Search

Care is a practice and form of labour making human survival and flourishing possible. This Symposium explores the place and work of care within housing movements, asking how care operates as a politics, an ethics, and a set of practices through which tenants survive—and ultimately seek to transform—the structural violence of capitalist housing systems. Situated in US cities with abiding associations with Blackness and indigeneity, papers in the Symposium examine housing movements that take care as the starting point. As we discuss in this introduction to the Symposium, in such movements, care operates as connective tissue across households and modes of difference; challenges relations of racial capitalism and settler colonialism that underlie dominant understandings of who deserves and can demand care; and drives calls for public care and experiments with non-propertised forms of ownership. Housing systems are care infrastructures, making housing movements a vital place for care work.

We bring the concept of internal colonialism—developed by Indigenous and racialised activist‐scholars in Abya Yala—into conversation with settler colonialism, white supremacy, white privilege, and Indigenous fleshed or embodied politics. Our goal is to incite fraught hemispheric conversations about the internalisation of coloniality by subaltern peoples, anticolonial struggles, and the relevance of internal colonial structures of dispossession in the making of Latin American nation‐states. We believe in the power of establishing dialogue/cooperation between grassroots Black, Indigenous, and racialised thought against colonialism in Abya Yala and Turtle Island. A reading of these contributions suggests that binary classifications—oppressor/victim, dominator/dominated—trap our imagination, destabilising commitments to decolonisation. We focus on the construction of the environmental state in Chile, conservation discourse in the Riviera Maya, the rise of corporatist rule in southern Mexico City, and cuerpo‐territorio mapping in the Ecuadorian Amazonia. We propose that a relational reading of colonial power dynamics enables opportunities for liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how settler legal orders in Eastern Navajo Agency produce conditions of impasse that defer investments in life sustaining infrastructures, like roads. Focusing on the conjuncture of infrastructural decay and jurisdictional friction amid an oil and gas boom, I elaborate a concept of “gridlock” as a deadly effect of settler governance. Unfolding stories about road maintenance, school access, and emergency medical transport, the article describes gridlock as a space of both impasse and improvisation that Diné residents inhabit in moving through a region engineered for their immobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November and December of 2021, the Fraser Valley in southwest British Columbia suffered extreme flooding due to an atmospheric river. Although the event was attributed to climate change, I suggest that the recent floods must be understood through the historical geography of flood control infrastructure in the valley, particularly dikes. In this article, I trace the development of these infrastructures from the beginning of colonisation to the completion of the first state‐managed diking system in the early 20th century. I argue that at the same time as dikes secured land for settler farmers, they exposed Indigenous peoples to new hazards—ironically including floods—and multiplied the damage of future flood events. Building on geographic literature demonstrating the participation of dike infrastructure in racialised capital accumulation and settler colonialism, I highlight the way that dikes have abetted these projects through the uneven spatial production of vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the role of feral pigs in assembling the Texas frontier. Quick to reproduce, highly adaptive, and destroyers of agricultural fields, feral pigs have emerged over the past decade as one of the principal challenges facing agriculture and land management systems in Texas. Yet, more than simply a pest, feral pigs have and continue to be active agents in forging new landscapes, ecologies, and settler‐colonial relations. We trace the history of the present pig "crisis" by exploring three paradigms for thinking pigs and the politics of ferality on the Texas frontier. These paradigms frame pigs as: "settler beasts" (companion species to settler expansion); "melting‐pot beasts" (feral pigs as representing diverse genetic remnants of settler expansion); and "invader beasts" (feral pigs framed as a threat). Our argument is that these paradigms index diverse material and discursive ways that feral pigs have and continue to assemble Texas's frontier landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fragmentation is a key colonial strategy to which Palestinians enact resistance, evident most prominently in the 2021 Unity Intifada. In this article, I take inspiration from such Palestinian resistance to theorise fragmentation as a central logic of Zionist/Israeli settler colonialism. I make three related points. First, I employ the metaphor of the earthquake to consider the fractality of settler colonial fragmentation across the dimensions of land, time, and bodies. Second, understanding the settler colonial