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In New Zealand most extant dolls' houses from the second half of the twentieth century are home-made. The venture by the Auckland firm Jomax into mass-producing a single-storey dolls' house in the mid-sixties was unusual. This venture may have been spurred on by the traditional two-storey dolls' houses being produced by the New Zealand Tri-ang factory, also in Auckland. The Jomax "Little Princess" dolls' house does not, like the New Zealand Tri-ang houses, reflect a UK heritage, but is clearly a New Zealand house similar in form to many being built and published in the 1960s. Jomax also made sets of modern-style furniture suitable for fitting out its four rooms and a hallway. The paper examines the interiors of this New Zealand-designed house and compares them with those of UK (Tri-ang) and East German (Gottschalk) toy houses of the same vintage. The comparison explores the interiors, with their obvious differences and some similarities, and asks whether they reflect the full-scale versions of the time, or whether they were to some extent aspirational.

Gerald Jones' assertion, on the need for honesty and nails, characterises the inherent tension of a country striving for independence and identity while dominated by influences from elsewhere. The lineage of a pioneering number eight wire mentality could easily slide into the rhetoric of honesty and authenticity that underpinned the intellectualism fast footing modernism, but change and contradiction can always be amplified in any history, particularly when one senses cadences of that decade in sync with the current one, 100 years later.

1913 marked the close of New Zealand's first prison tree-planting camp (Waiotapu). The 1910s also saw the closure of the Hanmer and Waipa Valley camps. Dumgree was the first to close in 1908 and Kaingaroa the last in 1920. Tree-planting also occurred at Point Halswell from 1904 continuing through the 1910s, resulting in the forestation of Miramar Peninsular with over 160,000 trees having been planted by 1915. Tree-planting, like other work camps, were considered to be suitable for only some prisoners, with Hume stating that: "Some men are safe only under lock and key and behind a fourteen-foot boundary-wall. The class of prisoner required for tree-planting or similar work in the country is the man who is determined to shorten his term of imprisonment by good conduct and industry, whose last thought is to escape, and who therefore needs little supervision." Additionally, tree-planting camps reflected late nineteenth-century shifts in criminology, which emphasised individual pyschology (over physical punishment), in both the selection of inmates suitable for tree-planting and the potential for behavioural change. This paper will examine this period of New Zealand's tree-planting prison camps.

This paper will look at the celebrations of concrete apparent in the Brutalist architecture of the 1970s. It will particularly examine Toomath's Wellington Teachers' Training College (Stage I design 1962-65, built 1966-69; Stage II design 1966-69; built 1972-75), Chris Brooke-White's Central Institute of Technology campus in Heretaunga, Upper Hutt (Stage 1, 1969-72; Stage II, 1972-77), and Ted McCoy's additions to Otago University (namely the Archway Theatres (1972-73) and the Hocken Building (1979-80)). Concrete is understood on these sites as textures as well as spatial articulators. Helmut Einhorn's 1975 consideration of concrete surfaces for the Wellington Urban Motorway, Charles Fearnley's 1975 Where have all the Textures gone? and Banham's 1955 "The New Brutalism," will provide the prime theoretical context.

In 1925, the Child Welfare Act was passed. The Act introduced the idea of the Children's Court as a space "separate from the premises in which another Court usually exercises jurisdiction" (s28). In 1927, an amendment to the Act provided further elaboration, clarifying that: "persons attending any sittings of a Children's Court shall not be brought into contact with persons in attendance at any other Court." To achieve this the amendment stipulated that: "for this purpose the sittings of the Children's Court shall not, except in cases where no other suitable room is available, be held in any room in which any other Court ordinarily exercises jurisdiction; nor shall a sitting of the Children's Court, if held in the same premises as any other Court, be held at a time when such other Court is sitting, if other arrangements can reasonably be made" (s18(1)). This paper investigates the locations, and interior architectures of Children's Courts in New Zealand in the 1930s. It aims to establish whether or not the interior architecture of Children's Courts, with their legislated requirement to be physically distinct from the rest of the court system, was also distinct, and in what ways children were specifically accommodated for in this interior architecture.

