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On the First Law's supposition that everything is related to everything else, let me begin with some events of August 1969. On the 15th of that month just outside Bethel, New York, on Max Yasgur's ...

This paper analyzes changes in the distribution of Soviet pulp, paper, and paperboard production between the years 1940 and 1965. Regional variation exists both in physical volume of production and in type of plant. Production of pulp and paper occurs primarily in integrated plants, whereas most paperboard is manufactured in non-integrated mills, but integrated manufacture of all three products has increased between 1940 and 1965. Regional location of production in the Soviet pulp and paper industry has been heavily influenced by historical events, by the proportion of weight lost during processing of roundwood, by creation of new mills and expansion of older establishments, and by the operational characteristics of Soviet central planning.

(1930). TITLES AND ABSTRACTS OF PAPERS COLUMBUS, 1929. Annals of the Association of American Geographers: Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 21-50.

Increasingly the concept of sequent occupance is being used in the description and interpretation of the cultural aspects of landscapes, but as yet there is no agreement as to ways in which aspects of former occupance, reflected in the cultural features of a landscape, should be classified. In some cases popular historical terms such as primitive are used; in others modal terms such as collecting or agriculture; occasionally a mixed classification is employed. Whittlesey,' in the paper in which the concept of sequent occupance was first developed, described in general terms the sequence of modes of occupance in an unnamed small area in northern New England. Though he did not describe the sequence there shown in the order of occurrence, it is possible to identify the following stages: (1) collecting and hunting by Indians, (2) "a thorough-going subjection of the land to farming," (3) a present "transient period in which vestiges of the farming epoch linger on." Whittlesey adds "on this background of the present-day occupance the future can be forecast as an occupance by forests once more, but cut periodically-for wood pulp or possibly lumber." In this fundamentally important paper no evidence is given that the first mode of occupance (hunting and collecting) left any impress on the landscape that can be identified in the present complex of cultural features which are the results of occupance in stages 2 and 3. The first mode is historically true but its effects are not a part of the present geographic setting.

Paper read at Plenary Session, 56th Annual Meeting, Association of American Geographers, April 19, 1960, Dallas, Texas. At present Dr. Webb holds the M. D. Anderson Chair oE History at the University of Houston but he is still closely associated with the Department of History, University of Texas, where his services began in 1918. Comments on Dr. Webb's paper by three discussants follow the main address.-Editor.

* The writer is greatly indebted to the staffs of the United States Weather Bureau, Honolulu, and the Fleet Air Base, Pearl Harbor, for information embodied in this paper. He wishes to thank Robert G. Stone of Blue Hill Observatory for invaluable constructive suggestions. Some of the data on which the study is based are given in metric, others in English units. For uniformity all measurements used in the paper are expressed in the metric system. 1 E. A. Beals, "Free-air Winds over Honolulu and Guam," Monthly Weather Review, Vol. 55, 1927, pp. 222-225. A. Thomson, "Upper-air Currents at Honolulu, Territory of Hawaii," ibid., Vol. 56, 1928, pp. 496-498.

Cases of international discord of serious nature have been caused by slight and unintentional ambiguities in the description of boundaries in formal documents. These flaws may be due to unfamiliarity with the peculiarities of the geographical features, human or natural, along which the boundary extends, or to lack of knowledge of the pitfalls in boundary description.' The wisest settlement of a territorial dispute may lead to friction if the description of the boundary in the treaty or award does not correspond to geographical realities. Words that seem simple and straightforward may prove stumbling-blocks when surveyors endeavor to demarcate the line upon the ground. A border officer in future years may wrestle with some problem that began, almost literally, in a slip of the pen. The suggestions in this paper are intended to help clarify the verbal description of international boundaries in diplomatic notes, treaties, and other documents in which the avoidance of ambiguity is essential. This paper does not attempt to say what constitutes a good international bound

Mustafa Dikec. Malden, MA: Blackwell, RGS-IBG Book Series, 2007. xv and 219 pp., maps, photos, notes, references, and index. $39.95 paper (ISBN 978-1-4051-5630-1) These are intriguing books that su...

