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Resumen El artículo es una reflexión sobre los parámetros identitarios nacionalistas que la historiografía mexicana de la arquitectura preserva a fines del siglo XX. Estos parámetros se han sustentado por lo menos durante medio siglo a partir de la convicción cultural e ideológica de que la «verdadera» arquitectura mexicana es la representación espacial de una identidad natural mestiza. A partir de esta compleja forma identitaria que se imagina como una fusión biológica cultural de los atributos atemporales de dos razas antagónicas en todo sentido, se ha creado un sustrato mental esencialista que desconoce la naturaleza histórica moderna de esta forma en la invención de nación en el siglo XX. El texto persigue señalar que el mito esencialista y homogeneizador de lo mestizo, como representación de la mexicanidad es insostenible actualmente ya que las múltiples formas identitarias en el territorio denotan que la nación mexicana en el siglo pasado, si bien inventada homogénea, es considerablemente multicultural. Abstract This articles deals with nationalist identitary issues in contemporary Mexican historiographies of architecture, such as the mestizo nature of the so called mexicanidad. This cultural and ideological modern conviction of a true Mexican architecture based on biocultural fusion of different and antagonic atemporal attributes of two races, has developed through an essentialist, and not historical, mental approach towards the constitution of nation in the XXth century. This text points out that the myth of the mestizo identity in architecture can´t support itself nowadays, when multiple identitary forms expressing throughout the nation shows that though it was imagined homogeneous in the XXth century, Mexico is considerably multicultural.

Entre les XIX et XX siècles, chaque Etat latino-américain a construit son espace de domination par la conquête militaire, des missions religieuses ou par le biais d’autres stratégies, en l’étendant à une diversité de « territoires nationaux ». Le type de relation que chaque Etat a établi par la suite avec ces espaces marginaux illustre les fonctions que remplit le territoire -et particulièrement les marges de celui-ci. Ces fonctions sont à mettre en relation avec les nationalismes du passé et avec les processus actuels d’intégration, pour comprendre comment certains de ces espaces jadis marginaux –notamment ceux qui limitent avec des Etats voisins- deviennent centraux ou attirent à nouveau l’attention sur eux. Nous proposons un regard comparatif sur les processus de formation territoriale des Etats latino-américains afin de mieux comprendre certains problèmes territoriaux actuels et futurs de la région. Each of the Latin American States built its space domination, between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, extending through military conquest, missions or other strategies to a variety of « national territories ». The type of relationship that each state has since established with those marginal spaces, it is illustrative of the functions that the territory -and particularly its borders- plays both in relation to the nationalism of the past with the current integration processes, because of which some of those spaces soon be marginal -bordering neighboring states- become central or cause, at least, renewed attention on them. We propose a comparative look on the processes of territorial formation of Latin American countries, enabling us to better understand the current and future territorial problems in the region.

Este artículo enfoca la relación entre Estado y representación política, en Brasil. De manera general, el sistema partidista es analizado como un resultado de las fuerzas sociales actuando sobre el Estado. De modo distinto, el artículo toma como punto de partida la proposición según la cual las debilidades y los obstáculos enfrentados por los partidos en Brasil pueden tener su origen en la concentración de la esfera decisoria en el Estado o en el ejecutivo. El arraigamiento de los partidos en la sociedad pudo haber sido dificultado por el papel estratégico cumplido por gobierno federal, que generó la supremacía del ejecutivo sobre el legislativo, determinando al legislativo un lugar secundario. Los partidos brasileños son analizados corrientemente como indisciplinados y poco representativos. El artículo busca identificar si las condiciones en que los partidos surgieron y se desarrollan moldean estos mismos partidos ¿Las condiciones de la sociedad brasileña, durante la emergencia de los partidos, pueden explicar la relación de los partidos con el gobierno y con el Estado y la fragilidad de la representación? ¿Cuales son los principales efectos de la formación del Estado sobre la representación? This article intends to focus on the relationship between the State and political representation in Brazil. In general, there is a tendency to analyze the party system simply as a result of the social forces acting upon the State. Differently from these usual approaches, the proposal presented here is based on the idea that the obstacles faced by Brazilian parties may have originated from the concentration of decision power in the hands of the State or the Executive branch. The difficulty faced by the political parties in taking root amidst society may have been caused by the strategic role played by the federal government, which generated the supremacy of the Executive branch over the Legislative, which in turn allowed the State’s permeability to private interests. The Brazilian parties are currently viewed as lacking discipline and representativeness. This article attempts to identify if the conditions in which the parties were created and developed molded these parties : can the conditions of the Brazilian society at the time when the parties were created explain their relationship with the State and government and the fragility of their representation? How does the formation of the State affect representation?

