the two eras moved from South Prussia, their homeland, to the South and split into two branches in the territory of Volyn. Accord­ing to the data of onomastics and toponymies, one of the branches settled near the Czech–Polish boundary, another moved to Podmoskovye. Here follows the enumeratien of the Czech lexemes touched upon in the paper and having the Baltic (and some of them also Russian) correspondences:Klábositi ‘to chat, to talk nonsense’, lebediti se ‘to be in bliss, luxuriate’, třměti ‘to reel’, baracht(a) ‘chatter, babble’, klopýtati‘to stumble, to stagger along’, hárati se‘to heat (about cow)’, harhule ‘growth on a tree, excrescence’, batoliti se ‘waddle’, šklebit ‘to light dimly’, kobrtati ‘to stumble’, drobiti ‘to feel feverish, to shiver’, rozblptati ‘to be boiled to pulp’, duznit ‘to bang one’s back’, obočí ‘eyebow’, duněti ‘to rattle’, žíně ‘a special rope for climbing to a beehive on a tree’, těpiti ‘to carry’, řije ‘period if heat of deers’.

Latvian secondary verbs based on sta-presentsSummaryIn an earlier paper (Pakerys 2007), I presented a number of Lithuanian secondary verbal formations which are based on sta-presents, cf.: vargst‑áuti ‘to live in trouble, to have difficulties’, rūkst‑ė́ti ‘to emit smoke’, linkst‑úoti ‘to bend (intr.)’ beside var̃g‑st‑a ‘lives in poverty, takes trouble’, rū̃k‑st‑a ‘emits smoke’, liñk‑st‑a ‘bends (intr.)’, etc. I suggested that these formations could support the hypothesis which claims that the Lithuanian and Latvian iterative suffix -stī- arose due to the reanalysis of formations in -ī‑t(i) originally based on present stems in -sta (cf. competing denominative hypothesis which similarly proposes the reanalysis of formations in -ī‑t(i) which were originally based on nominal stems in -st-).In this paper, I tried to answer the question if secondary verbs based on sta‑presents are an exclusively Lithuanian phenomenon, or if they can be also found in Latvian. The data presented here were excerpted from the electronic edition of “Latviešu valodas vārdnīca” by Mülenbachs and Endzelīns (http://www.ailab.lv/MEV, accessed on 2007—2009) by searching for the verbs ending in ‑stāt(ies), -stēt(ies), -stīt(ies), ‑stināt(ies), and ‑stuot(ies). The main findings can be summarized as follows.The secondary verbal formations based on sta‑presents are also possible in Latvian, but they are very rare and non-regular, just as the Lithuanian ones. These formations belong to a broader group of (non-regular) nominal and verbal derivatives based on the present stems characterized by certain formatives or root vocalism. The closest parallel for the verbal formations which include the present formative -st- can be found in some adjectives in -īgs, cf.: birst‑īgs ‘friable’, (ne)mir̃st‑îgs ‘(im)mortal’ beside bir̃‑st‑u ‘I fall (of small objects)’, (ne)mir̃‑st‑u ‘I (do not) die’, etc. (Blinkena 1984).As far as specific verbal suffixes are concerned, the number of examples and their interpretation varies. To start with, I was unable to find any formations ending in ‑stāt or ‑stuot which would be based on sta‑presents. On the other hand, it is worth noting that an independent suffix -stāt is possible in two formations, cf. je̦m̃‑stâ‑t ‘wiederholt nehmen; to take repeatedly’ beside je̦mu, jẽmu, jem̃t ‘nehmen; to take’ and žã‑stâ‑tiês ‘gähnen; to yawn’ beside Lith. žióti(s) (-ja(si)) ‘to open (one’s mouth)’. These examples possibly reflect a well-known variation of present stems in *‑ā and *‑āja, cf. Lith. mė́tyti, mė́to beside (rare) mė́toti, mė́toja, Latv. mę̃tât, mę̃tãju, OCS mětati, mětajǫ, etc. Some verbs ending in -stuot have primary counterparts with present sta-stems, but these formations are most probably just some variants alongside verbs in -stīt. So just as there is lakstuôt ‘springen; to jump’ beside lakstît ‘idem’, one finds cīkstuôtiês ‘kämpfen, ringen; to fight’ beside cīkstîtiês ‘idem’ and the primary verb cīk‑st‑uôs, cijuos, cīties ‘idem’.The development of some verbs ending in -stēt was already described by Endzelīns (1951, 761). He suggested that in a number of cases, the present stem formative -st- was reanalyzed as a part of the lexical stem and the suffix -ē‑ was introduced in the infinitive and the preterit stems, cf. drì(k)st‑êt, drì(k)st‑u, drì(k)st‑ẽju ‘dürfen, wagen, sich unterstehen; to be allowed, to dare’ alongside Lithuanian drį̃s‑ti, drį̃{s}‑sta, drį̃s‑o ‘to dare’. Therefore, these cases also illustrate the possibility to create verbs on the basis of present stems in -sta, but they have to be regarded as a certain reshaping of the same words rather than a derivation (i.e. the formation of new lexical items with certain derivational meaning beside their base words). The only possible iterative formations (not mentioned in Endzelīn’s list) are tupst‑êtiês ‘sich wiederholt hinhokken; to squat down (intr.) repeatedly’ beside tup‑st‑u(ôs) (tupju(ôs), tūpu(ôs) are also attested), tupu(ôs), tupt(iês) ‘(sich nieder)hocken; to squat down (intr.)’ and sprãkst‑êt (spārgst‑êt) ‘mit Knall bersten; to crackle, to sputter’ alongside sprâg‑st‑u, sprâgu, sprâgt ‘bersten, platzen; to burst’ (already mentioned by Leskien 1902/1903, 172).There are 5 verbs ending in -stināt which are based on sta‑presents. All of them have causative meaning, cf.: ir̃st‑inât ‘auftrennen (eine Naht); to undo (a seam) : ir̃‑st‑u, iru, ir̃t ‘sich auf‑, lostrennen, sich bröckeln; to disintegrate’; kalst‑inât ‘hungern lassen; to make starve’ : kàl{t}‑st‑u, kàltu, kàlst ‘mager werden, verkommen; to grow weaker, thinner’; pĩkst‑inât ‘zörgen, zum Zorne reisen; to make anger’ : pîk‑st‑u, pîku, pîkt ‘zornig, böse werden; to become angry’; sprāgst‑inât ‘aufplatzen machen; to make burst’ : sprâg‑st‑u, sprâgu, sprâgt ‘bersten, platzen; to burst’; pazīst‑inât ‘bekannt machen; to acquaint’ : pazĩ‑st‑u, pazinu, pazĩt ‘erkennen; to know, to be acquainted’. In all cases the present stems of the base verbs have no variants, so these examples have to be regarded as quite reliable.The interpretation of verbs ending in -stīt is rather complicated. The iterative suffix -stīt is itself quite productive, and the fact that some base verbs have present sta‑stems could be just a coincidence. However some formations have causative meaning which is not typical for the suffix -stīt. Therefore, these verbs have to be derivations in -īt based on the present stems in -sta, cf. gul̃st‑ît ‘niederlegen; to lay, to put down’ : gul‑st‑u (also guļu), gulu (also gūlu), gul̃t ‘sich lagern; lie down’; līkst‑ît ‘to sway, to rock’ : lìk‑st‑u, lìku, lìkt ‘sich biegen, krumm werden; to bend’; ìetupst‑ît ‘nachlässig hineinsetzen; to put in carelessly’ : *ìetup‑st‑u (the prefixed stem in -sta is not attested in the dictionary, but cf. tup‑st‑u beside tupju, tūpu), ìetupu, ìetupt ‘sich hineinhocken, sich herein‑, hineinsetzen; to squat into’.In conclusion, the data presented here and in Pakerys 2007 show that both Latvian and Lithuanian have some deverbative formations based on the present stems in -sta. There seem to be no reliable examples of common East Baltic formations of this type (cf. only Latvian rim̂stît‑iês2 ‘wiederholt still od. ruhig werden; to calm down (intr.)’ beside Lithuanian nu‑rìmstyti ‘to calm down (trans.)’), but the possibility to use the present stems with certain formatives as the base of derivation is clearly shared by both languages. These formations support the deverbative hypothesis of the origin of the Lithuanian and Latvian iterative suffix -stī-, but it also does not imply that the denominative hypothesis has to be rejected.

