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This paper focuses on the contradictory nature and sometimes unintended consequences of workers' efforts to defend particular communities against the ravages of capital restructuring. In the past decade, pattern collective bargaining in the highly unionized British Columbia pulp and paper industry has faced enormous strains due to intense industry restructuring. Our analysis focuses on the repercussions of actions taken by union locals in two British Columbia towns-Port Alice and Port Alberni-to try to secure the survival of their pulp and paper mills and, even in the case of Port Alice, the continued existence of the community. Our analysis resonates with recent debates surrounding worker agency as well as writing in the 1980s which addressed the often contradictory and problematic nature of workers' struggles to 'defend place'; writing largely neglected in more recent work in labour geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first wave of environmental justice literature tended to define environmental racism as the disparate siting of toxic waste facilities in low‐income areas and communities of colour. More recently, environmental justice scholars have turned to a critical environmental justice framework to explore questions of spatial equity in relation to movements like Black Lives Matter. It is increasingly clear that the state, the built environment, economic development, and race converge in communities who face increased surveillance, divestment, and gentrification. Using Hyde Park on the South Side of Chicago as a case study, I draw on qualitative and historical methods to interrogate dominant narratives surrounding policing in urban environments. This paper highlights how Black geographies, as an analytic, highlight the intersection of police brutality and the built environment in Hyde Park. Legacies of urban renewal, now framed as neighbourhood revitalisation, and narratives around criminality and race all influence community police relations in the area. As the University of Chicago expands, so does its police force, and so do conflicts over who can use public spaces and how these spaces are used. I argue that institutions like the University of Chicago rely on the police to racially manage and expand their built environment. I also look to Black Lives Matter as a way to understand police brutality as enmeshed with toxic ecologies. This pairing of activism, ecology and policing allows a more nuanced analysis of the racialised underpinnings of the built environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the construction of London's West India Docks in 1802, I argue that this project established a feedback loop with conditions of production in the Caribbean. Through an analysis of committee minutes, letters, parliamentary papers and visual art, I move beyond economic accounts of slavery's impact to demonstrate how geographies of security and surveillance—first developed on the sugar plantation—were imported into the design and function of London's port. As such, I argue that London's docks produced a geography of segregation which offers a unique insight into the workings of racial capitalism and its exploitation of group‐differentiated vulnerabilities. Positioning my discussion alongside London's contemporary landscape, I excavate Britain's repressed memories of slavery to illustrate how they still scar the urban environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the success of paper-based alternative currencies in facilitating convivial, sustainable localised economies. Based on fieldwork in the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany, it discusses the capacity of activists to create alternative forms of currency that communicate the organisers' visions of a localised economy, before examining material practices: for whom do the currencies work, and who struggles to use them? Using insights from a diverse economies perspective, the article argues that we cannot read off the likelihood of an economic actor using the currency from the extent of their local economic embeddedness: economic actors in similar positions respond to the same stimuli in different ways, and local business owners and activists can form productive alliances to develop their shared project. The article concludes by arguing that local currencies should be used more proactively to stimulate new forms of concrete local production to meet locally identified needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses initiatives which took British young people from ethnic minority and disenfranchised backgrounds to volunteer in sub‐Saharan Africa. It asks whether decolonial possibilities can be seen in the politics of youthful fun and friendship amid a practice undeniably driven by interpenetrating neocolonial logics, where enrolment in helping "needy" others is seen as a means to "improve" working‐class and racially marked youth. The paper argues that volunteers' investments in leisure constituted a politics of refusal towards how they were acted upon as objects of concern. More ambivalently, playful, friendly interactions between British and African youth disrupted relations of charitable pity and signalled desires for solidarity and equality, but cannot be claimed as fully decolonial. At times, fun also re‐entrenched neocolonial and other oppressive relations. Overall, the paper demonstrates that a close reading of the multivalent, affective politics of young people's fun and friendship can reveal much about the reproduction or subversion of contemporary neocolonial logics that operate both within and beyond the borders of postcolonial Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing fortification of borders produces new urban forms of irregular migration. This paper invokes the concept of "borderzone departure cities" as urban constellations created where global migration routes meet blocked borders in cities which become jumping‐off points from which migrants try to depart. The paper examines Athens and Calais as borderzone departure cities located at both sides of the EU Schengen area. By focussing on the Athenian City Plaza squat and the makeshift Calais Jungle camp as emblematic yet relational spaces of departure, the paper moves beyond the squat/camp divide to better understand how irregular migrants struggle against hostile bordering apparatuses through urban practices of meanwhile inhabitation and mobile commoning. The paper illustrates how these spaces were variously assembled, run, and experienced to form the conditions for movement and stay, each holding different potentials for creating solidarity infrastructures and negotiating forms of migrant citizenship to support the uncertain urban realities of those stuck on the move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relations between maritime labour, the circulation of struggles between different sites, and constructions of transnational subaltern agency. It does this through engaging with the interconnected strikes of Indian merchant seafarers in ports and ships across the British Empire in the Autumn of 1939. These strikes broke out after the outbreak of the Second World War and were in part mobilised against the racialised inequalities which structured maritime labour. The paper foregrounds the relations between practices of blockading ships in ports through refusing to crew them and the circulation of the strikes between ships. I argue that this combination of spatial tactics shaped transnational forms of networked subaltern agency (Balachandran 2012, Globalizing Labour? Indian Seafarers and World Shipping, c. 1870−1945). To engage with the dynamics of subaltern agency through the strikes the paper explores the relations between trajectories of organising, the circulation of demands, and the formation of solidarities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines blockades not as disruptions in logistical circulations, but as entities which aim to reorient and produce different political and social processes. Inspired by Deleuzean conceptualisations of assemblage, this paper emphasises the ways blockades and occupations arise from globe‐spanning networks of social relations which then attempt to produce alternative regimes of governance through reorienting places and their topologies of interconnection. To make these points, this paper engages with three case studies which highlight different kinds of blockades. One example focuses on the regional scale where US military interests have expressed concern over potential blockades of Sea Lines of Communication due to the rising geopolitical and economic influence of China in the island Pacific. The second example focuses on blockades at the construction site of a US military base on the coast of Henoko, Okinawa. The third example examines blockade protests by Kanaka Maoli kia'i (protectors) on Maunakea in Hawai'i. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with radical Black Power print production in order to examine the articulation of Black practices of place‐making and Black internationalist spatial politics. These spatial politics and practices are developed through engagement with the Jamaican Black Power newspaper Abeng which was produced at the height of Black Power activity on the island in 1969. The paper draws on Black Geographies scholarship to demonstrate that Abeng represented a material and discursive means through which subaltern practices and places of resistance in Jamaica were enacted in opposition to and excess of plantation spatialities and regimes on the island. The carving out of such subaltern places allowed for the articulation of transnational imaginaries and translocal solidarities with similarly aligned communities and struggles across the diasporic world. The Abeng newspaper was again central in crafting these imagined Black internationalist geographies and coeval praxes of transnational solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rent gap theory has long been a staple of gentrification studies, and given that gentrification and territorial stigma have been shown to be closely related, the distinct ways in which the rent gap operates in territorially stigmatised spaces demands attention. This paper examines how governance approaches within territorially stigmatised spaces shape the particular ways in which rent gaps are opened. It illustrates how the rent gap theory has operated in practice across two contexts within Middlesbrough, a town in the North East of England. By tracing the governance approaches which shape the form that rent gap production takes across these contexts, this paper provides evidence for how the rent gap theory operates in practice in stigmatised areas, and indicates how the form which the process of rent gap production takes is contingent upon the particular logics of governance operating within a locality at the point of production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between "civic pedagogy" and institutions, through three case studies: the Live Works Castlegate Co‐Production at the University of Sheffield; a Collective Design Pedagogy at Muktangan School, India; and the School for Civic Action at the Tate Exchange. The projects aim to build citizens' agency with transformative urban potential by engaging civic pedagogy using different scales, perspectives, and resources: as engagement with schools, higher education