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This research note discusses the 2009 Defence White Paper, particularly its focus on the potential threat the Chinese military might pose to the security of the Asia-Pacific in the foreseeable future. It also examines Chinese responses to the White Paper's main theses. It concludes that the White Paper marked a departure from the Howard government's policy of de-emphasising differences in Canberra's dialogue with Beijing and, by re-affirming commitment to the alliance with the United States (US), delineated the limits of Australia's partnership with China. However, its poorly substantiated predictions regarding the rise of China's power, the US economic and military decline and Beijing's geostrategic objectives raise doubts about the Rudd government's capacity to formulate a coherent vision for the future of Australia's relations with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collection of papers focuses on the domestic and international politics of Australia's recent engagement with Asia. The theme of Asian engagement appears to be of particular pertinence to the current study of Australian politics given numerous pronouncements that we are entering an 'Asian century' during which key Asian economies will gain greater ascendancy and certain Asian states will come to play a more prominent role in global politics. We employ the idea of 're-engagement' in order to show how engagement with Asia has been turned to again and again by Australian governments, albeit in different political and strategic contexts. This collection aims to consider the politics of re-engagement from a number of different theoretical positions, as well as from a number of different perspectives (be it international relations/foreign policy, domestic politics, identity politics, or from the perspective of bilateral Asian partners). Emphasis is placed not simply on the foreign policy prerogatives behind re-engagement but also on the implications of the 'Asian century' for domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to enter the current debate over the future of the South Australian Legislative Council by critiquing recent reform proposals and then outlining some modest suggestions for reform. The paper contends that a number of recent reform proposals are explicitly partisan and seek to enlarge the role of large parties and majority government. On the contrary others would ban political parties. The paper contends that whilst the Legislative Council exhibits many of the characteristics of an effective and useful upper house, reform of four areas would enable its review function to be improved. These areas include: the size of the Council; the term lengths of members; the method for resolving deadlocks; and the method for replacing retiring members. The paper then critically examines the proposal to ban political parties; and argues instead that instituting the Robson Rotation system would promote freedom of association and freedom of choice by voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two different bill of rights models for Australia: the Dialogue model and a Democratic model. The Dialogue model aims to protect rights through a bill of rights, strong political review mechanisms, intergovernmental dialogue, and rights-based judicial review. The paper argues that, despite its popularity, there are serious problems with the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Dialogue model and it outlines an alternative model, a 'democratic bill of rights', which attempts to avoid these problems by strengthening democratic institutions and political review mechanisms without adopting rights-based judicial review. The paper concludes that a democratic bill of rights is likely to be an effective and more democratically legitimate way of protecting and promoting human rights in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of gender and politics have typically been studies of women and politics. In contrast, this paper places men at the centre of its inquiry by drawing on interviews with 15 current federal male politicians. Of concern is exploring the ways in which men conceptualise the question of gender equity in the Australian parliament. Three frameworks are identified in the men's narratives. These are that the parliament is a masculinised space but that this is unavoidable; that the parliament is now feminised and women are advantaged; and that the parliament is gender neutral and gender is irrelevant. It is argued that collectively these framing devices operate to mask the many constraints which exist to marginalise women from political participation and undermine attempts to address women's political disadvantage as political participants. The paper concludes by highlighting the significance of the paper beyond the Australian context and calling for further research which names and critiques political men and their discourses on gender and parliamentary practices and processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do citizens demand punishment of corrupt government officials or actions? Citizens' demands complement and motivate government actions. Studies suggest, however, that citizens' demands are weak and not credible. This paper considers that credible demands are the outcomes of strategic interaction between citizen groups. The results from experimental surveys in Australia and the United States show citizens' demands are credible across various conditions, including size of participants or groups, and regardless of whether they suffer losses from corruption, or whether other participants suffer losses from corruption. This paper makes three contributions. Firstly, it delineates a theoretical model that predicts concerted action. This is a useful alternative to extant treatments that generally report outcomes where coordination problems and free-ridership undermine citizens' concerted action and credibility. Secondly, experimental results clarify several conditions under which citizens' demands are credible, that is, when citizens act in concert to demand punishment. Thirdly, the consistent results across Australia and the US where individualism is high provide useful baselines for further studies. 