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Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The idea of the Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) has gained increasing currency in Russian foreign policy. The Russia–China partnership has been presented as its bedrock through a partnership between the Eurasian Economic Union and the Belt and Road Initiative, further expanding to include other regional powers from across East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and Middle East as well as nonwestern multilateral groupings (SCO, ASEAN). Given the centrality of Asia‐Pacific to this expansive concept, GEP has to deal with the challenges posed by the evolving regional geopolitics of the East and the rise of the Indo‐Pacific amidst heightened US–China rivalry. The paper seeks to conduct a policy review of GEP and its proposed development format in light of ongoing changes in the East to determine the likely future of the concept in a contested region that also remains at the center of this expansive Russian vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Vietnam's participation in East Asian monetary cooperation. It argues that monetary cooperation is necessary for the regional countries, including Vietnam. Perspectives on regional monetary cooperation are considered with the Chiang Mai Initiative in the short term, and an Asian monetary system, Asian monetary fund, and Asian monetary union in the medium and long terms. More important, the author emphasizes Vietnam's efforts and policies in this cooperation. Vietnam has done a great deal to support East Asian monetary cooperation by joining many working groups within the context of ASEAN+3. However, more economic reforms should be undertaken to further upgrade Vietnam's participation in regional monetary cooperation. The author finally makes some recommendations that will help Vietnam's policy makers strengthen the country's participation in East Asian monetary cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Declining levels of trust in the media in Western democracies have drawn the attention of political scientists, but much less attention has been paid to East Asia. This paper sets out to examine the logic behind media trust in three different types of regimes in East and Southeast Asia: countries with, partial, and no press freedom, respectively. Our findings show that while respondents' trust in government and support for socioideological control of the government have consistent and significant associations with their media trust across all 12 countries, Internet usage, online political participation, support for media censorship, and patriotic belief have different associations with the variable being studied as the degree of press freedom varies. The findings indicate that citizens are well aware of the role mass media plays in the political system and thus their trust in the media reflects the expectation‐perception gap of the government‐media relationship accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long‐standing Rohingya crisis has become complicated due to geopolitical complexities, and more than a million Rohingya refugees remain stranded in Bangladesh. This situation has had a dramatic impact on Bangladesh. Shortages of international funding exacerbate the situation further, and a regional security threat could be created if the current situation continues unabated. The empirical research undertaken in this paper examines the impact of the Rohingya refugees on the social, economic, and political aspects of Bangladesh from a micro level perspective. This study follows a qualitative research methodology that uses analysis of documents and analytical interpretations of 20 in‐depth interviews from Bangladesh. Environmental destruction and the government's dilemma with controlling law and order are apparent consequences of the Rohingya influx. Competition in the labor market, economic hardships, acquiring land, and deforestation create a conflict between the host community and the Rohingya refugee group. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To the few rich powerful nations, the idea(l) that international law fosters development is a truism, but for the rest of the world, it might only be a promising vision or worse, an empty promise. I Contemporary International Law and China's Peaceful Development i - the first book in the publisher's "Modern China and International Economic Law" series - grapples with these paradoxes and attempts to address them, through a curated collection of papers by the late Professor Lingliang Zeng on various international law topics that concern China. In a quite circuitous fashion, this chapter concludes that the envisioned harmonious world is "consistent with the principles of contemporary international law" (p. 63) - a statement that seems to reverse the roles of international law and harmonious world, with the former now serving as the normative standard for the latter. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article provides an overview of the launch of "The Nation," an English-language newspaper based in Lahore, Pakistan in 1986. The newspaper offers special daily features named "The Nation Plus" that deals with trendy topics as diverse as arts, entertainment and show business. It states that the newspaper provides its "Young Nation" to attract young readership and began its Web site known as the Nation E-paper in 2004.

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article looks on the comparative analysis between "The Nation" and "Dawn," the two leading daily papers in English with a history of Indian elections in Pakistan. Topics discussed include the foreign policy of Pakistan, the relationship between the two countries in light of the elections, and comparison between the editorial sections of the newspapers.

The article discusses the institutional challenges of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) 2015 and the readiness of Philippines for the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) 2015. It states the broad adoption of measures and their actual utilization in decision making, policy design, and transparency and absence of stronger disincentives against noncompliance. It mentions that the Philippines realization of opportunities and improvements are affected by performance of domestic institutions.