institutions, and art practices. Using Pelin Tan's definition of urgent pedagogies as a framework, this paper investigates the alternative alliances, trans‐territorial solidarities, and transversal methodologies of each project, comparing and contrasting methods and techniques. We discuss the potential for a shared decentralisation of learning associated with institutions, by engaging with the urban environment and communities, and propose a series of codependent practices for the initiation and sustenance of civic pedagogy for geographers interested in urban learning and education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper illuminates The Minneapolis Sound's emergence from the urban soundscapes of late 20th century Minneapolis. Turning to the 1960s and 1970s, I trace the genre's geohistorical emergence to a Black diasporic community who found within marginality the possibilities to spatialise an experimental world across the urban margins. Disclosing how this experimental world was upheld by improvisatory musical ensembles and their dynamic reaffirmations of a Black sense of place, the paper reveals how The Minneapolis Sound was insurgently pioneered as a Black sonic counter culture amidst unequivocal oppression. I then temporally propel the paper into the 1980s and 1990s and explore how the artist Prince and band The Time radically re‐imagined the city's anti‐Black spatial histories towards more just ends. This elucidates how, after emerging from the spatiality of the racialised metropolis, The Minneapolis Sound provided a speculative avenue of decolonial poetics through which alternative Black futures were made imaginable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates women's everyday reproductive struggles in contexts of toxic contamination and the tensions emerging between toxic exposure and care in women's experiences of motherhood. While scientific framings of reproductive disruptions understand social identities as pre‐existing the experience of toxic risks, in this paper I argue that, in toxic territories, the categories of "contaminating" and "contaminated" actors interact with other categories of identity, such as gender and race, shaping social relations. Drawing on 13 months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the Bajo Cauca region among gold mining and coca farming communities, I investigate the everyday processes of gendered subject formation that unfold in toxic territories and the emergence of "faulty" gendered identities for rural mothers. Building on scholarship in feminist geography and Latin American feminist science and technology studies, I argue that ineffective forms of integration of gender in the institutional debate on toxic contamination reproduce, rather than challenge, the invisibility of rural women before the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with the relationship between dissident European mayors and the migrant solidarity movement in Europe after 2015. With the case study of the coalition "From the Sea to the City", I examine how its members institutionalise mayors' dissent at a transnational level through the International Alliance of Safe Harbours. Employing primary empirical data, the study finds that coalition members create a political sequence in four ways: developing a storyline and setting up a broad coalition of migrant solidarity; referencing mayors' disruptive acts; nurturing counter‐imaginaries; and laying the foundation for further action towards transforming the instituted order of European migration politics. To conceptualise the empirical findings, I draw on concepts of political organisation. In this vein, the paper calls for an assessment of movement politics that goes beyond the belief that local disruptions will suffice to set in motion a progressive transformation of European migration politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes the concept of "spatial sovereignties" to understand the governance of squatted spaces, using the case study of Hamburg's autonomous Rote Flora. Referring very loosely to theories of the "excess flesh" of the homo sacer in the state of exception, the paper then inverts these classic theories by instead interrogating a situation where non‐state actors establish their own states of banishment and political exception. These "excess spaces" are not created when the "excess flesh" of the banned subject is stripped of sovereignty, but rather when radical actors, possessing full agency and privilege, intentionally establish their own biopolitical self‐administration. This ultimately constitutes what I posit as a new form of "spatial sovereignty", wherein self‐banned subjects refuse the social contract to instead carve out alternative forms of sovereignty grounded in squatted excess spaces, which ultimately also develop autonomous forms of self‐governance, justice, and self‐surveillance within sites of alternative citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Settlers of colour occupy a liminal space in the settler colony of Australia, and this liminality was exacerbated during the COVID‐19 pandemic. Through the literature on digital activism, technological immersion, and placemaking, this paper explores Radical Placemaking as a route for culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) people based in Brisbane to stake their right to the city through alternative digitised modalities. Three projects using situated digital stories were created: (i) the Chatty Bench Project; (ii) the TransHuman Saunter Project; and (iii) Chatty Bench Festival Community Media Visual Projections. We analysed the experiences of study participants creating the digital stories and eventual user experiences of the stories