公民们在什么情况下会要求惩治腐败的政府官员和腐败行为？研究证明，公民的要求虚弱而不可靠。本文认为可靠的要求来自公民群体间的战略互动。澳大利亚和美国的实验调查表明，公民的要求可靠与否取决于诸如参与者或群体规模等条件，而不论他们是否从腐败中受损，或别人是否从腐败中受损。本文有以下三点贡献。第一，勾画了预测腐败的模型。目前的方法报告了协调问题和免费搭车消弱公民协调行动和工信度的结果。该模型可为替代方法。第二，实验结果表明在一些情况下公民的要求是可靠的，那就是，当公民协调一致要求惩治腐败的时候。第三，个人主义发达的澳大利亚和美国的调查结果可以成为进一步研究的基点。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses Australian Bureau of Statistics fiscal incidence figures to track trends in the Australian welfare state across the period 1984 to 2004. Its general aim is to assess the proposition that recent governments have been ‘grave-diggers’ of the welfare state in Australia. More specifically, it tracks the overall level of social expenditure at the household level and the degree of vertical redistribution between households. Since the period in question covers twelve years of Labor and eight years of Coalition government in Canberra, the authors also seek evidence of political effect in welfare state trends. Their general conclusion is that far from succumbing to neoliberalism, the Australian welfare state became if anything even larger over this period. Neither bipartisan economic liberalisation, nor competing party welfare policies, made much difference to the welfare state when viewed through a fiscal incidence lens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Henry Tax Review is a work in progress, but it has already advanced sufficiently to constitute an important case study of state capacity in Australia. Using the Henry Tax Review as a case study, this paper sheds light on the question of whether the national political system is capable of devising and implementing long-term reforms. Whilst specific policy failures inevitably have a contingent dimension in the form of poor strategy and leadership or unfavourable economic conditions, the paper discusses the erosion of institutional and relational structures which, arguably, has diminished systemic political capacity. This is tantamount to a structural weakening of state capacity in Australia, a development which has the potential to erode the potential of any government to enact significant strategic policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concerned by declining interest, trust, and participation by citizens in democratic politics, governments and political institutions worldwide are turning to the internet in attempts to revitalise democracy through online public consultation and citizen participation, referred to as e-democracy or 'government 2.0'. This paper reports research into the planning and conduct of a series of online public consultation trials launched by the Australian federal government in late 2008, and it compares and contrasts Australian experiences with international e-democracy developments, including the Obama presidential campaign and findings of the Digital Dialogues review of online technologies to enhance citizen engagement in the UK, the UK Power of Information Task Force review, and experiments conducted as part of the MIT Deliberatorium. This paper presents qualitative analysis of findings in 10 areas, which it argues can be further grouped into four main areas of management focus of which technology, often the major topic of discussion, is important but less significant than policy, culture and resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's relationship with India stands in apparent contrast with its relations elsewhere in Asia. Most accounts of Australia's links to India liken them to recurrent bouts of amnesia, arguing that Australia has not put the same efforts into engaging with India that it has into fostering ties with Japan, China and Indonesia and that, like a patient with injury to the hippocampus who has lost the ability to lay down long-term memories, Australia appears to approach each episodic moment of contact without recollection of the past. Australia's relationship with India has passed through distinct phases, from a brief moment of warmth in the years immediately after India achieved independence, through frosty decades of the Cold War. In contrast to many other accounts, the paper argues that since the 1980s Australia has sought with considerable consistency to engage with India and that the tenuousness of the relationship is primarily due to Indian indifference. Recent bilateral issues, including the supply of uranium to India and attacks on Indian students, have led to an enlargement of contacts which may signify that the engagement is at last becoming a mutual one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few people inside or outside government have had a greater impact on public policy in Australia than Ross Garnaut. His report in 1990 provided a blueprint for Australia's economic 'engagement' with Asia, whether or not one agreed with its underlying logic and analysis. The reception of his report on climate change in 2011 could hardly have been more different. Why is it that some ideas enjoy wide support from influential actors and are enthusiastically taken up by policymakers, while others struggle to gain traction, even when backed by government? This paper provides some possible answers to this puzzle by identifying factors that facilitate or obstruct the influence and impact of 'policy entrepreneurs'. 在澳大利亚政府内外，对公共政策影响最大的人士莫过于郜若素了。他发表于1990年的报告，你同意其逻辑分析也好，不同意也罢，反正它都为亚澳经济关系提供了蓝图。他于2011年发表的环境报却得到迥然不同的反应。何以一些观点能够得到重要社会主体的广泛支持以及政策制定者的积极采纳，而另一些观点哪怕是有政府做后盾，也难得推广呢？本文通过寻找有利或有碍"政策专业户"发挥影响的因素，对这个问题作了回答。