logic of elimination as ultimately attempting to extinguish a Palestinian Indigenous sovereignty, I argue that the logic of fragmentation drives towards elimination. Finally, I demonstrate that, in fragmenting Palestine, Zionism seeks to render Israel a coherent entity. Ultimately then, the Zionist project works to fragment Palestine to eliminate Palestinian bodies from land and time, to render Israel a seamless nation across these dimensions. However, Palestinian Indigenous sovereignty is not something that can be broken or extinguished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The benefits of employment in resource extraction figure prominently in state rationales for resource extraction. However, in Canada, the site of study, while the worker is a key figure in rationales for extraction, this same worker disappears in state attention to extractive/mine closure. The paper's focus on Indigenous mining labour is driven by a community–university research partnership with Dene communities in the Northwest Territories facing forthcoming closure of diamond mines on their land. Approaching mine closure as a juncture that can both reproduce or resist the settler extractive economy, we argue that the Canadian state responses to the labour implications of mine closure, and its lack of coherence, express the settler‐colonial tension between the reproduction of the (Canadian) settler state and its requisite labour force, and the social reproduction of Indigenous communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Renewable energy sources such as solar and wind produce electricity intermittently, creating challenges in balancing electricity supply and demand for increasingly renewable‐dominated grids. This is driving efforts to increase energy storage infrastructure, such as pumped hydroelectric power storage (pumped storage). In this research, we examine environmental justice issues in a case study of a proposed pumped storage facility in Goldendale, Washington, which has been highly controversial and actively contested by a coalition of Indigenous and environmental communities. Drawing from frameworks of political ecology, just transitions, and Indigenous environmental justice, we focus on processes of consultation and engagement around permitting as a key arena for environmental justice contestation, and critically examine the driving assumptions behind the project. Despite popular framings of renewable energy infrastructures as new and green, we argue that the environmental justice impacts of this and similar projects represent continuity with past patterns of settler colonialism and extractive development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israeli plans to partially annex West Bank territory have mainly been perceived as frustrating the two‐state solution, and as putting Palestine/Israel on a path leading to the one‐state alternative. This paper analyses partial annexation plans without assuming that the future of Palestine/Israel would necessarily abide by either statist resolution. It argues that by ostensibly distancing Israel's hold of the West Bank from an identifiable configuration of a belligerent occupation, partial annexation is offered to Jewish Israelis as a path for detaching the futurity of the two nations, and as a trajectory for normalising the Israeli state, without having to make what much of this public would see as painful concessions. It further explores settlers' objections to such plans, claiming that even a partial incorporation of West Bank territory into formal Israel is expected to erode the exclusivity of Jewish domination which Israel has been upholding in its settler‐colonial frontier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars argue that blockades of infrastructure pose an economic threat to capital circulation. This explains how activists can gain power through strategic spatial occupations and why states seek to protect "critical infrastructure" from disruption. However, Indigenous‐led blockades of pipelines gain power not (only) by disrupting economic flows alone, but by eliciting state anxieties about the racialised political, psychic and economic project of settler colonialism. Analysing public discourse surrounding the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines, including legislative measures introduced to criminalise protest since the blockade at Standing Rock, we reframe critical infrastructure security as a component operation of settler countersovereignty. The criminalisation of Indigenous dissent through the state's escalation of protest legislation is an investment in maintaining settler political authority, leading us to conclude that blockades must be understood not only as a form of anti‐capitalist resistance, but also as a locus of anti‐colonial struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a study of the causes and consequences of making Palestinian land into an ethical investment. It builds on fieldwork in villages north of Ramallah where a Palestinian real estate company purchased devalued agricultural lands and offered them to Palestinian buyers as an ethical investment. It argues that through private titling, planning, and infrastructure, this company secured land for potential investors and produced an imaginary of rural areas as empty and unowned. It created enclaves that protect the rights of