POSTPOSITIONAL LOCATIVES IN LITHUANIANSummaryThe paper argues that postpositional locatives in Lithuanian (inessive, illative, adessive, allative) are not formations of the same epoch, but rather they were formed at different times; the pro­cess of their formation must have been long and continued right up to the appearance of the first Lithuanian printed book when the case-forms fell into a decline. First came singular forms, next — plural forms. More complicated and protracted was the development of inessive and adessive case-forms.Ā- and ē-stem sg. iness. and ill. forms (e. g. šakojè, žẽmėje, šakõn, žẽmėn) are considered to be the oldest. The other sg. ill. and particularly sg. iness. forms are products of later development, as they are, as a rule, constructed in the above-mentioned pattern. The paper gives a detailed analysis of the case-forms and on the basis of the analysis it argues that the singular of all postpositional locatives had already been formed and become stable by the beginning of the period of writing -nothing of the kind can be said of the plural. Only illative and allative possessed then stable plural forms.The development of pl. iness. and adess. forms was hindered by the residual ancient Indo-European locative in -su. The centre of the author's attention, however, is the interrelationship of the case-forms and particularly the origin and development of pl. iness. and adess. case-forms.On the basis of a detailed analysis of the old writings, the author argues that the pl. iness. šakosa derives not from šakose, as is generally assumed, but it presents by itself a transformed version of the older form šakosu. The form šakose is to be derived not from the pl. acc. * šakā́s + *éп, but it should be treated as a transform of šakosu от šakosa in -e from the sg. inessive, cf. šakojè. Pl. adess. šakosumpi is not a transform of šakosempi, as is generally assumed, but the older variant of the plural adessive, a variant derived from the old locative. Its subsequent variant is šakosampi and the newest — šakosempi.The paper also examines other problems relating to the history of postpositional locatives, e. g. the specificity of the development of the adessive of personal pronouns, the transformation of enclitic postposition into stressed in iness. and ill. case-forms, the reduction of the case-forms, etc. The paper shows in passing that 16th century Lithuanians pronounced most frequently the pl. adess. šakosempi as šakosémpi (with stress on e), not as šakósempi, as is generally assumed.

On the accentual value of Lithuanian nominal suffixesSummaryThis paper presents some remarks on the definition of accentual value of Lithuanian nominal suffixes. All of these suffixes determine the accentuation of derivatives and, therefore, these morphemes can be considered as dominant. It is argued in this paper that the classification of nominal suffixes into strengthening and weakening ones should be based on the effect these suffixes make on the stems of the derivatives rather than on the stems of the base words. One should note that the weakening suffixes can be not only weak, but also strong in some cases. The description of strong suffixes should not be limited to indicating whether they are acute or non-acute. If the vocal phonemes of the suffix belong to two syllables, the place of the stress also has to be taken into account. In a number of cases the accentual properties of suffixes are conditional (i.e. when the derivatives of these suffixes are described, additional rules have to be provided or at least the irregular items have to be listed). On the other hand, one should note that the majority of suffixes are unconditional (the accentuation of their derivatives is not related to certain conditions).

CONCERNING THE LANGUAGE OF TATARĖS „PAMOKSLAI IŠMINTIES IR TEISYBĖS" (1851)SummaryEven three variants of the language of Lithuanian writing were taking shape in the 16th— 17th centuries: one in the Duchy of Prussia (based on the local West Aukštaičiai dialects) and two in the Grand Dukedom of Lithuania (based on the dialects of the middle Lithuanian plains, the district of Kėdainiai, and the town of Vilnius and its environs). Owing to the polonization of the Lithuanian gentry, the last two variants of Lithuanian writing disappeared in the 18th century. With the onset of the movement for national independence, in the second half of the 19th century Lithuanian proper followed the old tradition of writing as used by Lithuanians in East Prussia. The writing was adapt­ed to suit the needs of Lithuania and somewhat modified to bring it closer to the local dialects of the southern part of West Aukštaičiai (the dialect of „Suvalkai"). Thus came into being Modern Lithuanian. To reveal the process of its formation, one must ascertain who was the first in Lithua­nian proper to write in the Southern dialect of West Aukštaičiai. The author of the paper considers A. Tatarė (1805 —1889) to be such a man. In the paper the author gives a linguistic analysis of Tatarė's major work „Pamokslai išminties ir teisybės" and points out the difficulties the scholar met trying to create written Lithuanian on the basis of the southern dialects of West Aukštaičiai.