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the recent Australian security studies literature has focused on contemporary challenges to Australia's role in Asia, the evolving trajectory of defence strategy, and the various factors that have shaped the nation's 'discourse of threats'. While this body of work is important and valuable, there is a distinct lack of scholarship that discusses the types of future security threats likely to confront Australian policy makers in the twenty-first century. Indeed, there is a tendency among scholars to assume that this sort of 'futures' work is best left to those outside the academy. I argue, however, that it is an area which is too important to leave to the authors of defence White Papers, think tank reports, and classified strategic assessments. Australia's future security environment in a complex international system has not been subject to the sort of systematic scholarly analysis the topic merits. This article seeks to provide a stepping stone for more substantial work in the area and outlines a conceptual framework that can aid us in understanding the factors likely to impact on Australia's security environment in the early part of the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism has been criticised for emphasising cultural recognition over resource redistribution for minority cultural and ethnic groups. Moreover, critics argue that cultural diversity fails to provide enough common ground upon which to sustain civic nationalism. This paper examines the development of multiculturalist and biculturalist policies in Australia and New Zealand, and argues that these have in fact been justified in terms of a negotiated balance between two civic values: the value of diverse cultural expression, and social justice understood in egalitarian terms. The tension between these values has shaped the debate around multiculturalism in both cases. Both the social justice and value of cultural diversity arguments are deployed to reinforce conceptions of national identity in Australia and New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the international context it has been argued that institutional reform to leadership in local government can improve the sector in terms of both its democratic legitimacy and its operational efficiency. In Australia, despite two decades of far-reaching reform processes across state government jurisdictions, focused heavily on structural change, local government still faces daunting problems, yet the potential of reform to political leadership as a method of alleviating these problems has not been fully explored. This paper thus examines the applicability of alternative leadership models to Australian local government, in particular the elected executive model which characterises some American and European local government systems. We argue that the introduction of elected executives could prove problematic in terms of accountability and representation in Australian local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coalition's clear victory over Labor at the 2004 federal election after prominent campaigning by conservative church-based groups - along with the election to the Senate of a member of the Family First party - seemed to many commentators to confirm the growing power of a 'Religious Right' in Australia. This paper argues that two features of the 2007 federal election campaign are impossible to square with the rise of the Religious Right thesis. First, Labor won in 2007 without shifting its leadership, policies or electoral strategy to suit the Christian Right. Second, the contributions of church groups to the 2007 election campaign were not dominated by a single perspective but covered a wide range of issues and expressed competing views on key policy issues. This pluralism allowed Kevin Rudd, the Labor Party and even the Greens room to present themselves favourably to significant groups of Christian voters. The 2007 election suggests that, rather than being dominated by a hegemonic Christian Right, church involvement in Australian electoral politics is pluralistic in character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1999 the Australian government dropped its objections to the Italian legislation that contemplated postal voting and parliamentary representation for its Italian citizens resident abroad. This was a significant turning point for the Australian government approach on the question of voting rights for expatriate communities in Australia voting in their homeland elections. Based on undisclosed government sources and interviews with former Australian diplomatic and government officials, this paper will recall and examine the Australian government's reaction to the Italian political debates leading up to, and eventual passage of, the Italian expatriate vote legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the operation of a network governance experiment that accompanied political and policy responses to an economic shock in an Australian provincial city. The economic shock was precipitated by the closure of a steelworks operation, wiping out a significant base of employment in the city. Challenges to the operation of network governance raised in the study relate to: asymmetries of information, capabilities, resources and power; political agendas by higher-tier governments; the diverse calls of interests and, not least, the tensions and indeterminacies of a liberal, market-oriented variety of capitalism. Implications for the development of network governance approaches are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article replies to the article "Presidentialisation Again: A Comment on Kefford" by Keith Dowding, which responds to the author's article "The Presidentialisation of Australian Politics? Kevin Rudd's Leadership of the Australian Labor Party," both in the same issue. Topics include the role of personality in presidentialisation of politics in Australia and Great Britain in relation to U.S. politics, the use of ideal types in comparative political science, and views on presidentialisation promoted by scholars Paul D. Webb and Thomas Poguntke.