new owners but undermine the possibilities for collective land defence, and it pioneered a model of development that will transform the use and control of village land across the West Bank. Rather than an example of a company that uses human rights to cover up illegality, this case illuminates the limits of human rights for critiquing capital and settler colonialism and for understanding the forces that are reshaping rural Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of a superior "civilisation" has been a hallmark of the politics of Western institutions and fringe white supremacists alike. Known ideologically as "civilisationism", it has occupied a prominent position in the ideology of the Australian far‐right. Paying tribute to their settler‐colonial origins, the far‐right has consistently promoted "white civilisation", even inspiring terrorist attacks. Despite this propensity for violence, far‐right civilisationism remains largely unexplored. Through investigating a dataset of Australian far‐right content, this paper reveals civilisationism as a significant part of their ideology, an ideology which relies on the idealisation of European technologies and environments to render Indigenous land and people uncivilised. A critical narrative analysis of the data illustrates the ways that these ecological factors are drawn into narrative to articulate Australian far‐right civilisationism, an ideology inseparable from the political ecology of European history and colonialism, that today represents a particularly virulent version of its legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alberta produces 80% of the crude oil extracted in Canada. Canadian resource industry proponents and governments claim to be climate leaders, but Canada produces the highest per capita greenhouse gas emissions of all G20 countries, and is among the top ten carbon dioxide producers globally. Much of this pollution can be tied back to Alberta’s petro‐economy, an industry whose fossil wealth dates back millions of years to a time when flora and fauna were deposited in the lands and waters that Alberta now claims. Expanding on my earlier work on oil, gas, water, fish, and the Cree legal‐ethical principle of wahkohtowin in Alberta’s fossil‐scapes, this article examines what happens when the weaponised fossil kin of Alberta’s fossil and petro‐deposits are extracted and transformed into waste and pollution that disrupt reciprocal relationalities between human and nonhuman beings in Alberta’s watersheds, landscapes, atmospheres, and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the US–Mexico borderlands, coalitions have formed to successfully thwart attempted amplification of militarisation in the region. However, in the borderlands, where migrants are criminalised and the colonisation of Indigenous lands and life is ongoing, coalition building is complicated due to the distinct positionalities of anti‐militarisation activists. This paper analyses solidarity from the perspective of anti‐militarisation organisations and activists in Southern Arizona/on occupied O'odham lands. I contend that desires for solidarity built around the worker, despite the recognition of unique struggles, reveal certain tendencies in activism remain bound to settler colonial ways of relating and understanding. Nonetheless, I argue that ongoing resistance to settler colonial terms of condition may motivate moves to refuse colonial forms of solidarity by reimagining coalition building as transpiring through reciprocal exchange of (hi)stories between differently positioned activists, rather than seeking a struggle that is common to all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to research on the means by which the Canadian state authorises, enables, and secures new major petroleum pipelines. While disruptions to pipeline construction are now increasingly common, state and industry alike have continued to finance and approve new projects, even despite serious and ongoing concerns about impacts on ecologies and Indigenous jurisdiction. The paper focuses on one under‐researched mechanism of state authorisation: federal impact assessments for new oil and gas pipeline projects, undertaken by the National Energy Board (NEB), Canada's now former energy regulator, which operated between 1959 and 2019. The NEB's mandate was to deem, via impact assessment, whether a new project would be in the "public interest". I argue public interest is an effective legal‐political mechanism for securing and obscuring the state's claim to jurisdiction, the traction of which lies partly in an underlying colonial scalar logic and imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interrelationship of race, space, and landed property in the historical development of racially segregated housing geographies in the United States. Using archival methods, I directly connect late 18th century land speculation to early 20th century suburban real estate development based on racially restrictive covenants. I investigate the city of Syracuse—a small, post‐industrial city in Upstate New York on unceded Onondaga Nation land and one of the most racially segregated cities in the US. Dispossession, speculation, and homesteading on the "Central New York Military Tract" generated a racialised, spatialised form of property that real estate capitalists later utilised to create and