Lithuanian secondary verbs based on present stems in ‑staSummaryLithuanian has a number of deverbative formations which are clearly based on present stems, cf.: ded‑ẽklė ‘good layer (about hens)’ : dẽd‑a ‘lays’, dúod‑ingas ‘open‑handed, generous’, duod‑imas ‘giving’ : dúod‑a ‘gives’, verd‑ẽnė ‘spring’ : vérd‑a ‘boils’, es‑ìmas ‘being’ : es‑ù ‘I am’, ẽs‑ti ‘it is’, tek‑ìmas ‘rising (of the sun)’ : tẽk‑a ‘flows, runs; rises (the sun)’ (beside tekė́ti, ‑ė́jo and tekė́jimas), lim̃p‑alas ‘sticky material’ : li‑m̃‑p‑a ‘sticks’, skrand‑nùs ‘good flyer’ : skre‑ñ‑d‑a ‘flies’, kánk‑inti(s) ‘to give enough, to satisfy’ : (pa)ka‑ñ‑k‑a ‘suffices’, té‑n‑k‑inti ‘to satisfy’ : (už)te‑ñ‑k‑a ‘suffices’, trunk‑imas ‘delaying’ : tru‑ñ‑k‑a ‘lasts, delays’, etc. (Būga 1959, 446; Urbutis 1978, 191, 197; Ambrazas 1993, 21‑25).This paper presents examples of Lithuanian secondary verbs based on present stems in ‑sta, cf. pýkst‑auti ‘to be angry’ : pỹkst‑a ‘is angry’. These formations represent a rare (archaic?) derivational process and they can be used to support the hypothesis of the deverbative origin of suffix ‑styti (Latvian ‑stīt). The proponents of this hypothesis believe that present stems in ‑sta provided bases for some formations in ‑yti (‑o, ‑ė) which were later resegmented and gave rise to new suffix ‑styti (‑sto, ‑stė), cf.: lankst‑ýti : liñkst‑a → lank‑stýti : leñk‑ti (Ul’janov 1888, 210; Leumann 1942, 125; Vaillant 1966, 364; Smoczyński 1987, 203). On the other hand, the data presented in this paper still do not exclude the possibility of denominal origin of ‑styti (Leskien 1884, 443; Johanson 1893, 502; Endzelin 1922, 641; Skardžius 1943, 538; Stang 1942, 149; cf. Jasanoff 2003, 141).All material was excerpted from the electronic edition of “Lietuvių kalbos žodynas” (http://www.lkz.lt) and arranged according to suffixes.The class of verbs in ‑auti has 8 formations which are based on the stems in ‑sta: blė́stauti ‘to burn lightly, to be burning down’ : blė́sta ‘burns down’, nubostauti ‘to ask for something in a bothersome way’ : nubósta ‘gets bored, becomes boring’, nerimstauti ‘to be bored, to wander’ : nerìmsta ‘is not calm’, nirštauti ‘to be (slightly) angry’ : nir̃šta ‘is angry, rages’, pýkstauti ‘to be angry’ : pỹksta ‘is angry’, širstauti ‘to rage’ : šir̃sta ‘rages’, trókštauti ‘to desire’ : trókšta ‘desires’, vargstáuti ‘to live in trouble, to have difficulties’ : var̃gsta ‘lives in poverty, takes trouble’.The class in ‑enti provides 3 examples: birsténti ‘to scatter, to strew (slightly)’ : (dialectal) bìrsta ‘pours out (intr.)’ (therefore, the formation is causative), blėsténti ‘to burn slightly, to go out’ : blė́sta ‘burns down’, rūksténti ‘to emit smoke little by little’ : rū̃ksta ‘emits smoke’.The formations in ‑ėti based on the stems in ‑sta are the following: drįstė́ti, ‑ė́ja ‘to dare’ : drį̃sta ‘dares’, numirštė́ti, ‑ė́ja ‘to die (about animals)’ : numìršta ‘dies’, plū́stėti, plū́sta ‘to talk nonsense’ : plū́sta ‘talks nonsense’, rūkstė́ti, ‑ė́ja ‘to emit smoke’ : rū̃ksta ‘emits smoke’, smilkstė́ti, smil̃ksta ‘to burn without fire, to smoulder’ : smil̃ksta ‘smoulders’, spurstė́ti, spùrsta ‘to flounder’ : spùrsta ‘flounders’, várgstėti, ‑ėja ‘to live in trouble, to have difficulties’ : var̃gst‑a ‘lives in poverty, takes trouble’. It is possible that in some cases the verbs were not really derived, but rather reshaped according to the model of tekė́ti, tẽka (the inflectional stems in ‑st‑(a) became lexical), e. g. tẽk‑a : smil̃kst‑a, tek‑ė́‑ti, ‑ė́jo : x, x = smilkst‑ė́‑ti, ‑ė́‑jo. A number of similar remodelings or derivations are also based on 3 person athematic forms reinterpreted as the members of i stem paradigms, cf.: susičiáustėti, ‑i ‘to cough’ : susičiáust‑i ‘coughs’, ráustėti, ‑ėja ‘to weep’ : ráust‑i ‘weeps’, prisérgstėti, ‑ėja ‘to watch over, to guard’ : prisérgst‑i ‘watches over, guards’.The class in ‑inėti provides 6 formations directly derived from the stems in ‑sta: dilbstinė́ti ‘to loiter, to hang around’ : dil̃bsta ‘loiters’, dygstinė́ti ‘to shoot, to start to grow little by little’ : dýgsta ‘starts to grow’, mirštinė́ti ‘to die constantly (about a moderate number of deaths occurring during a certain period of time)’ : mìršta ‘dies’, plūstinė́ti ‘to wander’ : plū́sta ‘wanders’, snūstinė́ti ‘to walk sleepy’ : snū́sta ‘snoozes’, virstinė́ti ‘to fall down repeatedly, to sway’ : vir̃sta ‘falls down’.The class in -inti has 4 verbs based on the stems in -sta: bìrstinti ‘to scatter, to strew (slightly)’ : (dialectal) bìrsta ‘pours out (intr.)’, ìlgstinti ‘to linger, to delay’ : ìlgsta ‘becomes long’, pùrstintis ‘to put on airs’ : pur̃sta ‘swells’, virstinti ‘to come swaying’ : vir̃sta ‘falls down’. One should note that at least two formations are causative (bìrstinti and pùrstinti).The formations in ‑yti possibly based on the stems in ‑sta are the following: džiáustyti ‘to dry (trans.)’ : džiū́sta ‘dries (intr.)’ (cf. iterative džiáustyti ‘to hang out to dry’ : džiáuti ‘idem’), gąstýtis ‘to be afraid’ : gą̃sta ‘becomes frightened’, gramstýti ‘to plunge (repeatedly)’ : grim̃zta ‘sinks, plunges’, ilgstytis ‘to become long’ : ìlgsta ‘becomes long’, raibstytis ‘to be dazzled’ : raĩbsta ‘is dazzled’, (ne)įrìmstyti (‑ija) ‘(not) to calm down (intr.)’ : nerìmsta ‘is not calm’, nurìmstyti ‘to calm down (trans.)’ : nurìmsta ‘calms down’, slū́gstyti ‘to make (swelling) go down’ : slū́gsta ‘(swelling) goes down’, svaigstytis ‘to wander’ : svaĩgsta ‘to start feeling dizzy, to become delirious’. A number of these verbs can also be simple derivations in ‑styti, but at least causative cases (džiáustyti, nurìmstyti, slū́gstyti) are more reliable examples as this meaning is not typical for the formations in ‑styti.There are no good examples of verbs in ‑oti which could be based on the present stems in ‑sta. However, one should note that there is a small group of verbs which seem to have an independent suffix ‑stoti, ‑stoja, cf. išėstóti (the present stem is not attested) ‘to wipe out’ : (iš)ė́sti, ė́da, ė́dė ‘to eat away’; laipstoti, ‑oja ‘to climb, to fly (repeatedly)’ : lìpti, lìpa, lìpo ‘to climb’, lakstóti, ‑ója ‘to fly about’ : lė̃kti, lẽkia, lė̃kė ‘to fly’, užžirstóti (the present stem is not attested) ‘to become covered by falling particles’ : (už)žìrti (žir̃ti), žỹra (also žìrsta), žìro ‘to fall, to scatter’. These examples could reflect a well known variation of present (factitive and iterative) stems in *‑ā and *‑āja (cf. Lith. mė́tyti, mė́to beside mė́toti, mė́toja (rare), Latv. mę̃tât, mę̃tãju, OCS mětati, mětajǫ, Lith. statýti, stãto : statùs (stãtas) beside bjaurója : bjaurùs (bjaũras)).There are 2 formations in ‑uoti which can be directly related to the base stems in ‑sta: ilgstuoti ‘to linger, to delay’ : ìlgsta ‘becomes long’, linkstúoti ‘to bend (intr.)’ : liñksta ‘bends’.

LEXICAL “DIVERGENCE” AND “CONVERGENCE” BETWEEN BALTIC AND SLAVIC LANGUAGES: A STATISTIC ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS IN R. TRAUTMANN'S DICTIONARYSummaryAs far as a clear answer has not been given with respect to the theory of “Balto-slavic lin­guistic unity”, apparent similarities in lexemes between these two linguistic groups should be exa­mined in comparison with those among other linguistic groups.This paper is an attemp to show the “degrees” of similarities in the lexemes between Baltic and Slavic languages in a statistic manner. For this purpose, lexical materials are taken from R. Trautmann's Dictionary (1923), and the analysis is based on two notions of “divergence” and “convergence”.On the basis of all the items in the Dictionary, the author of this paper distinguishes some groups of items in terms of their distributions. First, he draws a dividing line between the “convergence” type and the “divergence” type, the latter of which turns out to consist of three sub-types (D-1, D-2 and D-3). Then he regards the items of the “convergence” type as the “candidates” of the “Balto-Slavic lexemes” with the highest degree of commonness. The author finds in the Dictionary a group of 83 independent items on one hand, and a group of 10 deriva­tive items on the other, which are both considered to belong to the “convergence” type.From the author's point of view, other groups of items are, more or less, ranked in the peripheral position with respect to those “central” two groups of items.