for their ability to provoke self‐reflection, immersiveness, and belonging through evocation and representation of lived experiences. The paper suggests that radical placemaking offers CALD communities subversive tactics of occupying space through emerging technologies without engaging in erasure of existing histories of place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deploys the material and discursive politics of storage as a lens into agrarian change in rural India. Focusing on onions (Allium cepa), a price volatile crop and a kitchen staple, it maps out the contested meanings of and motivations for storage among growers, governments, and agri‐logistics companies. Specifically, this paper asks why storage is increasingly positioned as a key solution to the problem of price instability. This emphasis, I argue, represents a distinct regime of agrarian biopower that seeks to intervene into the physical properties of the bulb to extend its material life, and thereby, manage produce, prices, and populations. In doing so, however, fundamental issues of social inequality and guaranteed prices are bypassed. Moreover, innovations in storage technologies lay the grounds for the entry of corporate capital into agriculture. Ultimately, techno‐capital‐intensive biopolitical infrastructures of storage portend the restructuring of India's agrarian economy in favour of elite farmers and agri‐logistics firms by circumventing the issue of a fixed and fair price for producers and consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the Tunisian 2010–2011 uprising and its ensuing decade of agrarian contention as a crisis of social reproduction stemming from the combined effects of depletion and dispossession. It traces the lineages of the grievances that continue to animate the Tunisian countryside to the multiple and often enmeshed labours—both productive and reproductive—of peasant and rural women. In underscoring the interconnectedness between these labours and the ebb and flow of various contestations against depletion and dispossession, it recognises social reproduction as a site of deep exploitation as well as an arena of day‐to‐day struggle. Guided by social reproduction theorisations and leveraging a multi‐sited ethnography conducted during July and August 2023, this paper relies on participant observation/observant participation and unstructured interviews conducted with predominately landed and landless peasant women, the testimonies of whom serve as a conduit for an important dialogue between feminist materialist analyses of social reproduction and peasant movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of three educational youth exchanges from London to the Caribbean island of Grenada in the early 1980s, this paper situates decolonisation as a site for youthful agency. Assessing official and ephemeral exchange material held in archives in London and the Caribbean alongside original oral history interviews with key actors, the paper argues that an analysis of youth exchanges as informal education spaces helps bring into focus young people's agency in decolonisation both as a historical process and conceptual undoing. While the paper asserts that exchanging produced transformative moments of becoming in which young people's global educational encounters transcended local perceptions of race, it also reveals youth exchanging to a revolutionary nation was no holiday, and that "youth exchange geographies" were governed, predetermined and impeded by the organisational labour of youth workers, fundraising initiatives, and unfolding international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the histories of Unemployed Workers' Centres to consider the politicisation of unemployment in the UK. Drawing upon archive material and over 50 oral histories, it considers the emergence of centres as a response to a crisis of increasing unemployment and retrenchment of the welfare state. The paper indicates how Asef Bayat's concept of "non‐movement" proves useful for capturing a wider sphere of labour organising, moving beyond more conventional spaces and actions. This approach critically revisits the role of centres in conversation with emerging work in labour geography and social movements studies around the fostering of solidarities. It reveals tensions around their making, whilst also stressing the potential of seemingly small acts when held alongside campaigns. Revisiting this repertoire of activity reveals the persistence of trade union engagements with communities beyond the workplace, as well as a critical insight into the politics of space in forging such alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so‐called age of AI, industry 4.0, the fourth industrial revolution, etc. all attempt to conjure into existence a new technological paradigm. Should we believe the hype? This paper draws on neo‐Schumpeterian and régulation theory to widen the scope of this debate and examine techno‐economic and institutional discontinuities. In exploring these discontinuities, this paper argues, first, that growth regimes are not necessarily tenable as indicators of new paradigms, and, second, that there are (infra)structural discontinuities between the ICT/post‐Fordist era and those of the AI/platform era. Platformisation entails a distinct institutional logic, regime of accumulation (RA) and mode of social régulation (MSR). The clusters of technological and institutional changes behind this shift have not yet been sufficiently addressed by economic geography and associated literatures. In reconceptualising the shift in terms of (infra)structural discontinuity, the paper synthesises neo‐Schumpeterian and régulation theory to identify both technological and