maintain profit‐oriented suburban segregation. This article extends the historical timeline in studies of residential segregation, provides clarity on dispossession and housing inequity in small and mid‐sized cities, and contributes to understanding how processes of racial capitalism operate through private real estate markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the installation of surveillance cameras in the Bedouin town of Hura in the Negev desert in Israel, analysing the complex interactions between the state and the local inhabitants, for whom the cameras were an opportunity to exercise agency. Considering the long history of Jewish colonialism in the Negev, one could have assumed that the new surveillance technology was imposed on the Bedouins against their will. However, in‐depth interviews with Hura inhabitants demonstrated that the municipality and tribal authorities were active players in deciding on the installation and location of the surveillance cameras. In light of the conflictual relations of the Bedouin population to Israeli state authorities, we argue that while the cameras placed the Bedouins of Hura under a new layer of surveillance, their installation could also be understood as a reaction to the ongoing neglect of Bedouin lives and possessions by the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we seek to intervene in conversations that frame Black abolition and decolonisation as antagonistic political projects. We respond to Garba and Sorentino's (2020) "Slavery is a metaphor", which critiques Tuck and Yang (2012; "Decolonization is not a metaphor") and decolonisation. Our concern is that scholarship in this vein denies Indigenous sovereignty and futurity while unnecessarily characterising decolonisation as antiblack. We contend that ontological, epistemological, and disciplinary traps lead to this problem: reductions, conflations, and taking settler‐enslavers' word as truth. We suggest that critiques of settler colonial studies shouldn't be confused with the aims of Indigenous decolonisation, where the former is largely driven by white scholarship and the latter is an Indigenous‐led project rooted in Indigenous epistemologies. We focus on questions of land and sovereignty, gesturing toward framings that are inclusive of Black, Native, and immigrant communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agricultural development and water infrastructure constitute the central features of California's Central Valley. Marxist ecological theory has examined the development of capitalist agriculture in the Central Valley, while decolonial scholarship has critiqued the disproportionate impact of California's water resource management on Indigenous communities. We bring together Marxist ecology and critiques of settler colonialism through an examination of land reclamation in California, culminating in the development of the Central Valley Project (CVP) in the 1930s. Reclamation combined the twin logics of capitalism (accumulation) and settler colonialism (elimination) to produce landscapes conducive to capitalist agriculture. Faced with ecological limits to accumulation, colonial‐capitalist expansion required state intervention in the form of infrastructure projects to secure water for agricultural production. The CVP generated a rift in California's hydrologic cycle, causing significant declines in water quality and fisheries and giving rise to forms of resistance and restoration that challenge colonial‐capitalist water development in the Central Valley. The reciprocal restoration of salmon fisheries offers a method to begin mending this hydrologic rift while disrupting ongoing settler colonial violence in California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that state‐sponsored memorialisation is a critical enterprise in creating and maintaining a national cultural identity that softens or erases the ongoing process of death‐making and dispossession wrought by settlers on the land and Indigenous peoples. Drawing on the work of Toronto‐based Cree scholar Karyn Recollet, I further argue that this death‐making is not a given. Indigenous peoples assert their presence and relationships to the Humber River and its adjacent lifeforces alongside and in opposition to official memorialising projects. The 20th anniversary of the Humber River's designation as a Canada Heritage River in 2019, the first in the era of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's Calls to Action, begs the question as to the role memorial and commemoration ceremonies play in the coalescence of a particular settler colonial story/myth that stabilises geographies as "memorial spaces" while simultaneously narrating Indigenous peoples through erasure, assimilation, and as historical ghosts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liaison policing strategies are increasingly deployed as Canada's frontline response to Indigenous‐settler land disputes. A fusion of pre‐emptive interventions, intelligence gathering, and best practices in public order and community policing, contemporary liaison strategies have important implications for Indigenous self‐determination and decolonial struggles. Yet, despite their rapid proliferation, we know little about how liaison strategies are enrolled as a technique of settler colonial governance. I begin addressing this gap through a four‐year