A HEBREW THEORY CONCERNING THE BALTIC LANGUAGES IN THE CONTEXT OF 16TH C. PALAEOCOMPARATIVISM AND A RELATED ENIG­MATIC TEXTSummaryIn the wider context of the history of the linguistic ideas concerning the Baltic languages, and espe­cially of the Palaeocomparativism of the 16th century, we should also like to present and comment on the idea that the Baltic languages derive from the Hebrew language (this theory completes the picture I already tried to give in a series of papers on the Slavic, Roman, Fourfold, Greek and other linguistic theories).The main authors and works related to this idea in the 16th c. are: Johannes Funck (1518-1566) and his Chronologia ab orbe condito (Nürinberg, 1545; Königsberg, 1552, 1566; Wittenberg 1578); Severin Göbel (1530-1612) and his works: De Succino Libri Duo (1565), Einfeitiger Jedoch gründtlicher Bericht vnd Bedencken, Vom vrsprung des Agadt oder Bernsteins... (1616); Johannes Loewenklau (1537-1593) and his works Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum (Frankfurt am Main, 1588), Neuwe Chronica Tiirckischer nation (Frankfurt am Main, 1590).Loewenklau (1588) quotes the enigmatic text Ieru Ieru Masco Lon, which was repeated with some variants in later editions and by other authors of that time. The text has resisted until now many attempts at an explanation (M. Praetorius, Ph. Ruhig, X. Bohusz). Previous explanations of the text are discussed in this paper and a new interpretation is proposed. Finally we consider the text to belong to the Lith. tradition and we explain it as follows: “Lord, Lord (cf. Lith. exclamation jerau! < germ. Herr) throw (cf. Lith. mesk) beer (cf. Lith. alų, i.e. alaus statinę, or sim.)”. Linguistic and cultural arguments supporting this explanation are also given.

ON THE INTERCONNECTION BETWEEN THE NAMES OF TREES AND BIRDS IN BALTIC LANGUAGES Summary This paper is an attempt to prove the existence of bilateral connection between the names of birds and trees. The names of mountain-ash (Viburnum opulus L.) and snowball tree (Sorbus aucuparia L.) being often mixed, the semantic model „name of a bird” →„name of a tree” is suggest­ed for both of them. The author of the paper suggests the existence of this model in the Lettish putenes (Viburnum opulus L.): putns „bird" and gives a parallel etymological version of the Lithua­nian pùtinas.

ON THE AREA—TYPOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE BALTIC ORIGIN WORDS IN BYELORUSSIAN DIALECTS Summary The paper deals with the area—typological characteristics of the words of Baltic origin, func­tioning in Byelorussian dialects. It concerns the zones of functioning of the words of Baltic ori­gin on the linguistic map of Byelorussia, taking into account the degree of their concentration (strong, intermediate, weak). Considering the role of the words of Baltic origin in the lexical system of Byelorussian dialects, the main types are distinguished, namely: (1) the words of Baltic origin comprising all the dialect areas of Byelorussia; (2) the words of Baltic origin used in some group of dialects generally in the neighbouring areas; (3) the words of Baltic origin concentrated in the dialects of the north-western part of Byelorussia. Besides, the paper describes the types of areas characteristic of the Baltic origin words in Bye­lorussian dialects.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY EAST LITHUANIAN LITERARY LANGUAGE, ITS RISE AND DISAPPEARANCESummaryThe Old Lithuanian literary records of the 16th and 17th centuries indicate the existence of three variants of literary Lithuanian at that time. An early literary variant based on the local West High Lithuanian dialect arose on the territory of Eastern Prussia (now the Kaliningrad District). Two literary languages developed on the territory of the Great Dukedom of Lithuania — Central Lithuanian (on the basis of the dialect of Kėdainiai environs) and Eastern Lithuanian. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the origin and fate of literary Eastern Lithuanian.A short characteristic of Eastern Lithuanian and a review of some attempts to establish its dialect background are followed by a detailed analysis of specific Eastern Lithuanian features and a conclusion is drawn that the town koine of Vilnius — the capital of the Great Dukedom of Lithuania served the basis for the formation of literary Eastern Lithuanian.The following features are of importance in accepting Vilnius as the centre of literary Eastern Lithuanian:the presence of ō in all positions, peculiar to the environs of Vilnius and quite alien to many present-day Eastern Lithuanian dialects, which have preserved an older pronunciation (ā or ) esp. in unstressed positions;the presence of doublet forms with tautosyllabic combinations of the an type, indicating the proximity of the literary record to the an‖un isophone, which actually ran about 10—15 kilometres to the South-West of Vilnius;the presence of sporadic cases of the Dzūkai change of t, d into c, dz; its isophone ran to the East of Vilnius;the presence of pronoun forms of three types. 1) Nom. Sg. fern, tó (=present-day tà), 2) the same case form tój, 3) Nom. PI. masc. tíej, Instr. Sg. mase. túoj, fem. tj > tų́j (=present-day lite­rary tiẽ, tuõ, tà); the contact area of these forms is just the environs of Vilnius;the presence of the 3d pers. Present tense forms without the ending -i (mýl side by side withmýli);sporadic monophthongization of ai, ei into a, e in kaĩp, teĩp, šiaĩp;sporadic spelling ey for the diphthong ai, indicating the weakened („Eastern Lithuanian”) pronunciation of the first component of the diphthong, typical of the dialects to the North of Vilnius.There are also other numerous linguo-geographical factors, supporting the above-mentioned localization of literary Eastern Lithuanian. On the other hand, no data contradicting such a hypothesis have been found in the literary records.In the paper the rise of the literary language on the basis of the Vilnius koine is substantiated by historical arguments as well; resp. a complicated linguistic situation of the 14th— 16th centuries in the Great Dukedom of Lithuania is subjected to an analysis. The importance of the literary language under investigation for the entire Lithuanian linguistic culture is established.On the basis of the dialectological analysis of the written records of later centuries a conclu­sion is drawn that literary East Lithuanian ceased to exist early in the 18th century in connection with the increased Polonization of the Lithuanian town aristocracy.

It is often assumed that PIE ablaut, used as a sub-morpheme accompanying other morphemes, tends to recede over time in the history of the individual Indo-European languages. On the other hand, it has been argued by some scholars that ablaut is often productive enough to expand over categories that did not have it originally. Both positions were advocated in the literature, the former by Mańczak (1958), the latter by Kuryłowicz (1947). In this paper, dedicated to Prof. Wojciech Smoczyński, this debate is discussed and illustrated by Baltic examples

“Van Wijk’s law” is currently defined by its advocates as a lengthening of short or shortened medial and final vowels due to an assimilation of the postconsonantal *j to them. In the present paper I am trying to demonstrate that this assumption is at variance with the relative chronology of Slavic, according to which the loss of yod after liquids and nasals must be dated before the rise of new timbre distinctions and before the shortening of final long vowels.

This paper shows the results of the research of the dialect of Preševo, a small town in the south of Serbia. Since social and urban dialectology and socio-linguistic methods of research in Serbian linguistics are new, a theoretical consideration is given first. Then the methods used in processing the material from the dialect of Preševo are explained. The implication scales and diagram which show the level of representation of dialectological features in relation to the standard features are shown too. The conclusion is that the dialect in this city has the features of the standard Serbian language and it is exactly how it is distinguished from the dialect of the villages.

This paper discusses morphological adaptation of borrowed adjectives in modern Lithuanian. Five types of adaptation are identified: zero adaptation, assignment to inflection class (IC), addition of the derivational suffix, substitution of the derivational suffix, and truncation of the derivational suffix. It is shown that the selection of ICs for borrowings is determined by the register (standard vs. non-standard) and the source language (English vs. non-English), while the choice of adaptational suffixes is determined by their derivational productivity and semantic interpretation of the use of the borrowing.