institutional changes in the régulation of capitalist accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Moroccan and Spanish governments pursue the visibility of people and things. They observe and survey in order to codify, catalogue, classify, and calculate. Rather than trace the contours of such projects, this paper seeks to provoke a more sustained engagement with modes of errantry that confound their logics of command and control. Building on more than 18 months of multi‐sited ethnography, it explores how marginalised communities navigate unequal geographies of visibility. To do so, I revisit the work of Édouard Glissant and some of his interlocutors to contemplate fluctuating vectors of opacity amongst communities living in hashish trafficking hubs. Frequently stigmatised as violent criminals and indolent freeloaders—their itineraries effaced—inhabitants of La Atunara (Spain) and the central Rif (Morocco) grapple with detection and wrestle with capture. This paper explores these positionings without reading them as disarray or disorder but as purposeful refusals worthy of political reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critical platform studies literature is increasingly considering the role of social difference as a structuring logic in the platform economy, complementing understandings of worker precarity facilitated by worker misclassification and algorithmic management. Contributing to this literature, this paper demonstrates how platforms and police produce carceral geographies that manage and exploit immigrant delivery workers as surplus populations. The carceral geographies of the platform economy account for both how carceral space produces and manages the surplus populations from which platform capital draws its workers, facilitating the disposability and exploitation of workers. Focusing on South Asian delivery workers in New York City, the paper uses the example of bike registrations to show how police and platforms expand carceral spaces in immigrant communities, increasing their vulnerability to premature death and violence. Finally, it suggests how delivery worker organising offers instances of situated resistance that challenge platform capital and carceral logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a case for viewing vacancy as "precarious property" (Blomley 2020; Antipode 52[1]:36–57), i.e. less a material object defined by absence of use than the property relation (understood as a bundle of social, economic, legal, and political relationships) put under strain by the visibility of non‐use. Focusing on Dublin's temporary urbanism moment (2008–2017), the paper has two aims. Firstly, it gives a critical account of this recent urban history of experimentation, documenting how the possibilities of the period following the crash were (fore)closed through governmental interventions. Secondly, the empirical case is used to make a wider conceptual argument about the conjunctural role that vacancy plays in urbanisation and urban politics, developing three main arguments: that vacancy is a vulnerable axis within the ownership model of property; that claims to vacancy are articulated in conjunctural and contextual ways; and that vacancy epitomises the dual nature of precarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Queer refugees are misfits in the global political economy of migration. While international human rights law has provided some room for queer acceptance, queer refugees face organised abandonment—marginality, erasure, and invisibility—as they attempt to survive in the face of ongoing displacement. This paper explores queer refugee survival in Nairobi, Cape Town, and Paris, and examines the netted practices of the state, non‐state actors, and civil society embedded in a landscape of heteronormativity and anti‐migrant sentiment. In so doing, this paper emphasises queerness as a form of precarity inseparable from the overarching violence of race, class, and capital. With this critique in mind, queer refugee survival is constrained by the lack of access to shelter, community, and work‐related social reproduction. In short, queer refugees face deeper marginality than their cis‐gendered and heterosexual counterparts as they attempt to survive in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that policing be understood as a creative social force that reproduces important dimensions of earlier iterations of the colour line. The paper advances this argument by integrating findings from two distinct research projects: the first on the household financial losses that follow arrest by immigration officials in Tucson, AZ; and the second focusing on the everyday costs of policing and carceral supervision absorbed by residents of Philadelphia, PA. Together, data from these sites illuminate how exposure to policing exhausts emotional and material resources from expansive family and community networks of care and support. To theorise the connection between financial dispossession and the dispossession of future opportunity, we draw on a heuristic reading of the "thin blue line" symbol. We conclude by suggesting a need for closer attention to how contemporary state interventions drive patterns of dispossession and vulnerability that accumulate across various scales, sites, rhythms, and collectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the politics surrounding the implementation of Pakistan's first mass transit project, the Lahore Bus Rapid Transit corridor completed in 2013, to interrogate the role that infrastructure mega‐projects hold in highly factional and democratising polities of the global South. Drawing on the Lahore BRT as a case study, this paper posits that infrastructure development is