It is often considered that the 1930s was a mundane period in the history of New Zealand prison architecture. This paper re-evaluates this conclusion by examining the specific aspect of prison interior architecture and the incremental changes that occurred to prison buildings during this period of New Zealand's prison history.

Homelessness in 1880s New Zealand, as reported in the press, appears to be more intimate and less melodramatic than overseas examples. House fires, such as that of William Beals' eight-roomed house in Epsom, the destruction by fire of Mr Keogh's seven-roomed dwelling on the north-west side of Mount Pukekaroro, and the 1884 fire which broke out "on the grounds of St. Mary's Orphanage, Ponsonby" are examples. Chronic homelessness, when it appears, occurs via the reporting of institutional and architectural support structures. The paper will examine a specific example of an architecture for the homeless: the Home for the Needy Aged in Newtown, Wellington.

The Depression began in the late 1920s, but was not simply triggered by the October 1929 crash in Wall Street. In the two years between 1928-29 and 1930-31, "export income nearly halved. ... The government ... slashed expenditure," including severe cuts to public spending in health and education. As Ann Calhoun notes:[t]he effect of the 1930s Depression on [Schools of Art] students and instructors alike was massive: salaries were reduced, the school admission age was raised, overscale salaries were limited, grants for sewing and science were withdrawn, administration grants were cut back, training colleges in Wellington and Dunedin closed and student allowances decreased, and grants to kindergartens were withdrawn.A proposal for a town-planning course by John Mawson (the Director of Town Planning)) and Cyril Knight (Head of Architecture, Auckland University College) likewise failed due to "lack of numbers and Depression cutbacks." Helen Leach also notes the impact of cuts to education more generally, writing that: "[m]others of young children who expected them to start school at four or five learned in May 1932 that the age of entry would be raised to six."

Prior to the 1968 National power plan, which identified the need for nuclear power in New Zealand, the New Zealand government entertained serious proposals for nuclear power generation. Peaceful uses of atomic energy were seen as the answer to post-war power shortages. This paper will examine the context and the architecture which promoted the building of atomic and nuclear power plants in New Zealand during the 1950s, including the international models considered, and the "proposed atomic power plant for Auckland."

It is more than obvious to say that the signing of the Treaty was the big event of the 1840s. The initial Treaty signing at Waitangi on 6 February 1840 by Lieutenant-Governor William Hobson, representing the British Crown, and "about 45 Maori chiefs" has become a defining moment in New Zealand's history, but, as Smith notes, [o]nly recently has the Treaty of Waitangi become central to national life ... Hastily devised at the time, the treaty sheets have become a national monument: they mean different things to different groups but have had an evolving official interpretation placed upon them. The Treaty "is the basis of the Crown's authority and legitimised European settlement in New Zealand," but important differences between the English version and the Māori version (which most Māori signed) include differences in the translations of article one (the cession of sovereignty vs "te kāwanatanga katoa" (governorship)), and silence in the te reo Māori text "on the Crown right of pre-emption. It promised the Queen "hokonga" - the buying and selling of land that Maori were willing to part with - but not exclusively, nor even as the highest priority.