This article critically evaluates the agenda and strategy of the Australian American Leadership Dialogue (AALD) for protecting and strengthening the Australia–US alliance. Nominally an exercise in informal diplomacy dedicated to fostering mutual understanding, the AALD functions more like a pro-American lobby group as it seeks to preserve orthodox thinking and eschew dissenting perspectives. The AALD performs this function in three main ways: by carefully framing discussion and debate, by socialising Australian elites into the alliance orthodoxy and by serving as a 'gatekeeper' of the status quo. 本文对保卫、加强澳美联盟的澳美领袖对话提出批评。该对话虽然名义上只是加强共同理解的非正式外交实践， 但其作用更像是亲美游说集团，因为它要保持正统的思路，回避不同的观点。该对话用三种方式实现这一功能：小心地设置讨论和辩论；向澳大利亚精英灌输联盟的正统观；充当现状的守门人。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a reasonable community expectation that ministerial staff who enjoy the privilege of working at the interface of politics and public administration in Australia are subject to appropriate accountability measures. The key questions are what measures currently exist to hold ministerial staff accountable, how effective are such measures, and how could accountability be improved. While descriptions of an ‘accountability black hole’ for ministerial staff are overstated, the measures now in place do not operate uniformly across Australian jurisdictions, have on occasion developed in an ad hoc fashion and are sometimes uncertain in their application. Such circumstances highlight the need for reform, which may potentially encompass both accountability mechanisms directly applicable to ministerial staff, as well as measures that operate more broadly and apply to those with whom ministerial staff interact. 在政治与公共管理交合处工作的澳大利亚内阁工作人员需要 接受适当的问责，这是一种合情合理的社会期待。关键的问题在于目前都有哪些手段能对他们问责，这些手段能否改进。设计问责方法的关键因素是内阁工作人员特殊角色和责任，其不同于非政治的公务员，也不同于作为决策者并直接参加公共辩论的大臣。说内阁工作人员为“问责黑洞”未免言过其实，但现在的那些方法在所有澳大利亚司法辖区并未统一运行，有时以特事特办的方式存在，往往在应用上含糊不定。这种状况说明需要改革。改革可以囊括直接适用于内阁工作人员的问责机制，以及涵盖更广、适用于与他们打交道的那些人的办法。 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Australian Labor Party, following its election to government in 2007, has implemented an ambitious social policy agenda with spending on hospitals, pensions and community workers, as well as programs for parental leave and disability. It has also reformed taxes, in part to finance these reforms, implementing the mining and carbon taxes in 2012. Labor, however, has difficulty avoiding deficits because tax revenues are too low to finance expanded welfare. This article explores the political constraints and opportunities involved in financing welfare by examining voter responses to the ANU Poll of September 2011. Spending on welfare is supported by low-income earners, while taxing big industries finds greater support among university-educated voters. The article advances an explanation for this mismatch and for why tax resistance has hindered Labor's efforts to finance welfare expansion. 澳大利亚工党在2007年选举上台后实施了雄心勃勃的社会政策计划，涉及医院、养老金、社区工作人员、带薪育婴假、残疾人等项开支。它还在2012年改革了税收，推行采矿及碳排放税为上述改革筹集资金。不过，工党苦于避免赤字，因为税收太少，资助不了扩大的福利。本文分析了选民对2011年9月ANU民调的回应，探讨了资助福利之举的限制与机遇。低收入者支持福利开支，受过高等教育者则多支持向大企业征税。本文解释了这种矛盾，以及为什反税收阻碍了工党资助福利扩张的努力。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the assumption that the spread of neoliberal policy programs of privatisation, deregulation and marketisation is explained principally by policymakers coming under the influence of fundamentalist neoliberal ideas and the think tanks through which they were proselytised. The article outlines the conditions that must be satisfied for this thesis of ideational causation to be considered plausible. By examining the relationship between neoliberal think tanks and the Howard Coalition government in Australia, the article offers indicative evidence against this dominant conceptual framework for understanding the rise of neoliberalism. It concludes that this narrative offers a poor guide to understanding actually existing neoliberalism. 本文批评了一种观点，该观点认为新自由主义的私有化、解除管制、市场化之类政策的推广缘于政策制定者受了原教旨新自由主义思想及思想库的影响。作者指出了这一思想因果关系若要成立须满足的条件。通过分析新自由主义思想库与霍华德政府的关系，本文反驳了这种有关新自由主义的流行观点，认为这种叙述无益于指导对真实存在的新自由主义的理解（Brenner and Theofore 2002）。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1998 the International Labour Organization (ILO) advanced the notion of 'decent work' as a way to enhance opportunities for women and men to obtain productive work in conditions of freedom, equality, security and human dignity. This concept is now both salient and contested in national and international policy debates. In a 2008–09 campaign, the ILO asserted that 'gender equality [is] at the heart of decent work'. This article examines appeals to decent work in Australian parliamentary discourse and proposes how best to make use of the concept. It argues that gender equality is fundamental to decent work. 1998年世界劳工组织提出了"体面工作"的概念以促进男女在自由、平等、安全和尊严的条件下从事有益的工作。