increasingly interwoven with conceptions of political legitimacy and "modernising" governance, especially under conditions of nascent democratic competition. We argue that democratisation‐led transformations in the political‐institutional context of state power has helped fashion new roles for mega‐projects, which partly explains why state power is mobilised for projects that had been ignored for several decades. Finally, this paper cautions that this new role for infrastructure, while marking a departure from previous patterns, can simultaneously constrain the possibilities for sustainable interventions going forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dams and other large water infrastructures are more than mere technical projects in Pakistan. They carry a special symbolic burden and are understood by the state as vectors of modernisation. This paper interrogates the making of a statist hydraulic imaginary in Pakistan in the 1960s and its continued relevance today. This imaginary posits a technocratic state as the protagonist in a national narrative of hydro‐modernisation. I argue that the production and dissemination of an imaginary of racialised internal peripheries as places of developmental backwardness is central to the Pakistani state's infrastructural interventions. I analyse images and narratives from state produced magazines and videos by contextualising them with respect to the cultural politics of hegemony. The paper advances debates in critical infrastructure studies via a critical reading of Antonio Gramsci's incomplete essay on the "Southern Question". It develops a tradition of cultural historical materialism—largely neglected by critical water geographers—attuned to the articulation of geographic unevenness, hegemony, and racial difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty in the UK continues to rise, making it more important than ever to understand lived experiences of poverty. This paper responds to a gap in understanding collective experiences of poverty by analysing the affective atmospheres at three foodbanks in two British cities in 2014 and 2019. Drawing on ethnographies at the three foodbanks, it approaches affective atmospheres through Spinoza and a focus on capacity: the capacity of clients to be in a situation different to that of their current experience of food poverty; and the capacity of foodbank volunteers and managers in terms of how they desired the foodbank to be run. Overall, the paper argues that affective atmospheres at the foodbanks were formed by an ever‐changing relation between these capacities through the past, present, and anticipated future, and the ongoing context of austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence over the last decade of large numbers of vulnerable EU citizens begging on Swedish streets has led to ambivalent responses from the Swedish state, including from local police forces charged with policing public order. Based on research including interviews with vulnerable EU citizens and with police officials in two socio‐economically divergent areas of Stockholm, this paper seeks to understand how policing practices are motivated and enacted towards this group and how these practices are experienced by those targeted. The results reveal a set of policing practices which, whilst framed within a depoliticised logic of what Nicholas Blomley calls "pedestrianism", work to produce spatially uneven punitive landscapes for those begging. The paper argues that understanding the role of police as "street‐level bureaucrats" (following Michael Lipsky), with the agency to escalate or soften revanchist landscapes, is fundamental to understanding the contingencies at the heart of punitive urbanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What we eat and how we think about food and nutrition are undergoing a momentous change, driven by the rise of ultra‐processed food. There is a growing body of evidence linking the consumption of ultra‐processed food to poor health outcomes. However, the health depleting effects of ultra‐processed food go beyond changes in discrete indicators of nutrition and health. Processes of depletion entail social, economic, and political relations. This paper aims to emphasise the importance of a social science research agenda on ultra‐processed food by establishing the conceptual connections between ultra‐processed food and depletion using a social reproduction approach. To do this, it draws on the notion of depletion through social reproduction elaborated by Shirin Rai, Catherine Hoskyns and Dania Thomas, which provided inspiration to unpack the totality of social reproduction and consider specific resources needed for social reproduction. Such an approach reveals that ultra‐processed food is both an input for social reproduction, through consumption, and a form of social reproduction work, when food work and the associated (health) care work are considered. On this basis, the paper identifies four conceptual dimensions to explore whether and to what extent the expansion of ultra‐processed food can cause depletion and the key methodological principles to use this conceptual approach in empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear waste poses unique challenges that transcend everyday temporalities and shape socio‐political and economic relations across temporal, spatial, and epistemic dimensions. This paper draws from ethnographic research in Canada, to understand how the political economy, power relations, and ethical landscapes of a specific “nuclear community” inform perception and engagement with a “community‐driven” process to permanently store high‐level radioactive waste. The local nuclear industry has effectively fostered deep