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The Russian invasion of Ukraine that began in February 2022 has created a sense of urgency across Europe and thus pushed forward significant changes and readjustments of foreign, security, and defense policies. These major shifts have been referred to as Zeitenwende by the German chancellor Olaf Scholz, the turning point not only for Germany but for the whole European security architecture. Western Balkans is increasingly stated as an area of strategic importance for the European (Euro-Atlantic) security community, whereby it is the geopolitical interest of the both the EU and NATO to have the Western Balkans integrated. This is one of the regions where the interests of the West and Russian Federation collide - this factor adds to the already complex security dynamics resulting from domestic, bilateral, and regional issues that affect regional security and stability. Hence, one characteristic of the regional political and security dynamics is the long-term presence of external actors. This paper explores the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the Western Balkans' political and security dynamics from the perspective of Regional Security Complex Theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the approaches of Eurosceptic parties in the European Parliament and the Western Balkans on the EU enlargement policy, studies the level of their influence on decision-making in the European Parliament and the candidate states, and analyzes public opinion and attitudes towards the EU enlargement in the member states and the Western Balkan states. It is argued that party-based Euroscepticism does not have a significant impact on the enlargement policy due to the lack of attention to this area of EU activity of most Eurosceptic parties in the member states and the indecisive influence of such parties on political processes in the candidate states. At the same time, public Euroscepticism on the issue of further enlargement, which tends to increase in both the member states and most of the candidate states in the Western Balkans, can be a restrictive or a limiting factor in the accession of the Western Balkan states to the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition policy in the Western Balkan countries has recently gained in significance, in parallel with the acceleration of their EU accession process. Competition policy played a central role in the development of the EU, its institutions and in particular the EU internal market. Competition legislation aims to prevent distortions of competition that harm the economy and, at the same time, to assure freedom of choice of economic agents. A competition policy adopted by the government should include both: economic policies that enhance competition in local and national markets, and competition law designed to stop anticompetitive business practices. The goal of this paper is to analyse the recent developments in the area of competition policies in Western Balkan countries i.e. Albania, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo. In the Western Balkan countries, the progress in this policy area has been generally slower than in other areas of government. This can be explained partly by the complex environment in which competition policies and regulators are set up in any country. However, there could be also some other features at play, which are characteristic of the transition countries. In addition, in the last 20 years there were great efforts by the national governments to fully adhere with the EU competition policy principles and regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to assess whether the term "Balkanism", coined by Maria Todorova, is still actual in its definition. To fulfil such objective, the term Balkanism will be analysed in its meaning whilst its growing relevance will be assessed through the analysis of several articles that appeared in Italian newspapers. In the recent literature about Balkanism, very little effort is taken to understand whether the term exists in newspapers' narrative, especially in Italy. Indeed, the country, bordering on the Balkan peninsula, always reserved a special consideration about the region, even if the post-war influence over the Balkans has been monopolized by other countries such as Germany. To fill the gap in the literature, it is therefore important to analyse the narrative of the most important national newspapers and, going over the articles in the period 2013-2017, we can assure how "Balkanism" is actual in its definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With increased immigration, Islam has become a considerable element affecting the relatively homogeneous religious structure of Europe. However, for the Balkan region, instead of immigration flows, historical legacy possessed an important role with respect to Islamic characteristic. With the rise of the Ottoman Empire, Islam spread to the Balkans with significant Alevi-Bektashi characteristics due to the important role of Janissaries who were associated with the Dervish Lodge of Haji Bektash Veli in Ottoman political and military structures. Therefore, it would not be wrong to claim that Alevi-Bektashi belief had pivotal role in the composition of the religious heritage of Islam in the Balkans; although, it is generally linked with Anatolian region. Today, this belief is being protected as one of the contributors to the historical legacy of religious diversity with functioning dervish lodges and shrines, or gatherings around ruins. This paper will examine the history and the role of Alevi- Bektashi belief within Islamic faith in and its reflections to Muslim societies of the Balkans in order to understand the contribution of this syncretic belief to religious diversity in Europe as a historical legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The basic demographic characteristics of one society are tightly related to the youth's potential as the core for any future social development. The prospects in Balkan countries are jeopardized by low fertility and continued migration which intensified in the last decades. Migration in the past was generated by wars, political instability, and a lack of economic prospects. Today, a vast part of the region is integrated into the EU, and the rest is with clear aspirations to integrate in the near future. However, some open questions as dysfunctional political systems, corruption, not having a rule of law, and economic instability are some of the main reasons for future migration. A significant factor of migration is related to the possibility of continuation of education from high school to university level. This article is focused on the general motivation for migration in the Balkan countries, with a focus on Macedonian society. Two surveys are presented as an empirical basis for further analyses. The results reflect the general situation in the eastern and central regions of the Republic of N. Macedonia. Longitudinal aspects are included, comparing the data generated in 2014, 2018, 2022, and 2023. Additionally, the official statistics confirm the thesis and create a broader picture of the correlative relations between educational motivation and migration trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the necessity to take into account the strategic importance of the Balkan region for the EU. The relations between the states in the region are entangled, with political, ethnic, religious animosities and security risks. The most important if not the only tool for the social and economic progress of these states and for improving the stability and security of the region and Europe as a whole is the step by step integration of all states of the region into the EU. Unfortunately, the road of Western Balkans (WB6) countries towards European integration and values has proven to be more burdensome and lengthy than many had hoped a few years ago. On the 6th of February 2018, the European Commission (finally) presented a new strategy towards the WB6 in which it resumed among other things also the responsibility to develop six initiatives aimed at supporting the reforms in the WB6 countries (Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia). The Annex to this instrument contains a timetable for the announced actions, including the supervision of their realization. Almost all actions are supposed to be realized until 2019 at the end of the mandate of the present Commission. It is now of paramount importance that the new EU structure, which will be elected/appointed in 2019, develop new ideas and fresh operational policies towards WB6 in order to keep peace, stability and ensure the progress of the WB6 countries and the region as a whole. The author puts forward in the article some considerations that could be of use in further structuring and especially in implementing the new EU strategy towards WB6. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Could Islamized Balkans be a threat for European Union security? The foreign fighters phenomenon exists in Western Balkans countries but it is overestimated. The population in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Albania is majority Sunni Muslim, and in former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 33% of Macedonian are Muslims. Balkans Islamism is westernized and not radical, because of Balkans history. The presence of Balkan foreign fighters in Syria and Iraq is not because of Sunni Islam (Salafi), but because of socio-economic condition of these countries. A low degree of development, high youth unemployment and low GDP per capita are responsible of the re- Islamization phenomenon and its radicalism. The European Union should cooperate with the Balkan States in order to fight this phenomenon and to prevent the future radicalization of the younger population. This work will analyse the Balkans Islam through the history and Samuel Huntington's theoretical analysis. The analysis of Samuel Huntington's Clash of Civilizations is necessary to understand how ethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and, also, in all Balkans are not guided by religious or ethnical difference, but from regional and international political projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]