这个概念在国家和国际的政策辩论中都占有显要的位置。国际劳工组织在2008、2009年的活动中，强调性别平等位居体面工作的核心。本文考察了澳大利亚议会的相关言论，并对使用好这个概念有所建议。作者认为性别平等是体面工作的基础。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Security Council has global responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It is therefore essential for Australia to nominate periodically for non-permanent membership, and 2013–14 was the earliest feasible opportunity available to the Rudd government. Australia's uneven record of participation in the United Nations over the last decade and a half was an impediment to election, but recent renewed commitment to international law and upgraded multilateral engagement, among other factors, strengthened the case for election. Australia was elected in the first round of voting, principally due to effective political leadership and the sustained campaign organised by diplomatic officers. Membership will enable Australia to participate actively in discussion of issues on the Council's agenda and to lead discussion of two or three additional subjects. 联合国安理会负有维护国际和平及安全的责任。因此澳大利亚有必要定期提名为非常任理事国，2013—14年对陆克文政府是最早的机会。过去十五年中澳大利亚参与联合国事务颇不均衡，这不利于其当选。而最近它对国际法的重新关注、对多边关系的提升则有助于其当选。澳大利亚主要由于有效的政治领导和外交官坚持不懈的努力而在第一轮投票中当选。有了成员国资格，澳大利亚就能积极参与安理会的讨论，并领导两三个附加议题的讨论。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often assumed that the problem of electoral participation in Australia has been solved with an entrenched regime of compulsion in enrolment and voting. In recent elections, however, one-fifth of eligible Australians failed to cast a valid vote. This study aims to identify those demographic groups which contribute to this substantial rate of abstention. The authors used Random Forests to model the effects of demographic factors on voter turnout in three Australian state general elections. Results suggest that resource barriers have been generally surmounted, but lower levels of population stability and interaction contribute to a decline in electoral participation. These findings have implications for electoral administration, urban form and compulsion itself. 人们经常说，澳大利益选举参与度的问题已经通过强制性投票解决了。不过在近年的选举中，有五分之一的适龄澳大利亚人没有进行有效投票。本文意在探讨哪些人群造成了如此大比例的弃权。作者使用"随机森林"分析了人口因素对三个州普选结果的影响。结果表明，资源障碍一般说是消除了，但较低的人口稳定与互动水平导致了人们对选举的消极态度。这个发现对于选举的管理、城市的形态以及强制本身都有着参考价值。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Providing policy advice is often the epitome of a public service career, the opportunity to have a direct influence on policy. Yet there is a wide range of circumstances in which policy advice might be sought, requiring different information, timetables and depths of analysis. This will necessitate the development of a number of skills and be dependent on the political and administrative circumstances. Using the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet as a case study, we develop a typology of policy advice, ranging from intelligence gathering, to reviewing options, coordinating policy and sometimes initiating strategy. We illustrate the implications of these differing types of work to show how public servants must approach policy advising, conscious of and within a framework that supports different approaches to policy work according to the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors examine the influence of party capability theory while controlling for legal-structural and doctrinal changes in the High Court. Based on their analysis of cases from 1970 to 2003, several notable conclusions emerge. The most interesting determinant of litigant success in Australia involves a shift within the High Court from a mechanical form of jurisprudence to a doctrine of implied rights. Once the High Court announced Mabo, ‘one-shot’ litigants gained a significant advantage and were more likely to win. Additionally, the change to a doctrine of implied rights provided barristers with new opportunities to craft novel legal arguments. Consequently, their influence over decision outcomes increased. As barristers gained more experience and more successes, the likelihood of their clients winning increased substantially. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses voting patterns among men and women in political elections in Australia. The author considers statistics derived from the Australian Election Study (AES) during the period 1987-2007, which indicate weak gendered voting patterns. She emphasizes the change brought upon by the 2010 election, during which women voted for the Labor Party far more than men. The influence on these voting patterns by the first female prime minister and Labor Party member Julia Gillard is also explored.