A t the end of the millennium, an environf ^k mental debate of global significance was JL JL being played out over the construction ofthe Eden Project in east Cornwall, Great Britain (see Figure l).1 In the year 2000, the Eden Project was to be unveiled as the world's largest geodesic dome greenhouse, accommodating 10,000 rare and exotic plant species in a series of "virtual ecosystems" (Ove Arup & Partners 1997). At ?74 million, the Eden Project is an expensive exercise in environmental conserva? tion, although, as project directors Tim Smit and Jonathan Ball have suggested, it represents the practical application of the Rio Earth Summit's Agenda 21 remit to "think globally, act locally" (Ball 1998; Smit 1998). At a time when environ? mental futures have never looked so uncertain, the project's aspirations to protect the global environment appear laudable enough. But on further inspection, the Eden Project highlights the problematic issue over what constitutes na? ture and how, where, and when environmental conservation should take place. We address these issues by "unfolding"2 the relationship between nature and environmental conservation. In doing so, we want to steer away from the tactic of simply revealing nature as a "social construct," recognizing that this has lost much of its initial intellectual potency.3 Indeed, we examine some of the relevant constructionist literature and dismantle its insistence on relational dialectics as a way of reconstituting nature's reality (see for example, Braun and Castree 1998). The main aim of this paper, in con? trast, is to enter into a more open poststructuralist critique of the relationship between nature and environmental conservation. We trace impor? tant intersections between the environmental objectives, design, and architecture of the Eden Project and Jean Baudrillard's writing on the "illusion of the end" as an intellectual and social process at the current fin de siecle. Baudrillard's observations on the fin de siecle have been provocative, not least because they have highlighted how apocalyptic prophecies about the end of nature have formed a mutually constitutive, but contradictory, relationship with the redemptive practice of environmental conserva? tion (Baudrillard 1994, 1997). Baudrillard's preoccupation with social responses to the fin de siecle has formed a rich seam of thought in his 1990s apocalyptic and nihilistic writing (1993a, 1994, 1996). For Baud? rillard and others, the simple translation of "fin de siecle"?end of the century?belies a complexity of intellectual, populist, and artistic pursuits that distinguish this particular moment in time (Thompson 1996:104). Fin de siecle is not just a point in centennial chronology, but a period of time when cultural tensions run high and apocalyptic ideas, outlooks, and practices come to the fore (e.g., Eagleton 1994; Ballard 1997; Ledger and McCracken 1995; Ledger 1997). "Year zeros," such as the year 2000, appear not just as numerical voids, but as apocalyptic end points (Thompson 1996:3). Although it is pos? sible to identify apocalyptic traits at other periods in the course of a century, a distinction can be made in terms ofthe accelerated pace or raised tempo of cultural change at the fin de siecle, and the enhanced social anxieties that result. In? deed, in relation to the current fin de siecle, Smith (1998:271) noted that "angst and optimism will surely quicken in the last moments of the second Christian millennium," while Rojek and Turner pointed out that the 1990s are "pregnant with uncertainty and awash with change" (1993:xii). Observing the fin de siecle in the 1890s, Holbrook Jackson (1913) argued that apocalyptic cultural traits in art, literature, and scholarly texts corresponded with many rapid social changes in British society. Indeed, Mestrovic (1991) has ar? gued that the 1890s bear comparison with the 1990s because similar social and cultural ten? sions emerged over the perceived loss of morality, community, and the condition of the environ? ment. As Thompson suggested, when accustomed

Peter Marcuse and Ronald van Kempen, eds. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000. xvii and 318 pp., maps, figs., tables, refs., and index. $30.95 paper (ISBN 0-631-21290-6). A quick perusal of the Annals and ...

Long deferred studies of this region have been resumed during the past three field seasons. The writer proposes the mapping of an area reaching from the northern parts of the Appalachian Plateau across the upper Mohawk Valley into the southwestern border of the Adirondacks. Six quadrangles are included: Sangerfield, Winfield, Oriskany, Utica, Boonville, and Remsen. Much observation outside of these limits has been necessary. The de-tailed mapping and a full report on so large a central area, would require so much time that it seemed best to present certain results at the meeting of the Association of American Geographers in Worcester, and they are here given publication. While the author has not pursued this work under the authority or direction of the State, he has acted in his capacity as a Collaborator of the New York State Museum and this preliminary paper is published with the full approval of Dr. Charles C. Adams, Director of Science.