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Australia is a member of many multilateral trade bodies and engages in trade agreements of a multilateral and bilateral kind across most regions. In June 2018, it launched negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the European Union (EU) which are still ongoing and since then Australia and the EU have conducted fifteen rounds of negotiations (last one on 28 May 2023 in Brussels). This paper aims to explore the business awareness of the EU amongst Australian small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and to analyse the factors that influence their internationalisation. To ascertain this, we reviewed the results of two surveys1 that were conducted pre- and post-COVID-19 pandemic (also coinciding with the Brexit transition period). This paper argues that SMEs in Australia are essentially unaware of the EU as a market and that no significant change in the business perception of the EU and potential international trade opportunities occurred between the pre- and post-COVID-19 political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the legal framework for cross-border transfers of personal data outside the EU and assesses its impact on a selection of Asia-Pacific data protection laws. It studies the position defended by the EU in the debates for a new general framework on e-commerce in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the sections regarding data flows of some free trade agreements recently concluded by Asia-Pacific countries such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. This paper shows how the regulation of data flows has surpassed national data protection laws to be increasingly present in free trade agreements with the tensions this may entail, paying special attention to the EU and Asia- Pacific. A holistic view is necessary because the consequences for human rights in trade negotiations should not be overlooked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of European economic trade policy and its role in international diplomacy on climate change. This accounts for both the objective financial benefts and incentives of preferential trading agreements as well as the influence of these deals on wider foreign relations. The findings of this paper are that withholding trade agreements to encourage or coerce similar progressive causes such as demilitarisation are highly limited in their impact, and that many of the causes of this outcome apply equally to climate issues. A loose explanation of how trade agreements and the associated diplomatic relationships which accompany them could be utilised to promote better environmental practices is also provided, based on the economic conditions of countries and communities involved. Trade progression with a focus on achievable climate goals is found to be far more beneficial than an exclusionary approach by the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has historically sought to influence environmental policies of other countries through multilateral environmental agreements. Under its 7th Environmental Action Plan and Trade for All strategy it now seeks to extend its environmental policy projection through trade; its recent free trade agreements now contain chapters addressing environment and sustainable development. However, by adopting high environmental standards the EU can also advance its own economic interests suggesting an ambiguous motivation. The recent Korean, Japanese and Canadian FTAs and the Mercosur agreements are examined in order to place the extent of this environmental turn within the context of economic advantage. The finding is that while environmental protection provisions in these FTAs may have environmental benefits, they may also serve EU domestic economic interests. This motivation has implications for new FTA negotiations, such as those with New Zealand and Australia, and now the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]