In the context of analyses of the rise of the religious right, this article examines the passage and outcomes of the 'abortion debate' from 2004 to 2006. It analyses the reasons for the then Health Minister Tony Abbott's pursuit of the issue, and his strategies to place abortion on the public agenda, through his encouragement of church lobbies and conservative allies in parliament. Although it is commonly argued that the influence of right-wing Christian lobbyists is growing, this exploration of the abortion debate indicates that this influence is limited, and that it was misunderstood and overstated at the time by politicians like Abbott, and by many political commentators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's opinions on political research and human research ethics committees, focusing on their place in Australian political science. The author comments on how human research ethics committees are mandated by Australia in a 2007 document titled "National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research." Additional research being conducted by political researchers is discussed, including human rights violations, corruption, and economic forecasting.

When prime ministers speak, the nation usually listens. In the Australian federation, prime ministers have consistently used the power of their political pulpit to launch policy interventions into areas of traditional State responsibility. This article suggests that there is an emerging rhetorical pattern to the way these policy interventions are presented. Prime ministers of both major parties have used rhetoric to portray the Commonwealth as acting on behalf of the legitimate interests of constituents who have been ignored by State governments. Occurring in close proximity to federal elections, policy interventions are shown to be weapons which favour incumbent prime ministers in their battles with State governments and federal oppositions alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An article discussing the political preferences of Australian voters based on economic and postmaterialist values is presented. The author uses the example of the 2009 by-election for the Australian legislative seat of Higgins to examine an axis system created by scholars David Charnock and Peter Ellis, which measures the positions of Australian political parties, such as the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Liberal/Nationals (Coalition,) by synthesizing data collected by the Australian Election Study (AES.) An analysis of the data, including voter turnout trends and ideological factors, is also included

This article explores the relationship between language and political possibility. It is argued that John Howard's language from 11 September 2001 to mid 2003 helped to enable the 'War on Terror' in an Australian context in three principal ways. Firstly, through contingent and contestable constructions of Australia, the world and their relationship, Howard's language made interventionism conceivable. Secondly, emphasising shared values, mateship and mutual sacrifice in war, Howard embedded his foreign policy discourse in the cultural terrain of 'mainstream Australia', specifically framing a foreign policy discourse that was communicable to 'battlers' and disillusioned 'Hansonites'. Thirdly, positioning alternatives as 'un-Australian', Howard's language was particularly coercive, silencing potential oppositional voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent emergence of online social media has had a significant effect on the contemporary political landscape, yet our understanding of this remains less than complete. This article adds to current understanding of the online engagement between politicians and the public by presenting the first quantitative analysis of the utilisation of the social network tool Twitter by Australian politicians. The analysis suggests that politicians are attempting to use Twitter for political engagement, though some are more successful in this than others. Politicians are noisier than Australians in general on Twitter, though this is due more to broadcasting than conversing. Those who use Twitter to converse appear to gain more political benefit from the platform than others. Though politicians cluster by party, a relatively 'small world' network is evident in the Australian political discussion on Twitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An article discussing the low levels of political trust Australian citizens have in their government is presented. The author examines the relationship between political trust and attitudes toward democracy, noting the importance of political trust as a way to maintain citizen participation in the government. Several charts depicting the correlation between political trust and voter turnout, responses to questions from a study by the Australian Election Study (AES,) and an explanation of the methodology used in processing the data collected by the study are also included.

