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Since the 2000s, Russia intensified its relations with the Central Asia. This is particularly visible in the increased institutionalization of the cooperation. This paper argues that regional regimes like the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) became the prime tools in Russia's cooperative hegemony in the Central Asia. This strategy relies on co-opting of the smaller partners into institutional settings for the purpose of not just enhancing cooperation but also reestablishing a softer form of domination over the region and transforming it into a regional pole. This in turn would be a foundation for Russia's return to the global stage. As the paper shows, this strategy relies on would-be hegemon's ability to convince a sufficient number of regional partners to seek membership in these regimes, share the power with them, and remain committed to the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the development of the Six-Party process through to the joint statement by the parties on September 19, 2005, considers the subsequent decision by North Korea to stage a nuclear test in the context of the apparent stasis of the process, and then reviews the international condemnation that was the result of those tests. North Korea's decision to return to the talks is then discussed in light of the policy issues that must be solved if the September 19 principles can be realized in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the English school arguments that inter-state regulation ameliorates the consequences of the power politics of international anarchy, I analyze to what extent China pursues a strategic partnership with Russia in Central Asia. I investigate if China has compatible policies with Russia on the use of force, on international legitimacy, and on institutional frameworks for security management. As China is increasingly asserting its security, economic, and institutional interests in Central Asia, similarities and differences have become apparent in relations with Russia. Increased mutual concern for continued regional stability has encouraged Beijing and Moscow to coordinate their policies across a wide range of issue areas. Stability allows them to focus attention and resources on each of their different geostrategic priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Today many aspects of the Sino-Russian relationship are positive. The 'strategic cooperative partnership' is supported by the Treaty for Good Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation, as well as membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and a shared commitment to a multipolar world. Nevertheless, the economic foundation of the relationship is weak, energy cooperation has not reached its potential, and the two states have competing interests in Central Asia. Thus, this article argues that although the Sino-Russian relationship is multifaceted and based on practical considerations, there are nevertheless factors that limit the relationship. China and Russia have links with the West that sometimes interfere in their relationship with each other. Moreover, the legacy of history remains in the background of the relationship. Finally, Russia's demographic decline, combined with China's economic growth, creates questions for Russians regarding their long-term security vis-a-vis China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the potential for Russia's Siberian and Far East energy projects to create webs of interdependence with the major energy-importing countries of East Asia. Energy policy toward Asia is analyzed with reference to Europe's problematic energy dependence on Russia, where Moscow has supported attempts by state-owned companies like Gazprom to extend control over energy supply and distribution. This analysis finds that Moscow's neomercantilist energy strategy, designed to advance Russian state power, has been marginally more successful with the weaker, more energy-dependent states of Japan and South Korea. China, Asia's major rising power, is more sensitive to the prospect of becoming too dependent on Russia as a supplier of oil and gas, because dependence could constrain Beijing's global ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]