political economic and cultural ties to the community, resulting in a sense of nuclear pride within an exclusive and cohesive nuclear community in Bruce County. This paper examines what it means to be a nuclear community, the ways in which people identify with being a nuclear community, and how this identification shapes the ethical landscapes that inform how local communities in the Bruce region engage with the nuclear waste siting process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current debates in radical urban studies and comparative urbanism focus in part on the denunciation of universalisation in urban theories as an expression of Eurocentrism. Decolonial and postcolonial scholars risk rejecting general theorising in the name of particularism, difference, and the fragmentary character of the world and reducing every urban policy transmission to the result of colonial relations. On the contrary, it would be more productive for radical scholars to pay attention to common pathways and universalist aspirations of anti‐capitalist urban struggles. This paper traces the connections between three experiences of self‐managed habitat production, developed by grassroots movements in Latin America and Europe. The comparative case study enables discussion of universalising aspirations of struggles against capitalist urban development. The paper concludes that collective and solidarity‐based self‐construction is a universal form of production of space, common to any culture at some point and to some extent, and that the self‐managed production of habitat is a potentially universal paradigm for current anti‐capitalist urban struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People's oppositions to planning decisions are on the rise even in exclusionary‐repressive systems. However, in such contexts, decades of dismantling social networks, repressing the circulation of information, and criminalising dissent make oppositions short‐lived, fragile, and risky. Rightful resistance, studies suggest, presents a modality of contestation which mitigates such risks. This paper seeks to contribute to the literature on this modality, focusing on, first, the intermeshed and co‐evolving relations of the rightful resisters and different sections of the state in the context of contingent citizenship, and second, the interactions of rightful resisters with the larger community. Through a detailed analysis of a case study of rightful resistance in Tehran, the paper complicates the often one‐sided narratives of improvisation of individuals that the literature depicts. More importantly, the paper reveals the possibilities that such modalities of contestation reproduce, reinforce, and re‐affirm the exclusionary‐repressive practices of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the racialised geography of a series of socialist blocs located in the southern periphery of Bucharest, labelled as a contemporary Romanian "ghetto". Through extensive ethnographic and archival work, it expands on contemporary Western race‐aware urban scholarship, advancing an expansive reading of the "plan" as a key element to account for the endurance of foundational dispossession in the context of Bucharest. The goal is to trace how the social segmentations of "class" and "race" have been diagrammed through discontinuous city‐making in the last hundred years, refuting a reading of these complex processes as a matter of evolutionary stages between economic regimes, which ends up reproducing a stereotypical representation of the Eastern "other". The paper contributes to a situated approach to racial urbanism, offering the basis for a trans‐Atlantic dialogue around the makings and unmakings of urban dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the ways in which the affective and material dimensions of the commons come together to produce commoner subjectivities. Threats of enclosure can draw attention to the ways in which subjectivity reproduction is dependent on an environment which enables embodied acts of care. Using the example of the East Otago Taiāpure and Waikouaiti Mātaitai, a form of customary fisheries management in New Zealand, this paper illustrates the limitations of the institutionalised commons in its capacity to create an effective caring and protective space. Historical colonial transformation of the landscape and contemporary industrial activities have resulted in an "ecological enclosure" of the area, threatening the health of the ecosystem and its ability to encourage Māori subjectivities, specifically, kaitiakitanga, a relational responsibility to care for the physical and social environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financial inclusion is a leading driver of household debt across the global South. Although critical geographers have analysed this debt through the lens of financialisation, few have examined it in terms of monetary politics. This is a salient issue, because poorer nations often have limited control over their monetary policy due to their dependence on foreign currencies, which can adversely affect the structure of their financial markets. Building on the concept of monetary dependency from scholarship on financial subordination, I analyse the monetary politics of debt in Cambodia. Drawing on elite interviews and ethnographic research, I argue that Cambodia's extreme monetary dependence on the US dollar has shaped monetary and fiscal policies that compel poorer households to take on private debt to pay for their basic needs. This paper advances critical geographies of debt and development by studying financial subordination and its impact on financial inclusion in the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging debates