Slovak is not generally thought of as a rich and informative source for the reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic accentual system. In addition to the well-known fact that Slovak, unlike Czech, exhibits no traces of the Proto-Slavic acute, this view is also due to at least two peculiarities of its development: 1. quantity is often neutralised by many later phonological processes, such as the Rhythmic Law and the shortening of front diphthongs after j; 2. Slovak is more prone to analogical levelling and generalisation than any other West Slavic language, affecting, among other things, the development of quantity, whether through the generalisation of length in a particular grammatical category (such as in the genitive plural) or through analogical intrusion of quantitative patterns in derivation. Nevertheless, Slovak does offer some valuable data for the reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic accentual system, such as consistent length in the nominative singular of short root vowel nouns belonging to the b accentual paradigm (bôb, kôl, stôl...). Still more valuable data is contained in the rich Slovak dialectal material, which is neither sufficiently well-known nor sufficiently accessible to international scholarship. This paper offers guidelines for researching quantity in the Slovak dialectal material, as well as shows how the Slovak dialectal material can contribute to the reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic accentual system.

This paper addresses the relationship of the Lith. nom. pl. endings ‑ai (‑aĩ) and ‑i, ‑ie (‑ì, ‑ìe) to each other and to their common source, the PIE pronominal nom. pl. in *‑oi. It is argued that the Proto-BSl. preform was *‑ai, with acuteness analogically taken from the corresponding nominal ending *‑ōs. Proto-BSl. *‑ai, which developed regularly to ‑i in Slavic and to ‑ai in Old Prussian, had two reflexes in Lithuanian. The phonologically regular treatment is seen in the pronominal and adjectival ending ‑i(e), which developed from *‑ai to *‑ẹ̄ via the presumed intermediate stage *‑ɛi. The nominal ending ‑ai is a morphological treatment of the same sequence, with a) *‑ɛi remade to *‑ai under the influence of paradigmatically related forms in *‑a‑, and b) acuteness subsequently lost in a final syllable. The second step runs counter to standard opinion, which holds that underlying acute diphthongs in final syllables trigger Saussure’s Law and retain their acuteness in Žemaitian, as in the ā‑present forms 1 sg. sakaũ, 2 sg. sakaĩ (Žem. sakâu, sakā̂). It is maintained here, however, that the verbal endings that appear as ‑aũ and ‑aĩ in standard Lithuanian are not historically diphthongs at all, but contracted sequences that arose after the “de-acuting” of the inherited nom. pl. in *‑ai to ‑ai and before Saussure’s Law. A byproduct of this explanation is that other descriptively non-acute diphthongs in final syllables, notably the dat. sg. in ‑ui (*‑ōi) and the instr. pl. in ‑ais (*‑ōis), can also be assumed to have been originally acute, as their etymologies require.

Straipsnyje analizuojama lietuvių kalbos dūrinių su neoklasikiniais dėmenimis struktūra ir jų integracija į lietuvių kalbos žodžių darybos sistemą. Taip pat aptariamas morfologinis neoklasikinių dėmenų statusas. Tyrimas atskleidžia, kad dūriniai su pirmuoju neoklasikiniu ir antruoju indigeniu dėmeniu arba pirmuoju indigeniu ir antruoju neoklasikiniu dėmeniu, išskyrus hibridinius dūrinius su pirmuoju sietiniu kamienu, darybos požiūriu nesiskiria nuo savakilmių dūrinių. Hibridiniai dūriniai, kurių pirmasis dėmuo yra sietinis, pasižymi silpna integracija į lietuvių kalbos sistemą. Pagal sandų tarpusavio santykį dauguma tiriamųjų kaip ir savakilmių dūrinių yra determinatyviniai, o kopuliatyvinių pasitaiko tik vienas kitas. The article focuses on the structure of Lithuanian compounds with neoclassical constituents and their integration into the native word formation system. The paper also discusses the morphological status of the constituent parts of neoclassical compounds. Two types of hybrid neoclassical formations can be singled out in Lithuanian from the point of view of their morphonological accommodation and integration into the word formation system: (1) compounds with the first indigenous or neoclassical stem or the first neoclassical and second indigenous stem and (2) compounds with the first bound stem. The patterns of neoclassical hybrid compounds that belong to the first type conform to the patterns of native compounds in the recipient language (cf. betòn-maiš-ė ‘concrete-mixer’ and pùs-metal-is see, examples 2a-6a), meanwhile neoclassical hybrid formations that belong to the second type show, as a rule, no morphonological accommodation and weak integration into the Lithuanian word formation system. In the morphological system such words function as if no neoclassical stem existed (cf. hidro-elektrìn-ė ‘hydrostation’ and elektrìn-ė ‘power-station’). However, in native word formation system, a new tendency to accommodate and integrate words with the first neoclassical bound stem can be observed (cf. turb-ó-grąžt-is ‘drill’ and turbo- ‘turbo’, grą̃žtas ‘drill’).The majority of analysed Lithuanian compounds with neoclassical constituents as compounds in general are determinative, namely they are characterized by a subordinate relation in which the first constituent modifies the second one which functions morphosyntactically and semantically as the head of the construction (e.g. pùs-metal-is ‘semi-metal’). Moreover, there are also some copulative compounds that encompass a coordinative relation between the native and indigenous constituent (e.g. atòm-laiv-is ‘tanker’).

In the present article, a comparative study of the spectral characteristics and distinctive qualitative features of monophthongs of the contemporary Baltic Standard languages pronounced in isolation is described. On the one hand vowels pronounced in isolation do not represent a pronunciation in everyday speech, while on the other hand their production is probably the closest to the acoustic and auditory monophthong targets determined by our mental prototypes. This type of production represents natural hyper-articulation and differs from production of the cardinal vowels.Lithuanian and Latvian monophthongs have been studied and compared using the same methods and equipment that permit a reliable comparison of phonetic inventories (quality similarities and differences) of both languages.For this paper recordings of six native Lithuanian and six native Latvian male informants (having faultless articulation) were used (1944 items were selected and analyzed in total). All informants are speakers of standard language. In this study the standard language is considered as a standardized language (generally the most formal version of the language) used for the needs of public life and culture.Reviewing interrelations between vowels of a single language (Lithuanian or Latvian), the mean data acquired in this study is compared with the data of some previous studies. To compare the general tendencies of the relations between Lithuanian and corresponding Latvian long and short monophthongs pronounced in isolation more precisely, the following acoustic parameters (numeric values) were calculated: acuteness (graveness), flatness, compactness, and tenseness.The results of the present study confirm the general tendency that qualitative characteristics of the Lithuanian long and corresponding short vowels differ to a great extent. However the quality of Latvian monophthongs produced in isolation varies very little and statistical analysis of the spectral characteristics shows contradictory results. A comparison of spectral characteristics and registered acoustic parameters (their calculated mean values) proves that the long and especially corresponding short Lithuanian and Latvian vowels vary, though in general vowel interrelations in both language systems are similar; also the mean data acquired in this study for Lithuanian and Latvian speakers show similar tendencies which in general correspond to those acquired in other studies, and vowel classifications follow the same pattern.

In the present article, a comparative study of the spectral characteristics and distinctive qualitative features of monophthongs of the contemporary Baltic Standard languages pronounced in isolation is described. On the one hand vowels pronounced in isolation do not represent a pronunciation in everyday speech, while on the other hand their production is probably the closest to the acoustic and auditory monophthong targets determined by our mental prototypes. This type of production represents natural hyper-articulation and differs from production of the cardinal vowels. Lithuanian and Latvian monophthongs have been studied and compared using the same methods and equipment that permit a reliable comparison of phonetic inventories (quality similarities and differences) of both languages. For this paper recordings of six native Lithuanian and six native Latvian male informants (having faultless articulation) were used (1944 items were selected and analyzed in total). All informants are speakers of standard language. In this study the standard language is considered as a standardized language (generally the most formal version of the language) used for the needs of public life and culture. Reviewing interrelations between vowels of a single language (Lithuanian or Latvian), the mean data acquired in this study is compared with the data of some previous studies. To compare the general tendencies of the relations between Lithuanian and corresponding Latvian long and short monophthongs pronounced in isolation more precisely, the following acoustic parameters (numeric values) were calculated: acuteness (graveness), flatness, compactness, and tenseness. The results of the present study confirm the general tendency that qualitative characteristics of the Lithuanian long and corresponding short vowels differ to a great extent. However the quality of Latvian monophthongs produced in isolation varies very little and statistical analysis of the spectral characteristics shows contradictory results. A comparison of spectral characteristics and registered acoustic parameters (their calculated mean values) proves that the long and especially corresponding short Lithuanian and Latvian vowels vary, though in general vowel interrelations in both language systems are similar; also the mean data acquired in this study for Lithuanian and Latvian speakers show similar tendencies which in general correspond to those acquired in other studies, and vowel classifications follow the same pattern.