case study tracking how a multi‐agency liaison policing assemblage undermined an urban Indigenous land reclamation in the city of Ottawa, Canada's national capital. I show how liaison strategies worked by constraining the terrain of manoeuvre for radical organising while simultaneously facilitating Indigenous engagement in state‐sanctioned processes of recognition and accommodation. Arguing that the literature on public order policing inadequately theorises the relationship between liaison policing and settler colonial power, I propose "modulating eventfulness" as a more apposite conceptual grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a visual archive of Indigenous mapping practices in relationship to theorisations of Indigenous spatialities that seek to re‐centre practices of counter‐mapping around Indigenous spatial justice. After examining a Google Maps initiative that takes on colonial mapping tropes to enforce Indigenous dispossession, I consider two mapping projects based at Zuni Pueblo: first, a Zuni‐led response to proposed coal extraction that would have affected Zuni cultural practices; and second, the Zuni Map Art Project, an initiative that remixes tropes of colonial mapping to create spatial representations that are encoded such that the information they contain can only be understood by those who have been initiated in Zuni cultural knowledge. The purpose of this paper is to examine how Indigenous feminist spatial practices disrupt the colonial relations of power that mapping and counter‐mapping often reinforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing inspiration from popular efforts to connect a wide array of political struggles, this symposium examines the ways that racial‐colonial politics unfold through nature and environmental practices linking past, present, and future across the United States and Canada. By way of introduction, we ask: What does it mean to do political ecologies of race in Canada and the United States? For us the response cannot be additive—merely grafting attention to racial/colonial politics onto established scholarly conventions. Instead, we aim for a deeper analysis that challenges and enlivens the field of political ecology. This introduction highlights what is at stake, and identifies the ways that the contributors' research pushes the field. Ultimately, we argue that political ecologies of race can help reinvigorate intellectual projects and build liveable futures by recognising and supporting the connections between ongoing struggles. We hope this symposium contributes to the task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite increasing institutionalised recognition of Indigenous and Black environmental concerns in governance processes, the structures of settler colonialism and racial capitalism in North America continue to normalise dispossession and disproportionately burden marginalised communities with environmental harms. Engaging recent critiques of the inability of Indigenous rights frameworks to reverse ongoing colonial dispossessions and the failure of environmental justice policies to address racialised environmental inequalities, this article argues that political ecologists must contend with the limitations of institutionalised recognition of historically marginalised communities in North American environmental governance. We argue that institutionalisation of such concern, while putatively redressing injustices or reconciling dispossession through environmental governance, functions more to elide historic drivers and geographic processes of marginalisation than to disrupt white supremacy and settler colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While political ecologists have analysed the role of private property in creating and sustaining ecological inequalities, this approach does not often take property as a foundational element of racial capitalism. I argue that the defence of private property in contestation of North American oil pipelines demonstrates the centrality of property not only to the structural reproduction of capital, but also to its Euro‐American subject. Emphasising their affective attachments to land and resentment at dispossession, landowners and populist environmental organisations in the Great Plains frequently compared individual, white experiences of eminent domain to the historic and ongoing dispossession of Native Nations by suggesting "they're treating us like Indians". In order to account for the reproduction of white supremacy in environmentalism, I argue that we must understand how its oppositional politics are linked to economic interests‐in‐land and affective desires‐for‐land that maintain landed private property. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction calls for political ecology to systematically engage with the ways that white supremacy shapes human relationships with land through entangled processes of settler colonialism, empire and racial capitalism. To develop the analytic of abolition ecology, we begin with the articulation of W.E.B. Du Bois' abolition democracy together with Ruth Wilson Gilmore's spatially attuned analytic of abolition geography. Rather than define communities by the violence they suffer, abolition ecologies call for attention to radical place‐making and the land, air and water based environments within which places are made. To that end, we suggest that an abolition ecology demands attention to the ways that coalitional land‐based politics dismantle oppressive institutions and to the promise of abolition, which Gilmore describes as making "freedom as a place". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critique of the Wolfe-an model, which has become so dominant within contemporary Settler Colonial Studies (SCS). It focuses particularly on the central claim made by Patrick Wolfe, and others after him, that settler colonialism is categorically differentiated from other forms of colonialism by its drive to "eliminate the native", instead of exploiting them. This paper builds on the literature that shows how settler colonies have used elimination as well as exploitation in their relations with indigenous peoples--even transitioning from one to the other. Instead, the paper argues that focusing on accumulation by dispossession allows for an analysis of the specificity of settler social relations to emerge. It highlights the specific ways in which settlers collectively expropriate indigenous peoples and struggle amongst different settler classes over the distribution of the colonial loot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a critical analysis of the metaphysical and methodological presuppositions of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor". While Tuck and Yang position settler colonial spatiality as structured by a settler‐native‐slave triad, we argue that their critique of metaphor entails the collapse of the triad into a settler‐native dyad, the reduction of slavery to forced labour, and a division between the material and the symbolic that forecloses not only an analysis of slavery, but also the constitution of settler colonialism itself. Through an immanent critique of "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor" we identify what animates their critique of metaphor, and drawing on scholarship in Black studies, we offer an alternative theorisation of slavery and settler colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social mix policies have emerged as a prominent mechanism to legitimate neighbourhood redevelopment efforts across the US. Despite integrationist rhetoric, results often disabuse marginalised communities of their claims to the city. This paper employs a hybrid spatio‐temporal analysis at the intersection of political‐economic theories of gentrification and post‐colonial and Black geographies literatures to examine underlying cultural logics and affective experiences animating such processes of neighbourhood transformation, contestation, and succession. Reflecting on 15 years of experience researching Over‐the‐Rhine (OTR), Cincinnati, we contribute a stylised distinction between the foundational, mature, and ongoing legacies of urban settler colonial relations. Our account discloses the power geometries shaping neighbourhood space by illustrating the impact of the discourses, tactics, and strategies employed by pro‐development actors and neighbourhood activists as OTR's socio‐political landscape shifted over time. In conclusion, we engage the thorny questions these dynamics raise surrounding how inner‐city neighbourhoods are theorised and struggled over after gentrification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011, Huu‐ay‐aht First Nations became one of five Nuu‐chah‐nulth Nations on the west coast of Vancouver Island in Canada to implement the Maa‐nulth Treaty with the Province of British Columbia and Canada. Modern treaties are dense and lengthy legal documents that exhaustively set out the obligations of each signatory party. They are heavily criticised for being unjust extensions of colonialism that limit Indigenous self‐determination and transform homelands under settler colonial property regimes. Yet, some First Nations accept these agreements as their chosen path for self‐government in state structures. We document Huu‐ay‐aht First Nations' decision‐making that resulted when the Maa‐nulth Treaty was implemented and replaced the Indian Act by analysing the Maa‐nulth Treaty and interviews conducted with Huu‐ay‐aht First Nations leadership. We demonstrate how ʔiisaak (respect) and ʔuuʔałuk (taking care of) guided Huu‐ay‐aht First Nations' self‐government, while nesting this discussion in the complexities and critiques of modern treaties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes in regulation of mineral development on Indigenous people's lands, wrought by the advent of native title in Australia, created an impression that the political economy of mining on Indigenous people's lands would be fundamentally transformed. In this paper we argue, in reality, a deeply seated settler‐colonial mentality endures in Australia within the institutions presiding over mineral governance, particularly in those States that are heavily dependent upon resource extraction. Focusing on the governance of mineral development in Queensland, Australia, we offer an analysis of the rationalities that inform the endurance of an inequitable architecture of extractive governance in that State. Our conceptual framework draws on a synthesis of the concepts of "accumulation by dispossession", "settler colonialism", and Indigenous critiques of the politics of recognition, to argue that liberal states remain deeply committed to the facilitation of mineral development