There have been three waves of regulatory reform in Australia since the 1980s, each informed by broadly similar neoliberal political and economic objectives, but with important differences of emphasis that reflect key priorities and changing contexts. This article argues that the second and third waves brought with them three significant developments: (1) A substantially enhanced capacity for the organisation and management of intergovernmental relations in Australia; (2) a new, national emphasis on the need for microeconomic reform, reinvigorated and broadened in the third wave by a broadening of the national 'productivity and efficiency' debate through the Human Capital agenda of Council of Australian Governments (COAG); and (3) markedly changed funding and policy responsibilities between the levels of government. These changes include new arrangements for intergovernmental funding; a new performance oversight body, the COAG Reform Council; a revised Intergovernmental Agreement on Federal Financial Relations; and a new role for Commonwealth ministers in chairing COAG working parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a critical response to the assertions of Rae Wear regarding the political history of the administration of Australian Prime Minister John Howard at the turn of the 21st century. Details are given reviewing Wear's arguments that the Howard government promoted a "top-down populism" which undermined the democratic system of the nation. The author challenges Wear's research methodology, particularly the use and misuse of primary and secondary sources in attributing negative judgments to the Howard administration's efficacy.

Studies of electoral disproportionality and bias under Australia's alternative electoral system have mainly relied on the two-party preferred (2PP) vote totals for all electorates, irrespective of whether these are needed to determine the election outcome there. We argue that separate analyses should be undertaken for two groups of electorates - where the determination is made using the first-preference (FP) votes and where the 2PP redistributed votes are needed because no candidate wins a majority of FP votes, illustrating this with an analysis of the 2007 House of Representatives election results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project examines the dimensions of politics and voter preferences in Australia. Evidence from an empirical spatial analysis provides that Australian parties and voters are organised along a unidimensional socioeconomic continuum. Numerous individual-level factors, including party identification, ideology and a host of demographic and opinion variables, predict voters' positions along the continuum. Moreover, voter locations are shown to relate strongly to vote choice, demonstrating the importance of socioeconomic positions to voter behaviour in Australia. Finally, because this approach allows for a full examination of voter preference orderings, it is important to the study of voting behaviour and representation under preferential electoral institutions in Australia and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I discuss the likelihood of the Australian Greens being able to develop into a party that plays an equivalent 'third party' role in the Senate similar to that played by the Australian Democrats for most of their existence. My conclusion, based on attitudes underlying voting behaviour, is that they cannot afford to behave contrary to their position as part of a left-wing bloc without jeopardising a substantial part of their voter base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As religious engagement in the Australian population continues to decline, the apparent increased prominence of religion in Australian politics is puzzling. This article examines the characteristics of 2422 speeches given by prominent Australian federal politicians between 2000 and 2006 to assess whether religion has become more prominent in early twenty-first century Australian politics, and whether or not the explanations provided to explain the increase are compelling. It is argued that the framing of the September 11 terrorist attacks and the subsequent 'war on terror' as a religious conflict weakened adherence to Rawls' (2005) liberal consensus (exclusion of religious beliefs from the public forum) and normalised the use of Christian terminology and ideas in Australian political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, in Australia, gambling policy and regulation have been the sole responsibility of Australian State and Territory governments. However, in 1998-99 the Commonwealth commissioned an unprecedented national inquiry into gambling that was highly critical of existing gambling policies and regulatory regimes. The Productivity Commission proposed a 'blueprint' for an effective, independent gambling regulatory system. Seven years on, this article