In the Low Lithuanian dialects reflexive half-participles and verbal nouns are indeclinable and display a unique ending -damos, resp. -imos. The aim of this paper is to explain the invariability of these forms, which represents a striking feature of Low Lithuanian. It is proposed that invariability in the verbal nouns in -imos derives from their neuter origin, whereas in the half-participles in -damos it results from complex processes of phonological merging. In both cases, the preservation of invariability is due to the overall difficulty of building reflexive nominal forms of the verbs.

In Baltistica 46(1), Miguel Villanueva Svensson presents a defence of the so-called “traditional” view on the development of long vowels in Balto-Slavic, in opposition to the views of the “Leiden school” (see Frederik Kortlandt’s Long vowels in Balto-Slavic, Baltistica 21(2)). In Baltistica 47(2), Tijmen Pronk replies to Villanueva Svensson’s points.In this paper, the author would like to take some of the items discussed by Villanueva Svensson and Pronk and hold them against his own interpretation of the facts, which differs both from the Leiden and the “traditional” views.The following items are discussed:- Nom sg. of nouns ending in a resonant- Lithuanian -ė- Nouns with long root vowel: root nouns?- Nouns with long root vowel: vowel stems- Nouns with an acute diphthong- Pronominals- The Slavic (sigmatic) aorist- The Baltic ē-preterit- The Baltic future- Narten presents- ieškóti- Intensives /iteratives- je-presents

Postpositioned particle jaũ, serving in Old Lithuanian as a focus marker, may have also followed question words. Paper presents the origin of the OLith. interrogative particle biau as a shortened form of be-jau (LKŽ 1, 735), cf. a similar process in Lith. niaũ-gi ‘really?’ < ne-jaũ-gi ‘really?’.

SYNTACTIC VARIANTS OF WISHES IN SPOKEN COMMUNICATIONSummaryTo this day the structural formation of wishes in Latvian has been described in the chapter “Optative Sentences” of books on Latvian syntax in which examples were mainly taken from written texts. The present paper focuses on the analysis of spoken utterances from everyday speech as well as from telephone conversations recorded from audiovisual mass media on different social occasions.Special attention is paid to the fact that a typical wish with a noun in the accusative case in its centre coexists with its syntactic variant in which the addressee in the dative case is added. At first sight, it seems to be a case of syntactic interference. But if one compares the mentioned syntactic variants to verbal utterances with a completely implemented structural model of the simple sentence, they should be regarded as utterances with the syntactical zero form of the predicate.The author ends the article with the analysis of structural formation of wishes with the particle lai. According to the author, the existence of the syntactic zero form testifies to the possibility of treating these utterances as a partly implemented structural model of the simple sentence. The present research encourages a discussion about the classification of optative sentences according to their morphological type.

DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH-LATVIAN STATISTICAL MACHINE TRANSLATION SYSTEM: METHODS, RESOURCES AND FIRST RESULTSSummaryThis paper presents research and development of English-Latvian Statistical Machine Translation (SMT) prototypes for legal domain. Several methods have been investigated, i.e., phrase-based models and factored models. Translation quality has been evaluated using automated metrics (BLEU score) and human evaluation. In automatic evaluation the best score (46.44 BLEU points) was assigned to factored model trained on JRC Ac­quis corpus (version 3.0) which was also evaluated as the best from the human viewpoint. In addition, error analysis of SMT output was performed. This analysis showed that al­though the output of the best prototype demonstrated a reasonable quality, it had several frequent common errors, i.e., incorrect form, missing words and wrong word order. For the future, work on tree-based SMT and hybrid systems is proposed.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATEGORY OF DUAL NUMBER IN LITHUANIAN NOUNS AND PRONOUNSSummaryThis paper attempts to prove the existence of a single-word dual number in Proto-Lithuanian (as well as in Proto-Baltic).The change of the single-word dual into a two-word dual was determined by the causes of the internal development: several forms of the single-word dual coincided with the singular forms. This process became more prominent, especially after Leskien’s law. With the emergence of a two-word dual, the single-word dual of nouns denoting „a pair of something” was the first to dis­appear: it was replaced by the plural form, because, due to the rules of selective restriction, the singular dual of nouns denoting „a pair of something“ could not build word groups with the nu­merical forms du, dvi ‘two’.The dual of nouns denothing „not a pair of something“ started to be replaced by the plural (i.e. the unmarked member) in those cases when it was no longer in the focus, i.e. when it had the feature -Fm (not first mention).However, the disappearance of the dual in Lithuanian had begun long before the introduc­tion of the written language, and in the dialects this process is not yet over.

ON SYSTEMATIC CHARACTER OF THE SEMANTIC STRUCTURE OF LITHUANIAN ZOOMORPHISMSSummaryIn the paper an attempt has been made to establish three types of systematic relations, namely, hierarchical, associative and associative-hierarchical, in the semantic structure of Lithuanian zoomorphisms, or animal terms in figurative use.The above relations exist in the meanings of one and the same zoomorphism as well as among all the zoomorphisms in question. They can be determined by the components of the semantic struc­ture under discussion, i. e. by the content plane and the forms of realization of the content plane in speech.

RELATIVE MOOD AND MODALITY IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES WITH laiSummaryThe main discussion in this paper will be devoted to the interrelation between evidential and deontic modality in Latvian expressed by the relative mood in subordinate clauses with conjunction lai ‘to’ (e. g., Viņš teica, lai es nākot šurp ‘He told me to come here’). The language material is taken from the Corpus of Latvian (www.korpuss.lv) and other sources (mass media texts, www.google.lv, etc.).Since Latvian belongs to the languages which have developed a special grammatical paradigm for evidentiality, the most important means of evidentiality in Latvian is relative mood. This mood in Latvian is closely linked to a certain structure of utterance – usually (but not always) a complex sentence with verbum dicendi in the first part and predicate in relative mood in the second part.However, the usage of relative mood in subordinate clauses with conjunction lai points to modal polyfunctionality – coexistence of deontic and evidential meanings simultaneously. This duality of modal meanings is reflected in the Latvian grammar books in different ways. One trend developed by the Grammar of Modern Standard Latvian (1959) postulates a special imperative variety of relative mood; another trend fosters the idea about the modal polyfunctionality of relative mood.

ON THE RETRACTED SYLLABLE ACCENT IN THE NORTH-ŽEMAITIAN DIALECT OF KRETINGASummaryThere are different opinions about the retracted syllable accent in the Lithuanian dialects. The purpose of this paper is to describe the prosodic features of the retracted syllable accent in the North-Žemaitian dialect of Kretinga in more detail. It is important because of the following two main reasons: the area of the retracted syllable accent tends to be described as being much smaller in traditional Lithuanian dialectology; and the tendency of the retracted syllable accent to be levelled in the present dialect of the North-Žemaitian dialect of Kretinga. The research was carried out with the help of a computer-based programme PRAAT 4.0.45, and the results were evaluated statistically.The results of the investigation show that retracted syllable accents obviously differ not only in the area of Mosėdis-Salantai but also quite far from those areas, viz. in fact in all the areas of the North-Žemaitian dialect of Kretinga. The research demonstrates that the acute and circumflex retracted syllable accents in the North-Žemaitian dialect of Kretinga differ mainly in fundamental frequency and intensity.