on the contemporary reconfigurations of work question previous understandings of the relationships among and between waged, unwaged, and reproductive labour, situated processes of value formation and/or enclosure, and the constitution and limits of contemporary capitalism. Taking Cindi Katz's notion of countertopographies and Gillian Hart's notion of relational comparison as inspirations, this Symposium draws attention to new and existing conceptual frames and modes of analysis to situate contemporary permutations of work within the shifting dynamics of uneven development in specific state, local, and institutional contexts. This Introduction summarises the interrelated and overlapping contributions that papers in this Symposium offer methodologically, analytically, and politically. The open‐ended aspiration that emerges from these contributions is that close attention to heterogeneous formations of work outside the wage might help to multiply forms of vigilance and critical praxis necessary to resist the co‐optation and enclosure of people's creative energies, and move toward realising the latent liberatory potentials that several of the contributions suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evictions have been shown to be a mechanism of primitive accumulation in nature conservation. This paper adds an historical analysis to the discussion on primitive accumulation in conservation by exploring the seemingly innocuous mechanism of White belonging to land in South Africa's private nature reserves. Contemporary articulations of White belonging are replete with stories and images of White male "pioneers" from the colonial era who, upon arrival in "empty lands", were able to create economies out of nothing. Such representations of history on private nature reserve websites and other promotional material invisibilise Black belonging and legitimise private conservation. By illuminating the inconsistencies in the empty lands narrative and the legacies of three championed conservation pioneers from the 19th century, this paper argues that White belonging is a mechanism of primitive accumulation, while Black belonging continues to be expressed in various ways in contemporary South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By drawing, among others, on the ideas of the Bakhtin Circle and Judith Butler, this paper explores spatial struggles over the right to free speech at Hyde Park, London, 1861–1962. From the 1860s to the early 20th century, the state gradually constructed a "monologic" discourse about an ideal‐typical "indecent" speaker who would "trespass" on Hyde Park through their "excitable speech" against a legally sanctioned right to give a "public address" in the park. This discourse gave the state some room to evict those it claimed to be transgressing "public address". However, different "heteroglossic coalitions" of regulars ensured that Hyde Park remained not only a "political assembly" to discuss political issues, but also a "social assembly" to exercise free speech on a range of social topics. Indeed, by the 1950s, these coalitions used a nearby road scheme to successfully argue it was the state that was potentially trespassing, or "encroaching", on free speech at Hyde Park. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lives of children and young people are conditioned in important ways by the imperial and colonial intimacies that have shaped our world. Yet, we know relatively little about how they encounter and comprehend the histories, legacies, and continuities of colonisation and racial capitalism, nor how this comes to shape their political orientations and practices. This article introduces a series of five papers that examine the everyday practices, reflections, and desires of young people in different parts of the world as they seek to understand where they fit in imperial constellations that cross generations, borders, and oceans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this afterword to the symposium on processes of politicisation of activist struggles of undocumented migrants and their allies, I first briefly outline a number of key commonalities that run through the symposium. I subsequently explore some of the wider theoretical and practical lessons to be drawn from the arguments advanced in its papers, and suggest a number of key themes and concerns to be explored further. In particular, this afterword suggests some possible avenues to both think through the limits of and tensions within forms of undocumented migrant activism, and chart theoretical and practical trajectories to move from the limitations of "the political event" to the possibilities of "a political sequence" that may actually change the instituted order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critique of the Wolfe-an model, which has become so dominant within contemporary Settler Colonial Studies (SCS). It focuses particularly on the central claim made by Patrick Wolfe, and others after him, that settler colonialism is categorically differentiated from other forms of colonialism by its drive to "eliminate the native", instead of exploiting them. This paper builds on the literature that shows how settler colonies have used elimination as well as exploitation in their relations with indigenous peoples--even transitioning from one to the other. Instead, the paper argues that focusing on accumulation by dispossession allows for an analysis of the specificity of settler social relations to emerge. It highlights the specific ways in which settlers collectively expropriate indigenous peoples and struggle amongst different settler classes over the distribution of the colonial loot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]