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This study employs survey data to characterize a new kind of strategic voting behavior in post-2012 Japan. Since the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) returned to power in 2012, it has been winning every national election, while the opposition camp has been fragmented into many parties, none of which has been seen as a viable contender to the LDP. In this situation in which the LDP will certainly win, there are citizens who vote for an opposition party, especially the largest one, though they do not believe it is capable of governing the country. Their concern is the balance of seats among the parties. These strategic voters tend to be older, more educated, richer, and more attentive to political news than those who genuinely support the opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan began the year with the military establishment having tightened its grip on political institutions, but as the year progressed, opposition parties sought to reassert themselves and challenged both the PTI government and military leaders. Political movements took center stage as religious extremists as well as regionalist movements drew strength from the challenges to the PTI government. Feminists demanded action after a series of sexual assaults, and religious minorities continued to be targeted by violence. The COVID pandemic upended the economy, which was already straining under low growth and high debt and deficit conditions. Foreign relations provided many challenges as the government sought to target India for its mistreatment of Kashmiris, while the Pakistan-China relationship remained strong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Myanmar began a transition in 2011 that ended almost 50 years of military rule. During the transition, a nationalist movement called for protecting Buddhism from an "Islamic threat." Anti-Islam nationalism was not new in Burmese history, yet the timing of its resurgence deserves attention. I argue that the incumbents' anticipated electoral weakness in transitional elections was the primary reason for its resurgence. The incumbents sought to maximize societal support, and they faced a strong contender, the National League for Democracy, whose probability of winning was high. Social opposition was also significant by the time military rule ended. In a campaign to pass reforms to better "protect" Buddhism, the incumbents used monks to cast doubt on the NLD's ability to represent Buddhist interests and to recruit former regime opponents who were nationalists. The incumbents garnered wide support for the reforms, yet it was insufficient for an electoral victory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During his second year in power, Indonesian President Joko Widodo faced contradictory yet interrelated trends: while he consolidated his grip over parliament and improved his approval ratings, the president's remaining opponents shifted the focus of political contestation from the state's institutions onto the streets. Additionally burdened by economic uncertainty and rising regional tensions over the South China Sea, Indonesian democracy thus continues to be vulnerable, its outward stability notwithstanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Myanmar is experiencing the beginning of a protracted transition, in which the military, the opposition, and the country's civil society are renegotiating political space. The protracted transition might take decades, and opposition forces and civil society will face an uphill struggle to fully liberalize the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government of Najib Razak in Malaysia came increasingly under siege in 2015 from with in his party, the opposition, and many NGOs. Najib managed to survive, but his hold on power is not solid. Meanwhile, Malaysia's chairmanship of ASEAN was uneventful, relations with U.S. and China remained good, and GDP growth slowed compared with 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During 2014, Cambodia moved from violent confrontation between government and opposition forces to an uneasy compromise. The turning point came in July, when opposition legislators agreed to take their seats in the National Assembly, which they had boycotted. The long-ruling Cambodian People's Party worked to polish its tarnished image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2007 appeared to be a year of political and economic continuity in Malaysia. The government won three by-elections. The economy grew at 5.6%. Tensions over ethnic relations and Islamization simmered, though with probably no greater intensity than in past years. And foreign relations were smoothly conducted. But in an extraordinary scandal, a prominent political advisor went on trial for abetting the murder of his former mistress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At first sight, 2006 was one of the better years within the history of the new kingdom of Cambodia, which began in 1993. The three leading political parties became to some extent reconciled. Economic growth remained high and the country witnessed the biggest bumper rice harvest in its history. The end of much misery and famine was, however, the beginning of a lot of self-delusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]