revisits Australian gambling regulation to present a contextualised account of regulatory reform in Victoria and New South Wales (NSW). It finds that that they have taken a markedly different approach to structural reform. Neither State has adopted the Productivity Commission's 'ideal' regulatory model. Reforms have been shaped by local circumstances and government priorities, rather than the regulatory principles and functions outlined by the Productivity Commission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amalgamation has always been the favoured Australian policy instrument for improving the efficiency of Local government. However, this policy consensus has flown against mounting evidence that amalgamation not only often fails to reduce costs, but also generates significant unintended negative consequences. This note considers various recent reports into Australian Local government and argues that the earlier policy consensus on the efficacy of Local council amalgamation has vanished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on industry policy argues that group and state capacity are important in underpinning (or undermining) the capacity to govern industrial development. Put simply, group capacity - alongside state capacity - is deemed an important ingredient in any recipe for (re)developing national industry. This article further develops the literature on governance and transformative capacity, adding deliberative networking as a key facet. Examining the development of the organic farming sector in Australia, it is argued that the absence of transformative capacity frustrates development. Specifically, although the state has slowly come to see a need for some interaction and facilitation of organic industry development, particularly of a national domestic standard, this intervention is made difficult by the absence of: (i) capable organic industry organisations; (ii) 'in-house' departmental expertise; and (iii) venues capable of fostering policy deliberation. We argue that the reworked concept of transformative capacity can have wider application in making sense of industry development in other infant industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media, the public and politicians themselves often express a fear that Australian political life is increasingly dominated by 'professional politicians', who are seen as careerist, lacking in commitment and disconnected from the reality of ordinary lives. The article analyses the meanings given to the term 'professional politicians' and their relationship to other definitions and characteristics of professionalism. It also uses the concept of moral panic to analyse the concerns expressed about 'professional politicians'. This concept, first formulated in 1972 in Cohen's study of alleged youth violence in a small town in the United Kingdom, is most often associated with studies of social deviance. This article demonstrates how, in a later period, it can be extended to apply to politicians, a group traditionally more often identified as a perpetrator of moral panics than the subject of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until the 1960s, the federal Labor party was formally pledged to the abolition of federalism and its replacement a system in which the central government would have plenary powers and the states only delegated administrative responsibilities. This article examines how the ALP'S platform was progressively changed during the 1960s and 1970s. The modification of Labor's commitment to abolish federalism and the Senate was due partly to a more realistic sense of what was feasible and partly to a more sophisticated approach towards working the existing system. But, as well, Labor's social and economic goals had been moderated to ones that were congenial to middle Australia and private enterprise. Progressive changes to Labor's platform were an important precondition for the Whitlam government's 'new federalism' in the 1970s. and the Hawke government's current initiative of 'closer partnership with the states' for reforming the practical working of the federal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sharman's 1989 APSA Presidential Address is a welcome critique of the interpretation of Australian politics, but the questions that it raises need to be taken further. The importance of Australian political experience in the formation of an indigenous political tradition is recognised, but it is misleading to see it as stemming from the desire to limit executive power. This article explores the nape of this indigenous governmental tradition. and goes on to consider what we learn from this debate about the nature, of constitutional theory, and the relationship of academic debate to constitutional models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]