on Indigenous people's lands in direct contravention to international norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which colonial violence is transformed and spatialised into negotiated precarities at the occupied Palestine. The notion of "negotiated precarity" is developed herein, to refer to two aspects in particular. First, to spatial compartmentalisation, which shows how the settler colonial power operates by creating precarious administrative zones, where the life of the colonised becomes prone to several flexible, negotiated uses of power. Second, negotiated precarity is used to refer to the conduct of the colonised that counters, transforms, redirects, cancels or hampers the colonial spatialisations of power. By focusing on the "negotiated precarities" in a singular West Bank village, I exemplify how the colonial governing is entwined with spatial compartments that enable several informal, indirect and ad hoc techniques of colonial violence, but also how the colonial governing is constantly mobilised, negotiated, countered and redirected in/through the everyday Palestinian spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gendered geographies of elimination further settler colonialism's influence on conceptual discussions in human geography on contemporary forms of the place‐based death of indigenous peoples. Through work stemming from scholarship on the gendering of settler colonialism, this paper adds to narratives on place annihilation and dispossession of indigenous territory tied to the slow death of racialised, gendered and sexualised populations. Building on incipient reflections in geography with settler colonialism, I explore the geographic implications from the perspective of Epera women, indigenous women belonging to a trinational ethnicity experiencing elimination along the Ecuador–Colombia borderland from the perspective of decolonial feminist geography frameworks. I claim that attrition implied in settler colonialism's logic of elimination is a territorial project demonstrated in place‐based elimination and gendered embodied elimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions of identity, belonging and place are heightened in societies under protracted military occupation. Bridging scholarship on territorial justice and settler colonialism, this paper examines the impacts of, and responses to, the misrecognition of Arab residents enacted by the Israeli state in the occupied Golan Heights. The injustice of misrecognition entails the imposition on the indigenous population of a Zionist ethnogeography consolidated through Jewish settlements, forced citizenship and discriminatory land and water policies. Focusing on the distinctive agricultural practices by which a Jawlani (Syrian Golani) identity is forged, we highlight the role of sumud ("steadfastness") as a strategy of non‐violent resistance. Sumud here rests on the mobilisation of communal norms of land and water management, evident in the creation of counter‐infrastructures and water collectives supporting apple orchards. In the face of settler colonial misrecognition, Jawlani rootedness expresses a distinctive ontology on land with a conjoined right of resourcehood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper engages the relationship between toxic geographies and settler colonialism. By bringing to light larger structures and histories that underpin the settler colonial project, I examine a series of toxic encounters and consider the racialised hegemonic narratives that enable the production toxicity. Among these is a methylmercury contamination in Northern Ontario, just upstream from Grassy Narrows First Nation, and a cluster of toxic conversations that bled through social media in the wake of the murder of Colten Boushie, a 22‐year‐old Cree man in Saskatchewan, Canada. I argue that examining the normative ideologies, settler narratives, and socio‐political structures that are involved in the production of toxicity provides valuable insight into the diffuse and relational colonial logics that define the lives that are privileged as the standard, and those that fall outside the regulatory category of the Human, and as a result, are subject to elimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The Louisiana State Penitentiary (Angola) is a site embedded with historical legacies of plantation slavery and settler colonialism; as the largest maximum security penitentiary in the United States, the prison also reflects the racial injustice of contemporary US mass incarceration. Situated on the site of an old plantation, the prison hosts the Angola Rodeo twice a year, an event that crystallises violent multispecies social relations in the merging of the US West and South as two distinct kinds of colonial projects. Whereas much scholarship and activism has worked against the wholesale dehumanisation inherent in chattel slavery, settler colonialism, and mass incarceration, this paper works to interrogate and disrupt the human–animal binary through which processes of dehumanisation are sustained. Drawing together postcolonial studies and animal studies, the paper centres empirical research on the Angola Rodeo to highlight how racialisation and anthropocentrism are intertwined logics of subordination and exclusion that carry forward into the present. Ultimately, the paper suggests the need for a mode of