Published references to homelessness in newspapers of the 1940s include instances of both foreign and local homelessness. International homelessness is frequently stated to be a result of social conditions: poverty and unemployment. Natural disasters figure small. New Zealand accounts vary more widely, but are dominated by Pākehā homelessness resulting from sub-leasing regulations, "native insurgents" - usually in reference to the attack on Kororāreka, and Wellington's 1848 earthquake, whose homeless sheltered with friends who lived in "wooden buildings." Yet, simultaneously, New Zealand was also proposed as a potential home for England's unemployed homeless, and Auckland - "the neglected offspring of avaricious parents ... exhibiting the tokens of permanent prosperity" due to its merchantile, rather than colonial, British settlement - is stated to have accommodated refugee settlers "driven from their homes by acts of violence and destruction which the native insurgents, intoxicated with success, so wantonly committed." In 1840s newspapers there are no references to homelessness in serialised literature, and few abstract uses of the term. Māori do not figure large in the references to homelessness as being homeless. There is reference though in the late 1840s to Tommy, who is praised because when he "found himself homeless ... [he] did not return to the savage horde from whence he came, but sought and found other employment amongst the Pakeha's [sic]," and there is a heartfelt plea from a father of half-caste children to other fathers: "let not your children fall back to the state of degradation, from whence their mothers sprung." Potential homeless here is tied to prostitution and disease. This paper will examine the reporting of homelessness throughout the 1840s, and will attempt to isolate specifically architectural issues of the decade which emerge from this.

Alfred C. Barker's 1864 photograph of V-huts amidst unkempt grasses bracketted by flax bushes is well-known. Less often reproduced are his drawings of his own V-hut: Studdingsail Hall, though texts, such as Anna Petersen's New Zealanders At Home and the Drummonds' At Home in New Zealand, reproduce two similar Barker sketches drawn on the 27th and the 28th February 1851. The drawings were also reproduced three dimensionally, almost 100 years after they were drawn, as part of Canterbury Museum's "Canterbury Colonists Exhibition" (1950-1951). This paper examines the references to V-huts which permeate 1850s journals, diaries and newspapers, concluding with an examination of the Barker drawings and the Canterbury Museum replication of one of them.

When Frank Eggar Greenish (c1887-1962) criticised the Reform Government's architectural policies he boldly stated that: "Good architecture should not be a plaything - a luxury - for a spirited nation. It should be a very real part of national character." The statement embodied sentiments which were uncontested among New Zealand architects of the period. Instead they were frustrated by their seeming inability to convey the necessity of architecture to the public and to the government, and to determine, within the New Zealand context, the appropriate standing of the architectural profession.

Edmund Anscombe (1874-1948) was an advocate of concrete as a building material, especially in relation to housing. This paper examines Anscombe's promotion of concrete, with specific reference to his patented OK blocks in the 1920s, a time when he is better known for his work on the University of Otago campus, the 1925 New Zealand and South Seas Exhibition, and his move from Dunedin to Wellington in 1928.

This paper will present research on wallpaper advertising in the nineteenth century, focussing in particular on the 1860s.

The 1860s were an eventful time for architecture in New Zealand. On the eve of the decade, in 1859, William Mason became the first person to be a registered architect in New Zealand. The scene was thus set for the English idea of architecture as a profession to more substantially impact on our land. From the decade's beginning were the start of civil wars and the discovery of gold, with New Zealand's first major gold rush in Otago. It was war and gold which crudely distinguished the decade's histories of the North Island and South Islands.

The 1980s appears to be the first time in New Zealand that "biculturalism," a term first coined in Canada in 1940, became linked to New Zealand architecture. The 1980s was a period when the significance of Māori art and culture was increasingly apparent. Te Kōhanga Reo was established in Wainuiomata in 1982, Keri Hulme's The Bone People won the 1985 Booker Prize. The enormously successsful "Te Māori" exhibition, the first international exhibition of Māori taonga, opened at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York in 1984, later touring New Zealand in 1986 renamed: "Te Māori: Te Hokinga mai. The Return home." The cultural and political inevitabilities of the Tangata Whenua (1974) television series, the establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal (1975), the Māori Land March (1975), the republication of Dick Scott's The Parihaka Story (1954) as Ask that Mountain (1975), the Bastion Point protests (1977-78), the occupation of Raglan Golf Course (1978), and the Springbok Tour (1981), meant that by the 1980s Pākehā and Māori were questioning their relative postions in New Zealand society. In architecture the success of urban marae, the construction of institutional marae (e.g. Waipapa Marae, University of Auckland by Ivan Mercep, Jasmax, 1988), and the recognition of John Scott's Futuna Chapel as bicultural, twinned with a growing awareness of the asymmetrical privileging of Pākehā over Māori, would all contribute to a greater motivation for biculturalism in architecture. This paper examines the development of the use of the term "bicultural architecture" in New Zealand, and the architecture proposed as warranting it, during this period of New Zealand's history.