ETYMOLOGICAL PARALLELS IN BALTIC, SLAVIC AND TOCHARIAN IN “NAMES OF ANIMALS AND THEIR BODY PARTS"SummaryIn this paper words which in Tocharian name animals and their body parts are analyzed. The­re are 13 words, which have etymological parallels in Baltic, Slavic and other Indo-European lan­guages. Five words (from 13) which name domestic animals (Toch. A yuk, В yakwe, Lith. ašva; Toch. AB ku “bitch, dog”, Lith. šuo; toch. A ko, B ki, kew “cow”, Latv. guovs “ox”; Toch. A kayurs, B kaurse “bull”, Lith. veršis “calf”, Toch. В suwo “sow”, Latv. suvens “pig”) have retained many of the most archaic features of the Indo-European vocabulary. The remaining eight words, which name birds, beasts, fish and insects, frequently are derivatives from Indo-European verbal or adjectivel roots.

MORPHOLOGICAL INTEGRATION OF SLAVISMS IN Postilla BY MIKALOJUS DAUKŠASummaryThis paper deals with the morphological integration of Slavisms into the Lithuanian language. An attempt was made to determine in what cases and due to what reasons Slavic loanwords integrated into a certain type of declension system. It also discusses the problem of gender nonconformity (Slavic languages have three genders: masculine, feminine and neuter, while the Lithuanian language has two). For example, the research of Slavisms in Daukša’s Postilla indicated that if in Slavic languages the stem was soft then a Slavism would not integrate into o, a, u stems in the Lithuanian language. The present research shows that it is important to pay attention not to the added and rejected endings (cf. Valeckienė 1967; Laučiūtė 2007), but to concurrence or non-concurrence of declension types.

ACCENTUATION PECULIARITIES OF PERIPHERAL SUBDIALECTS OF EAST HIGHLANDERS OF THE VILNIUS DIALECTSummaryThe paper sets out to overview the accentuation features of the Svirkos subdialect (Adutiškis parish, district of Švenčionys) located in the area of frequent Lithuanian-Slavic contacts. The features include the relics of oxytone and barytone accentuation, columnal accentuation, the double-peaked and secondary stress types.The accentuation system of the Svirkos subdialect has been found to be rather close to other peripheral subdialects of the Vilnius dialect (Gervėčiai, Dieveniškės etc.). The parameters that help identify the closeness of the subdialects are as follows: 1) well-preserved barytone and oxytone accentuation patterns; 2) the impact of Slavic languages on prosody (violations of the Saussure-Fortunatov law, the stress placement is not related to the tone of the word, columnal accentuation). The author suggests that the double-peaked stress and the secondary phonological stress in northern dialects are stronger (in the area of the Utena dialect), whereas in southern dialects (southern highlanders) weaker than in peripheral subdialects of the Vilnius dialect. Secondary non-phonological stresses, though optional, perform important functions: contribute to the rhythmic arrangement of the phrase (rhythmic stress), make up for the loss of ending or help preserve the full ending (morphemic stress). The accentuation systems of Vilnius dialect idioms are less different than their vocalisms.

ON THE INTERACTION OF PERFECT AND ASPECT IN LITHUANIANSummaryThis paper is concerned with the range of meanings of perfect forms determined by the aspect­ual (perfective and imperfective) value of the verb and with the relation of the meanings of perfect forms to the meanings of aspects in Lithuanian. Perfect forms „būti ‘be’ + past participle active” can render the perfect meaning proper of a previous situation with continuing relevance and the resultative meaning of a state of the deep subject resulting from a previous situation. Aspect is the major factor determining the perfect or resultative use of perfect forms. The resultative mean­ing can be rendered by the perfect form of perfective verbs exclusively, the perfect meaning being rendered by the said form of verbs of either aspect. In the perfect use, a verb retains its aspectual value. In the resultative use a verb changes its perfective value to imperfective and therefore it can function as a substitute for a missing imperfective verb in an aspect opposition.The invariant perfect meaning has a number of variants largely determined by the aspectual value of the base verb.

ACCENTUATION OF LITHUANIAN COMPOUND MALE NAMES: THE ACUTE OF THE FIRST COMPONENT SummaryIn this paper, the main etymologies of the first components of Lithuanian compound male names are reviewed and the accentuation of these compounds is compared with the accentual properties of their base words, the modern surnames, and respective place names.The acute of the first stressed component of Lithuanian compound male names is most often inherited from the corresponding common nouns, verbs, prepositions, etc. The acute diphthongs of the types aR, eR, iR, and uR usually correspond to the heterosyllabic sounds in stressed roots of non-proper words. The acute of the first component is almost always confirmed by the accentuation of compound surnames or the place names of anthroponomical origin.

IMPERSONAL VERBS PROPER AND IMPERSONALLY USED PERSONAL VERBS IN MODERN LITHUANIANSummaryThe aim of the paper is to investigate the grammatical and semantical properties of impersonal verbs, to discuss the relations between impersonal verbs proper, impersonally used personal verbs and impersonal reflexive verbs.From the morphological point of view impersonal verbs proper distinguish themselves by the fact that they are not conjugated for person and number and occur only in the 3rd person singular form. Impersonal verbs proper are characterized by certain syntactic peculiarities: their infinitives can never be used as subjects or objects in a sentence. On the semantic plane these verbs denote an agentless state or process, never an action.The relations between impersonal verbs proper and impersonally used personal verbs are treated in terms of the notion of polylexeme.Impersonal reflexive verbs constitute a specific class of verbs different both from impersonal verbs proper and impersonally used personal verbs.

REFLEXIVES IN OLD PRUSSIANSummaryThis paper deals with the derivational history of Old Prussian reflexives and their syntactic and semantic properties. The reflexives fall into three semantic classes: reflexives proper, self-move and dative reflexives.

ONCE MORE ABOUT ORIGIN OF THE NAME KárvaičiaiSummaryIn the present paper the origin of the old village name Kárvaičai in Kuršių nerija (Kurische Nehrung) is discussed. It might has been based on the Baltic colour term *karvas (cf. Lith. karvus ‘bald’, Latv. karva ‘black soil; peat’), which, on one hand, is supposed to be the variant of Lith. šárvas, šìrvas/šir̃vas ‘gray’ (by postulating an interchange of consonants *k : *k’), on the other hand, it can be compared with Lith. kéršas ‘piebald, dapple’, OPruss. kirsnan (swarcz) E 460, Slav. *čьrnъ, OInd. kr̥ṣṇá- ‘black’, and side by side with Lith. karvẽlis ‘pigeon’ (it was already widespread in the 16th century) belonged to the derivational category of nomina attributiva, and had the primary meaning ‘which is bald, gray’, cf. also Lithuanian hydronyms Kar̃vė, Kar̃vis, Karvỹs, Karvedà (a part of them covers the territory inhabited by the Curronians).

LITHUANIAN NICKNAMES REFERRED TO A PERSON’S KINSHIPSummaryIn this paper a synchronical approach of the modern Lithuanian nicknames referred to a per­son’s kinship or dependence on the particular family is given. There exist about 18.4% of such nick­names.Most of them (93%) are patronymic names. They have a status of nicknames since they are unofficial names and point to a man’s kinship, whereas the other nicknames point to other features. Moreover, they entirely displace a person’s real name and become the only name by which he is known. The patronymic names as nicknames dominate in Dzūkija (Southern Lithuania) and Aukštaitija (Eastern Lithuania). From the structural point of view they are of four different kinds: (a) derivatives (68.8%), e. g. Adomiõkas (: Adomas), Kãsčius (:Kastas, Konstantinas); (b) primary words, i. e. unchanged fathers’ names (24.1%); (c) composites (6.8%): Jõno Pẽtras (Peter of John); (d) compound words (0.6%): Jùrgpetris (Georgepeter, i. e. Peter of George).More frequently the derivatives are produced by suffixation. The suffixes -(‘)ukas and -(‘)okas are used very often. The suffix-(‘)ukas is widespread throughout Lithuania, the -(‘)okas dominates in Aukštaitija. Other suffixes (-ėnas, -elis / -ėlis, -ynas, -utis,-(’) ulis, -iškis, -aitis) are met rather rarely. We have registered 87 suffixes of sons’ nicknames, only 11 suffixes of these, however, are used for the composing of nicknames which number more than 1%.A small part of the nicknames is related with marriage. If one is married into a farm to a daugh­ter or a widow, he receives the nickname pointed to this status. 70% of such nicknames coincide with the wife’s or father-in-law’s name, i. e. with the name of the farm’s master. Wives always have names derived from their husbands’ names, also in the case of a husband married into a farm.

