Search

This case study of the early Neolithic Guanjia site (6100–5500 BC) combines zooarchaeological, paleobotanical, and isotope research to investigate how humans raised pigs and incorporated them in their overall subsistence system. Although the teeth (M2) of Sus scrofa from Guanjia were all larger than domesticated pigs dating to the middle Neolithic (Yangshao period, 5000–3000 BC) and early Bronze Age (2000–1000 BC), which would suggest that Guanjia pigs were not domesticated pigs morphologically if body size is a key criterion to identify domesticated animals, we still argue that there was human management of pigs via feeding and culling strategies. We base our argument on the following observations: (1) Sus scrofa accounts for 34.2% (n = 41) of NISP and 22.2% (n = 4) of MNI; (2) most individuals were younger than two years at time of death (mandible n = 5, epiphyseal fusion n = 14) and most are female; (3) distorted alignment of teeth, a deformation related to early domestication, was found on one left mandible; (4) compared to pure C3 diets seen in deer (δ13C = − 21.0 ± 0.7‰, n = 3), the majority of Sus scrofa consumed some C4 plants (δ13C = − 17.4 ± 0.8‰, n = 6), probably from C4 wild grass or cultivated millets; (5) Panicoideae starch grain, broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum), and foxtail millet (Setaria italica) phytoliths were found at Guanjia, further supporting our argument that Sus scrofa accessed C4 millets and human environments. This study also reveals that animals in the early stages of domestication and domestic plants only accounted for a small proportion of human subsistence; thus, people still relied heavily on hunting and gathering at Guanjia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents new data from the Husi kiln site, Hubei Province, China, where the unusual size calls into question the primacy of Jingdezhen in porcelain production in medieval China. With its over 180 kilns, the site rivals Jingdezhen in size, yet it has found no mention in textual accounts. The wares produced at Husi include Qingbai and grey-greenish ware of the Tang and the Song periods (seventh to thirteenth century AD). This paper presents compositional data obtained using LA-ICP-MS on samples from five kilns at Husi, comparing them with published data from other kilns. The data set Husi apart, thus allowing for fingerprinting its wares. Based on bulk chemical analysis, the paper furthermore explores the idea that Husi combined elements of southern and northern technologies, thus connecting these two ceramic traditions that previously had been seen as being entirely separate. Some key elements of the early Qingbai ware glaze from Husi resemble wares from Jingdezhen, suggesting a connection between the two sites; however, the glaze recipes for later wares found at Husi differ, indicating that its customer base and marketing strategy changed over time. Furthermore, the iron content of the grey-greenish ware from Husi is extraordinarily high, indicating a unique glaze recipe and production technology independent from Jingdezhen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions on colonialism are pervasive in western scholarship but are hardly ever applied to the archeology of China. The present paper shows how concepts of colonialism and migration research can be successfully applied to understand Han imperial expansion into southwest China and how the Chinese material can in turn contribute to developing theories and methods of colonialism research further. Taking the Shamaoshan cemetery as a case study, the present paper combines archeological, textual, environmental, and isotope data to gain insights into strategies and processes of Han imperial expansion into southwest China. The insights gained here show that the long-accepted story-line of simple "Sinicization" and political control is far from accurate. Instead, it took over a century of cross-cultural exchange with immigrants and locals adopting each other's customs to varying degrees. While in the beginning the Han seem to have taken a top-down approach to "civilizing" the region through their elites, the present study suggests that in the end it was the lower levels of society that intermingled most intensively and helped integrate migrants and locals successfully. Moving away from the exclusive focus on exceptional graves and large sites, the present study thus shows the great value of approaching small, poorly equipped graves with new methods, combining isotope research with a nuanced analysis of burial remains. Evaluated together with the evidence from the well-known exceptional graves, lesser-known settlement material, and historical accounts, the Shamaoshan case study has made it clear that various types of contact, colonial and otherwise, play out quite differently within different social groups and historical situations. This study thus proposes a multisource, multimethod approach that moves away from a narrative dominated by the history-writing elite segments of the colonizing force to a multivoiced account integrating local and outside perceptions at various social levels, an approach that might successfully be applied in other parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The original version of this article, unfortunately, contained errors. The original version of this article, unfortunately, contained errors. The corresponding author failed to notice that Professor Wu Xiaotong's affiliation is incorrect. Wu Xiaotong should have been affiliated to "Shandong University" instead of "Jilin University. Given in this article is the corrected affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]