analysis and action that does not maintain the subordination of the animal, and instead, takes a de‐anthropocentric and decolonial approach to injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In settler colonial contexts the historical and ongoing dispossession and displacement of Indigenous peoples is foundational to understanding the production of urban space. What does it mean that cities in what is now known as Canada are Indigenous places and premised on the ongoing dispossession of Indigenous peoples? What roles do new urban reserves play in subverting or reinforcing the colonial-capitalist sociospatial order? This paper examines these questions in relation to new urban reserves in Canada. Most common in the Prairie provinces, new urban reserves are satellite land holdings of First Nation communities located outside of the city. While the settler state narrowly confines new urban reserves to neoliberal agendas, First Nations are successfully advancing reserve creation to generate economic self-sufficiency, exercise self-determination, and subvert settler state boundaries. I argue that new urban reserves are contradictory spaces, as products and vehicles of settler-colonial state power and Indigenous resistance and place-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a critical analysis of the practices and discourses of white settler 'men' in Southeast Kansas (Ancestral Osage Territories) by examining the inextricable links rural masculinity has with settler colonialism. I begin by underscoring how efforts in erasing Indigenous histories have been sanctioned through processes of dispossession, bordering, and nation-state building. I then explore how hetero-patriarchal rural hierarchies are assembled via capitalistic desires for private property; conservative Christianity's rhetoric of altruism and good intentions; white supremacist conceptions of race; and masculinist perspectives regarding work and gender. Next, I highlight how the spatial assertion of white settler masculinity reproduces colonial oppressions based upon interlocking subject positions and notions of difference. I continue by suggesting denial and disaffiliation are banal exercises of disavowal employed by white settler societies as attempts to forget colonial violence. I then finish by illustrating how a masculinist status quo might be disrupted, resisted, and transformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interpersonal conflict poses a serious threat to social justice activism. In the context of indigenous solidarity activism in southern Arizona, conflicts are often born of the challenges accompanying differentials in social privilege due to differences in race and ethnicity relative to white supremacist settler colonialism. This paper examines activist collaboration between Tohono O'odham and non-Native anarchist activists in southern Arizona, arguing that a topological activist polis is a useful lens through which we can better understand the roots of conflict in social justice activism. Non-Native activists are often aware of the ways white supremacist settler colonial society privileges particular identities while marginalizing others. Nonetheless, settler and white privilege give rise to tensions which can be seen topologically through the very different relationships non-Native and indigenous activists have to ongoing processes of white supremacy and to histories of the genocide of indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines mineral rights and claim staking in northern Canada, with a focus on settler colonialism and how liberal understandings of property are embedded in the legal geography of the right to explore for minerals. The history of these legal systems is explained through the 'free-entry' principle understood as the right to stake a mineral claim without consulting with private landholders or Indigenous peoples. Free-entry debate highlights how ideologies of property are assumed neutral through staking regulations. Based on an analysis of interviews with key informants involved in mining regulation, I analyze the geographic stratification of land into two categories, above and below the surface, as an avenue to understand how dominant ideologies of property reveal a critical site of contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous activists and anarchist Settler people are articulating common ground in opposition to imperialism and colonialism. However, many anarchists have faced difficulties in Indigenous solidarity work through unintentional (often unwitting) transgressions and appropriations. Through the introduction of settler colonialism as a complicating power dynamic, we observe that anarchists bring unconscious spatial perceptions into their solidarity work. Further, Indigenous activists often perceive anarchists as Settler people first and foremost, which carries another set of spatial implications. We examine a number of examples of anarchist and Indigenous activism, at times empowering and at times conflictual, in order to reveal some general trends. Through an intensive synthesis of Indigenous peoples' theories and articulations of place-based relationships, we suggest that deeper understandings of these relationships can be of great importance in approaching solidarity work in place and with respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]