This article examines the dynamics of Japanese and Chinese post-Cold War security policies in East Asia and assesses the implications for regional stability. To this end, the discussion explores elements in both countries' security policy behavior, and Sino-Japanese relations that have a stabilizing and/or destabilizing impact on the region. The article argues that, on the whole, Japanese and Chinese security policies have contributed to more stability than instability. Although the security dilemma between Japan (and the United States) and China may have become more pronounced, the balance of power currently maintained may be assessed in positive terms for the region. In addition, Sino-Japanese competition for influence has led to strengthening East Asian institution building and thereby fostered stability. While there is ground for cautious optimism regarding the future of Sino-Japanese cooperation, mutual strategic distrust between Tokyo and Beijing will underpin the security dilemma and their competitive policies in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Agrarian resistance often occurs as a result of expropriation and dispossession of poor farmers' land and other properties. This paper examines how cost-benefit rational choice determined the government of Cambodia's response to poor farmers' resistance to large-scale land acquisition for an agro-industrial investment. Theoretically, whatever mechanism a government chooses to respond to resistance, the aim is to retain more benefits, especially political legitimacy. In this study, the government, in collaboration with private companies, opted for a combination of strong repression and partial concession in response to the resistance by the communities. The study argues that this response is basically determined by cost-benefit calculations. However, the purpose is not to retain political legitimacy as theoretically argued, but to protect the economic interests of the client-patron networks that had developed between foreign companies and the powerful local politico-commercial personages associated with the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RCEP qianding zhong ri han zi mao chongjí taiwan [RCEP Signed: China-Japan-Korea Free Trade have major Impacts on Taiwan]. https://udn.com/news/story/7339/5023070 38 Zheng, H. (2020, November 17). RCEP chongji xiao tai xu wei ru CPTPP zuo zhunbei [RCEP impact is small: Taiwan must prepare for CPTPP]. https://tw.appledaily.com/forum/20201117/7MQCZISFZNC57DB2UGCLF6ATZI/ 23 Liu, G. (2020, November25). RCEP bei paichu fei mori taiwan qiangxiang zaoyi ling guanshui [RCEP exclusion is not doomsday: Taiwan's competitive industries have long been zero tariffs]. https://tw.appledaily.com/local/20201118/I7354KBFIRC27OD764ZE4MLABQ/ 19 Lin, H. (2020, November 23). Taiwan's media landscape is polarized around political orientations, with many Taiwanese media outlets leaning toward the pro-China Pan-Blue or the pro-independence Pan-Green (Hsu, 2014; Rawnsley et al., 2016). [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social spending in Thailand is often regarded as an important tool for building human capital and for fighting poverty. The Thai government has made a strong commitment to expanding the access of Thai population to education, healthcare, and other welfare services, but the question is how well the benefits of these social services are actually distributed. The objective of this article is to explore the distributional effects of public education, health, and welfare spending in Thailand by using a benefit incidence analysis with a new database covering the year 2011, as many new social programs were implemented and expanded after the financial crisis in 1997 and after 2006 and 2009. The benefit incidence analysis in 2011 should make it possible to analyze the extent to which the rich and the poor are benefiting from the current allocation of social spending. Additionally, the paper explores the policy implications of the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dissatisfaction is the trigger for states to initiate war according to power transition theory. The more a state is dissatisfied, the more likely it will initiate war. Traditionally, scholars use military buildups and alliance portfolios to measure states' dissatisfaction. Those measures do not express state dissatisfaction directly but provide, at best, circumstantial evidence. This paper introduces a direct measure of state dissatisfaction by counting requests and threats made by one state to another state. Four types of cases are selected from combinations of state dissatisfaction and initiation of war. The analyses are based on a selected-focus-dyad unit and quantified data sets. Using Boolean algebra, this article demonstrates that military parity and dissatisfaction expressed by territorial threats are more likely to trigger war. The results also show what elements of power parity and state dissatisfaction contribute to noninitiation of war. Last, the case studies highlight the nuances in the decision to initiate war among various states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role of think tanks in the foreign and security policy-making at Japan. It mentions that the foreign policy think tanks in Japan includes the Japan Institute for International Affairs (JIIA) and the Institute for International Policy Studies (IIPS). It mentions that the U.S. think tanks including the Brookings Institute or the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) plays a vital role in the foreign policy-making of Washington and hosting members of outgoing administrations. It mentions that during the Cold War, the JIIA developed a domestic and international reputation for determing the politics in the Communist party.