L’analyse de la réutilisation de la photographie de la Révolution Mexicaine par la presse illustrée de Mexico pendant la Post-Révolution (1910-1940) révèle comment un vaste corpus iconographique d’origine (l’ensemble des photographies de la guerre civile prises pendant les affrontements, soit de 1910 à 1920) peut subir une décantation progressive aboutissant à une sélection de plus en plus restreinte des images. Les quelques photographies qui survivent à cette décantation drastique véhiculent une image purement symbolique de la Révolution, opérant ainsi un lissage et une simplification de la complexité du conflit. La construction identitaire du Mexique au XX siècle s’étant basée sur le nationalisme et le mythe fondateur de la Révolution, les aspects symboliques, voire mythiques, de la guerre civile soulignés par la photographie ont naturellement trouvé leur place au sein de la représentation de l’identité nationale mexicaine. Cette étude insiste donc sur le rôle de la photographie de presse révolutionnaire et de la presse illustrée dans la consolidation du discours officiel post-révolutionnaire et dans le processus de construction de la nation mexicaine au XX siècle. The analysis of the reuse of Mexican Revolution photographs in the illustrated press of Mexico during the Post-Revolution period (1910-1940) reveals how a vast, original iconographic body (the whole set of Civil War photographs was taken during the battles that took place between 1910 and 1920) can undergo a progressive reduction, which results in an increasingly restrictive selection of images. The few photographs that survived this drastic process of reduction convey a purely symbolic image of the Revolution, smoothing and simplifying the event’s complexity. The establishment of the Mexican identity in the 20th century was based on nationalism and the founding myth of the Revolution. The symbolic, even mythical, aspects of the Civil War that were captured by photography have naturally found their place as one of the embodiments of the Mexican national identity. This study emphasizes the role that the photography of the revolutionary press and the illustrated press played in consolidating the post-revolutionary public dialog and in constructing the Mexican nation in the 20th century.

El objetivo del presente ensayo consiste en proponer mecanismos institucionales para diseñar políticas públicas tendientes a gestionar sosteniblemente las montañas conocidas como El Cuale (Sierra de El Cuale) situadas en la costa central del occidente mexicano (Estado de Jalisco). Este programa es la alternativa a otros dos propuestos por la Comisión Nacional Forestal (CONAFOR). Este programa debía ser análogo a los programas concebidos para otras montañas de México. Si consideramos el polígono de El Cuale como una región es necesario reconocer las dimensiones y la especificidad del desarrollo regional en México. Paralelamente debemos considerar los impactos territoriales y ecológicos derivados de la presión ejercida por el mercado sobre el medio ambiente dentro de un contexto de reforma económica e institucional en las última décadas del siglo XX. The objective of our study is to present a case study regarding the reconfiguration of regions in Mexico, and how this example of regional and local policy can respond to changing social contexts and impacts the environmental situation. This study is a proposal made in response to National Council of Forestry’s (CONAFOR spelled in Spanish) call for a regional program that would define ways to achieve sustainable management of the Cuale Highlands in Jalisco. If we consider the multiple dimensions of regional development in Mexico, specifically the territorial and ecological impact in the Central Western region of the country, much of it resulting from pressure brought to bear on the natural resources in the context of economic and institutional reform implemented during the last two decades of the 20th century, we believe that the fundamental conclusion to be drawn is that programs must be developed with a firm commitment to ecological, economic and social sustainability in critical zones, and these programs must propose solid mechanisms of cooperation between the public, private and social sectors in order to come up with comprehensive solutions.

Depuis la fin du XIX siècle, dans sa volonté d’assimiler les populations amérindiennes Mapuche à son idéologie républicaine de tradition libérale, l’état argentin a conduit à leur invisibilisation plus qu’à leur disparition. Ainsi, dans un contexte où « l’identité nationale argentine » devait présenter une unité ethnique, linguistique et religieuse émergeât l’idée qu’en Argentine : « il n’y a plus d’autochtones ». Pourtant, depuis une vingtaine d’années, les organisations de défense des droits des autochtones proposent de nouvelles formes de citoyenneté et négocient avec l’état des modes alternatifs d’organisation sociale et politique. Le « blanchissement » auquel il est fait allusion – peut-être de manière quelque peu impertinente – dans le titre de mon résumé ne fait pas seulement référence au processus d’assimilation des autochtones à la Nation argentine mais aussi à la négation du fait que les différentes tentatives (militaires mais aussi politique, sociales, culturelles, juridiques, etc.) visant à faire disparaître les cultures indigènes ne soient (presque) jamais considérées comme des actes répréhensibles. Since the end of the 19th century, in its will to assimilate the Amerindian Mapuche populations to its republican ideology of liberal tradition, the Argentinean state led to their invisibilisation more than their disappearance. Thus, in a context where « the Argentinean national identity » had to present an ethnic, linguistic and religious unity, the idea emerged that in Argentina: « there are no more indigenous people ». However, in the two last decades, the organizations defending the rights of the indigenous populations have proposed new forms of citizenship and have been negotiating alternative modes of social and political organization with the state.« Blanchie » in the title of my paper has a double meaning in French and refers – perhaps in a somewhat impertinent way – not only to the process of assimilation of the indigenous people in the Argentinean Nation (here it would be « whitening ») but also to the negation of the various attempts (not only military but also political, social, cultural, legal, etc) aiming at making disappear the indigenous cultures which are (almost) never regarded as reprehensible actions (here it would be « bleaching »).