In 1940, when Helen Gosset, writing for the New Zealand Home & Building, asked her readers to "[a]nalyze for a moment the intricate exterior design which meets one's eye from the streets of a modern city," she gave a vivid account of urban life of that decade:A complexity of motor wheels, iron girders, tall window - dotted buildings, flashing electric signs, vivid shop windows, traffic signals, and as a back drop for all this, the bustle of modern industry. These things make up the lives of moderns. Is it any wonder that they find a certain comfort in straight lines and the absence of ornament?

Following the success of the design of the 1939-40 Centennial Exhibition, Edmund Anscombe began investigating factory architecture. This interest - which had entertained him since before his 1919 publication Modern Industrial Development - characterised the last eight years of his life, apparent in his office's factory designs for: Samuel Brown Ltd (1940,1943), the Disabled Soldiers' Vocational Centre/Rehabilitation League (1942-43), Die Castings Ltd, Lower Hutt (1943) and the WH Symmington & Co.'s factory, Palmerston North (1948). This paper examines this work in relation to his visit to America in 1940 and his proposal for a combined factory on Aotea Quay (1943).

Stacpoole and Beaven describe the late nineteenth-century work of New Zealand architects as "exuberant and eclectic, casting aside any earlier notions of simplicity to create strident effects of instant sophistication." It is a decade generally recognised in New Zealand history as an ambitious one and was a time of social and political experimentation and progress including "the entrepreneurial state ... liquor laws ... cheap land for development, [the] management of the effects of capitalism and competition ... an old age pension ... and the exclusion of aliens and undesirables." The 1890s also witnessed the diamond jubilee of Queen Victoria (1897), the formation of the Farmers' Union (1899), and wool's establishment as New Zealand's singlemost important export. Sixty-five people were killed in the Brunner Mine disaster (1896), the population of the North Island exceeded that of the South Island for the first time since the 1850s, and the decade's end saw the outbreak of the Boer War (1899).

The institutional records of builders in Otago in the 1890s are more comprehensively preserved that those of architects. These are primarily represented by the archives of the Dunedin Builders and Contractors' Association, and they provide a specific point of view of the profession of architect during the decade. This paper will examine how these records represent the relationships between builders and architects and the emerging attempts to define these trades and professions with their distinct contributions to, and benefits gained from, the processes of design and building architecture.

New Zealand in the 1930s began in mid-depression. Substantial rises in unemployment were recorded early in the decade, and an unemployment tax was introduced in 1930 to pay for unemployment relief. 1930 was also the same year that the beginnings of commerical aviation in New Zealand occurred. The first trans-Tasman airmail service dates from 1934, with TEAL (Tasman Empire Airways Ltd - now known as Air New Zealand) being established in 1939. This increasing significance of aviation in New Zealand during the decade was reflected in Hean's 1935 article "Airports" in the Journal of the New Zealand Institute of Architects. In 1931 relief camps were set up for the unemployed, and unemployed riots occurred in Auckland, Wellington and Dunedin. In June 1932 the NZIAJ noted that "[t]he almost complete cessation of building has had its inevitable result on employment of those connected with building - most of them are out of work, some are casually employed, and only a very few have any regular employment," while the following issue remarked that "[i]n the troublous times which have come upon us during the past fourteen years since the Armistice, not least among economic difficulties has been the high cost of building." This context lead to building subsidies and the Allied Building Industries Movement. By 1936 the normal working week was reduced from 44 hours to 40 hours.