ANALYSIS OF LATVIAN VERBS AS A SEMANTIC SYSTEMSummaryThe present paper suggests the way of describing the meanings of Latvian verbs as a semantic system. Separate meanings as concrete expressions of processual indication are stated in the first step of study. The second step deals with the interrelations of meanings. Three basic points should be clarified here: the dependence of meaning upon the mode of cognition of reality; the relation of meaning to the time axis; the meaning and the identification of situation. The verb meaning tota­lity as the expression of the qualities of the united wholeness is discussed in the third step.The author considers that such analysis gives the possibility of describing the lexical nļeanings of verbs as a semantic system of stating the logico- semantic types of verbal sentences and of con­structing studies of the verb semantic systems.Making use of the notions of judgement and proposition, nine types of verbal sentences are obtained: the qualification of the subject with the one-place proposition; the qualification of the subject with the two-place proposition; the classification of the subject with the one-place proposi­tion; the classification of the subject with the two-place proposition; the existence of the subject as a zero-place proposition; the existence of the subject as a one-place proposition; the relation of the subject in a way of a two-place proposition; the relation of the subject in a way of a three-place proposition; the relation of the subject in a way of a four-place proposition.

SOME ASPECTS OF THE INDO-EUROPEAN GUTTURALS’ RECONSTRUCTIONSummaryThe article concerns the problem of Indo-European gutturals and maintains the hypothesis of one guttural series. It insists on the existence of the correspondence between labio-velars in centum languages and sibilants in satem languages, though an opposite opinion has persisted for about a century. The correspondence was not discovered because: (1) the reconstruction of the gut­turals was based primarily on the literary languages, (2) main attention was paid to phonetics. The proper solution of the problem calls for the use of the dialectal data with due regard for sem­antics. The former (Russian dialects) and the latter are explored in the paper. Some new etymolo­gies are presented.

THE RELATION BETWEEN THE SUFFIXES OF DENOMINAL VERBS AND THE INFLECTION CLASSES OF THEIR BASE NOUNS IN MODERN LITHUANIANSummaryIt is well known that Lithuanian verbal suffixes -ėti, -y-ti, -o-ti, and -uo-ti are historically related to nominal stems ē, ī, ā, and o respectively. At an earlier stage, the suffix *-éó was added to nominal stems and this addition simply transferred them to the class of verbs without any predictable derivational meaning (cf. Meillet 1937, 219). Later on, the former theme vowels were reanalyzed as verbal (neo-)suffixes, but the relation to certain nominal stems (= inflection classes) still remained to some extent (Skardžius 1943, 488, 493, 504, 509, 521, 534f.; Stang 1966, 360, 364, 366), cf. historically regular seil--ti ‘slobber, slaver’ (← séilės ‘saliva’), vag-óti ‘furrow’ (← vagà ‘furrow’), ak-ýti ‘get holes, become porous’ (← aks ‘eye’), žaibúoti ‘flash (of lightning)’ (← žabas ‘lightning’) alongside (historically) nonregular kand--ti ‘be destroyed by moths’ (← kánds ‘moth’), seili-óti ‘slaver’ (← séilės ‘saliva’), dm-y-ti ‘emit smoke’ (← dmai ‘smoke’), etc.In this paper, all synchronically derivationally transparent denominal verbs with -ėti, -y-ti, -o-ti, and -uo-ti found in the dictionary of Modern Lithuanian (DŽ6e) were analyzed and qualified in respect of the relation between the suffix and its historically correlated nominal stem.It is clear that in Modern Lithuanian the distinction can be made between the suffixes with (а) weak (-ėti, -y-ti) and (b) strong (-(i)o-ti, -(i)uo-ti) relation to the corresponding noun inflection classes -ė, -i-, -(i)o-, and -(i)a-. In the case of group (a), the nouns of historically predictable inflection classes constitute ca. 20–30% of the bases, while in the case of group (b), these classes take up ca. 70% (cf. Tables 1–4).The denominal formations in -ėti (especially the ones which are not based on inflection class ė) have an easily predictable inchoative meaning, but this has to be an extension of use of inchoative deadjectival -ėti (< *-eh1-) rather than “semantization” of nominal thematic suffix -ė. In the case of other suffixes, some meanings such as factitive are quite frequent, but they cannot be qualified as specialized and predictable.

BUILDING OF THE CORPUS OF ACADEMIC LITHUANIANSummaryThe paper sets out to describe the initial stages of the design of the corpus of academic Lithuanian. Due to the increasing interest and numerous corpora-based studies in academic discourse (especially of academic English) all over the world, there is an obvious need to provide easily accessible electronic resources of academic Lithuanian to facilitate modern linguistic research, interdisciplinary studies, lexicographical practice, and terminology studies in theory and practice. The Corpus of Academic Lithuanian (CorALit) is being compiled at the University of Vilnius (Faculty of Philology and Faculty of Mathematics and Informatics). The building of the corpus is being carried out within the framework of the 2007—2013 national high-tech development programme launched by the Government of Lithuania and supervised by the Lithuanian State Science and Study Foundation (http://www.vmsfondas.lt/index.php?lang=en). The main issue in the process of corpus design is representativeness which is determined by the following factors: the number of research and study fields represented, the range of genres included (i.e. balance) and the way text chunks for each genre are selected (i.e. sampling).The Corpus of Academic Lithuanian aims at representing the main fields of study and research developed in Lithuania and listed in Order No.30 of the Minister of Education and Science of 9 January 1998 “Concerning the Classification of Study and Research Areas, Fields and Branches” as well as the most typical genres that academic community uses for the creation, dissemination and evaluation of new knowledge and internal communication. Since at present there is no reliable scientific measure for corpus balance, the project team will have to rely on intuition and best estimates based on the experience of academic language corpora already compiled in other countries (the UK, USA, etc.). The compilation of the corpus also involves negotiations, sometimes rather time-consuming, with publishers and authors for copyright. Last but not least, technical aspects of corpus design are touched upon. The main purpose of corpus compilation is to make it easily accessible for large numbers of users, and this means changing the format of computer files and text coding in accordance with TEI P5 Guidelines. TEI P5 format will allow users to access the first synchronic corpus of written academic Lithuanian as a major resource of authentic language data via a simple internet search.

THE WAYS OF EXPRESSING NEGATION IN BALTIC AND SLAVIC LANGUAGESSummaryThe paper is concerned with negation as the universality of language. The content of the given category is determined, and the two ways of its expression in the Russian and Lithuanian languages are observed: the expression of negation by using formal means and negation having no formal expression. The set of means for expressing negation has been worked out and the classification of hese means is provided.

SECONDARY STRESS IN THE SOUTHERN AUKŠTAITISHDIALECT OF LITHUANIANSummaryThis paper sums up the empirical observations of the rhythmic, distinctive and non-distinctive secondary stresses in Southern Aukštaitish. The analysis has revealed the prevalence of the rhythmic stress and a mere optional use of the two other stresses. The occurrence and place of the stresses are conditioned by various factors: the syllabic structure of a word, the manner of speech (its tempo), the character of intonation, etc. The proof of the existence of the distinctive morpheme stress is based on the use of instrumental and auditory methods.