En sus tres obras de teatro para niños, La Cucarachita Mandinga, Chiquilinga y Lobo Go Home, el autorpanameño Rogelio Sinán presenta una visión de la nación que ejemplifica las ideas de Benedict Anderson y Homi Bhabba sobre la nación imaginada en sus libros Imagined Communities: Reflectionson the Origin andSpread of Nationalism y Nation and Narration. Frente a las aceleradas transformaciones de la modernización que trae la llegada del Canal de Panamá y la dominación extranjera a principios del siglo XX, Sinán asocia lo folclórico con los animales tropicales y con lo telúrico, usándolos como símbolo del mítico país original. Sin embargo, la dialéctica entre una realidad política y una realidad nacional no se resuelve en una armoniosa reconciliación. Como las hormigas en la obra Chiquilinga, que representan en el fabulario clásico las virtudes del trabajo, la disciplina y el esfuerzo colectivo, la solución que sugiere Sinán implica un profundo cambio en el ideario nacional. Sin dejar de echarle la culpa al opresor foráneo, Sinán propone otra solución con su uso de simbología de animales, espacio y elementos del folclore panameño In his three plays for children, La Cucarachita Mandinga, Chiquilinga and Lobo Go Home, the Panamanian author Rogelio Sinán presents a view of the nation that exemplifies the ideas that Benedict Anderson and Homi Bhabba discuss in their well known books. Faced with the accelerated transformations and the modernization that the advent of the Panamanian Canal bring to Panama at the beginning of the XXth century, along with the concomitant foreign influence, Sinán chooses to use Panamanian folklore and tropical animals as symbols of the mythical original nation. Nevertheless, the struggle between a political reality and one of national identity is not resolved harmoniously. Like the ants in his play Chiquilinga, who represent in the original fable the virtues of work, discipline and group effort, the solution that Sinán offers calls for a profound change in the national ideology. Without exonerating the foreign powers of blame, Sinán nevertheless suggests another solution through the use of animal symbols, the function of space and elements of Panamanian folklore.

Créer un Etat, une nation, un Etat-nation est, pour la Bolivie, une quête inachevée depuis la fondation de la République en 1825. Néanmoins deux étapes importantes marquent ce processus : la première, dans les années 50, lorsque le Mouvement nationaliste révolutionnaire (MNR) assure le passage de la modernisation à la modernité, avec le suffrage universel, la réforme agraire et les nationalisations, mais refuse à l’Indien son altérité radicale. La seconde étape, dans les années 90, lorsque les gouvernements successifs promulguent une Constitution « pluriethnique » et votent les lois de participation populaire. Elle culmine avec l’accession au pouvoir d’un président indien, Evo Morales, en décembre 2005. Parmi les questions abordées : quelle(s) identité(s) nationale(s) ? Qu’est-ce que le concept « pluri-multi » ? Qu’entend-on par « disponibilité ethnique » ? Quel est l’apport du « cycle rebelle » ? Quel modèle de développement économique ? Quel(s) dispositif(s) d’organisation territoriale ? Quelles relations entre mouvements sociaux, partis et Etat ? Comment éviter le risque de bipolarisation ? The making of the State, the Nation and the Nation-State in Bolivia has been an endless quest since the foundation of the Republic in 1825. However there are two stages of significant importance: the first one, during the 50’s, when the National Revolutionary Movement (MNR) allows the transition from modernization to modernity with the universal suffrage, the agrarian reform and several nationalizations without recognizing the radical otherness of the Indian; the second stage, during the 90’s, when the successive governments vote a «pluriethnical» Constitution as well as laws of popular participation. This process comes to a climax with the election of the Indian President Evo Morales in December 2005. Among issues discussed in this paper: How can we define national identity–ies? What is the significance of the «pluri-multi» concept? What do we mean by «ethnical availability»? What is the impact of the «rebellious cycle»? What new patterns of economic development? What alternative models of territorial organization? What relationship between social movements, political parties and the State? How can avoid the threat of bipolarization?