In the 1930s New Zealand was yet to invest in inner-city living via large scale apartment buildings. Few examples of flats existed. A. Sinclair O'Connor's Courtville (1914-19) at the corner Waterloo Quadrant and Parliament Street, Auckland, and Francis Petre's Manor Place Flats in Dunedin were exceptions to conventional living. In the 1930s greater interest was shown in the design of inner-city apartments – most famously by the Department of Housing Construction's Berhampore Flats, Adelaide Rd (Wellington, Gordon Wilson, 1938-40), and Symonds Street Flats, Symonds Street (Auckland, Friedrich Neumann, 1939-47), anticipating their 1940s work: the Dixon Street Flats, Dixon Street (Wellington, 1940-44), the Maclean Flats, The Terrace (Wellington, 1943-44), the Hanson Street Flats, Newtown (1943-44), and the Greys Avenue Flats, Greys Avenue (Auckland, 1945-47). [NEW PARAGRAPH] In Wellington, Edmund Anscombe dominated the design of privately funded inner city flats, designing six art-deco/modernistic apartments during this time: Belvedere, Hamilton Flats, Olympus, Linfield, Alberts Flats and Franconia. This paper examines these apartments in the context of Anscombe's comments on house design, and housing, and his 1936 proposal to replan the area of Adelaide Road as a residential area to accommodate superblocks of high rise apartments.

Edmund Anscombe is reputed to have begun his architectural career in Dunedin with the success of the University of Otago School of Mines competition, after spending five years in America (1902-1906) studying architecture. His early career is characterised by consistent success in architectural competitions over a short period of time. He won competitions for the University of Otago School of Mines (1908), the Young Men's Christian Association Building (1909), the Hanover Street Baptist Church (1910), and the Dunedin Girls' High School (1909) - where he won first and second place. This competition work chronologically culminates in an unsuccessful entry in the 1911 competition for a new New Zealand Parliament, which was won by John Campbell and Claude Paton.

The 1980s in New Zealand started with Robert Muldoon as Prime Minister: "Think Big," the Springbok Tour, the price freeze, and the establishment of Kōhanga Reo. These conflicting messages of expansion, contraction, and of race and politics were contextualised by high inflation (15.7% in 1981, 17.6% in 1982) and increasing unemployment (over 70,000 in 1981; c130,000 in 1983). In 1983 the CER (Closer Economic Relations) agreement with Australia was signed. In 1986 a GST (Goods and Services Tax) was first introduced. In October 1987, the sharemarket crash devastated many and reduced the number of cranes dominating the skylines of New Zealand's major cities. Building sites became car parks, and a new era of economic rationalisation would occur. In 1988 Broadcasting was de-regulated, NZPost (now an SOE) closed 432 post offices, and the selling of state assets to private interests was put in train. In 1989 GST increased to 12.5% and the Serious Fraud Office was established.It was also a decade of drama in New Zealand architecture. Significant controversies arose over buildings being built or being demolished, the economies of land value and building worth were in constant comparision. Of note were the discussions around the unrealised National Art Gallery, Roger Walker's now demolished Wellington Club the Aotea Centre in Auckland,the destruction of William Pitt's His Majesty's Theatre, and finally the National Museum of New Zealand, known these days as Te Papa. Controversies included protests against the recurring lack of open competitions for major public buildings, as well as the dominant disregard for architectural heritage.

Peter Middleton's 1964 description of Hoogerburg Scott's Futuna Chapel (1958-1960) as being "about as austere as a Dior gown and as comforting as a hair shirt ... [but] at least it's a meaningful statement" points to a sense of complexity and contradiction present in the architecture of the 1960s. The decade which began with Futuna's completion, ends shortly after its recognition with an NZIA Gold Medal Award in 1968. The significance of the building weaves through the full length of the decade.