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The Neanderthal “problem” is less likely to be solved by hypotheses which are broad and inclusive, with respect to late Pleistocene hominids, than by more limited ones for which existing data are suitable and which conform in as many dimensions as possible to evolutionary theory. Specifically, the Brose-Wolpoff hypothesis (1971) fails to use a “population” understanding of Upper Pleistocene hominid variation and argues a universal model of Middle Paleolithic-Upper Paleolithic cultural and physical transition unsuitable for southern Africa or Southeast Asia.

STUDY of any Indian village or camp site in western New York shows clearly the fact that it falls naturally into one of three groups, each of which is distinguished by its own type of remains and its own peculiarities of situation. These three groups can be correlated with the occupancy of the territory by three different types of people. One group must be definitely ascribed to people of Iroquoian stock. A second group can be ascribed to a non-Iroquoian people of unknown identity, and there seems to be sufficient evidence to warrant a belief that the third

D URING an eleven-month stay in several small villages of the Wolof, a Negro Mohammedan people now numbering some 600,000, who live in the Gambia and Senegal, I spoke with the oldest men I knew concerning the former use of cloth money. The statements of the old men are corroborated, for the most part, by present-day Wolof practices and by European observers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Most of these data were collected in the villages of Njau and Ballangar in the Saloum districts of the Gambia. The use of cloth as money, in a way that has close functional parallels with "true" money, was extensive in the Wolof economy prior to this century, both in ceremonial exchange and in basic economic exchange. That such an institution developed in an area where people lived close to the subsistence level with very little surplus production of food and no markets is something of an enigma. There are historical accounts of the early days of European contact with the Gambia, however, which give us some explanation of this seeming paradox. The Wolof no longer use cloth as money, but they still weave cloth. Wolof women card locally grown cotton and spin the thread. Wolof men, of a class made up of the descendants of slaves, weave the cloth on the typical narrow West African loom in strips about five inches wide and cut, for most purposes, into lengths about seventy inches long. Several of these strips are sewn together by the women to make a piece which is often referred to by the English and French in this region as a pagn or pagne (skirt or loincloth) and by the Wolof as a malan. This is then colored with indigo-formerly grown locally-and sometimes decorated with simple designs by the tie-dye technique. Before the introduction of European cloth, the Wolof depended on this cloth for nearly all their needs. Today the use of native cloth is limited. Women tie their babies on their backs with it and wear it as an underskirt with a dress

Historically oriented ethnology (cultural anthropology) in Austria is at present undergoing a critical re-examination of its methodological principles and its research findings. In connection with this, efforts are being made to achieve an improvement of methods as well as broadening the formulation of problems. To understand this, it is necessary to take a quick glance at the development of historical ethnology in Germany and Austria. The German ethnologist Fritz Graebner had a decisive part in molding its specific form. Out of a training in history, Graebner tried to put the young science of ethnology on a sound methodological basis to replace the evolutionistic speculations of the 19th century. Following the old master of German historiography, Ernst Bernheim, he emphasized that nonliterate peoples were also carriers of history, which, however, was principally conceivable only as culture history. Starting from the migration theory of F. Ratzel (1887) and the Kulturkreis concept of L. Frobenius (1898), he developed, as a professional historian, a historical method for ethnology which was published in 1911. This method was further developed in Austria by Wilhelm Schmidt, with contributions by Wilhelm Koppers (1937), and it became the guiding standard for the so-called Vienna School of Ethnology. Koppers writes

THE present data and analysis concern the changing relations between a reindeer herding unit of some nomadic Lapps and the households of a fjord community of West Finnmark (northernmost Norway). I want to show how the nomadic unit (sii'da) encounters new social restrictions when, in order to maintain optimal ecologic adaptation, it needs to maintain crucial friend-guest relations with the Coast Lappish population of the fjord community whose systems of values has recently changed. The native theory of both the nomads and the sedentaries is that the relations in question were once of a "harmonious kind" and part of a larger social pattern, but that at the present time they are "chaotic and conflict-loaded." I will try to give an analytical explanation of this situation. The general cyclical pattern of the annual movement of the Lappish herding units is a consequence of the ecological adaptation of the reindeer, but this pattern is modified through generations by decisions taken by the reindeer owners. In our particular area, the herding units move each spring from winter pastures in the interior (near to the Norwegian-Finnish border) to summer pastures on islands and headlands along the coast of West Finnmark and return in the autumn. The length of the migrations varies from 100-200 kms. and most herding units spend 2 or 3 weeks on the spring move and some 8 to 12 weeks on the autumn move (Vorren 1962).

DURING 1907-1910 I was in central South America collecting fishes and other fresh-water animals for the Carnegie Museum. The appended map gives the route of the expedition. Throughout this long journey I was the only white man on any of the interior trips. No interpreters were employed, and therefore I was forced to learn some of the native, including Indian, dialects, in various parts of South America. As a result I obtained considerable first-hand knowledge of many tribes of South American Indians. I had previously been on two blind-fish expeditions to the caves of Cuba, and my experience with the natives of that island made it easier for me to regard the Indian from his own viewpoint rather than from that of a white man. The observations recorded in these pages are in a measure the result of three years of field work as a naturalist in tropical America. The purpose of this paper is not to give my experiences with numerous South American tribes of Indians which are more or less

T IS hard to make clear to the layman the difficulty with which the sacred songs here presented, and the material embodied in the preceding paper on the origin, myths and rituals of the Menomini Medicine Ceremony,1 were collected. A great change has crept over the pagan portion of the Menomini tribe in the years since the data for the first paper were gathered, and Mita'wln, then very much alive and virile, is now rapidly nearing extinction. Nevertheless, the downfall of the society has not been due to the influence of the peyote religion, which has claimed but few of its members, but to the great mortality among the older people who formerly led in all its activities, especially during the influenza epidemic of 1919-'20. There is no willingness to give up the secrets of the lodge displayed on the part of the dwindling number of survivors. It is still a highly esoteric society, but, through the personal friendship of the greatest of all the mita'wik then living, the adopted uncle of the writer, these songs and the myths and rituals were secured. They represent only a portion of the wellnigh inexhaustible store of knowledge of Mita'win and other lore which the old man possessed. The songs here given are but selections from hundreds. Such as they are, they are, and probably will remain, the only Menomini Medicine Ceremony songs ever recorded, and stand as a monument to the intelligence and friendship of this fine old Indian, the late San Baptiste Perote, Judge of the U. S. Indian Court at Keshena, Wisconsin, who died happy in the knowledge that these things, once so important to his people, will not be lost. There still remains a wide field for an ethnobotanical study in connection with the lore of the Miti'win.

F OR many years the idea has been generally accepted that the strongly classstratified social organization of the seventeenth-century Natchez was a unique, even ephemeral, phenomenon in North America. In opposition to this, notes by Swanton (1911:84-382), Steward (1947:97-98), Willey (1949:10612), and others have indicated a wider occurrence in both time and space. It now seems probable that this type of social organization was found among groups other than the Natchez in historic times, and that at an earlier level, perhaps A.D. 1100-1300, it was the prevailing mode of social organization characteristic of a culture area roughly coincident with the lower Gulf Coastal Plain from East Texas to Tampa Bay in Florida. It may be well to first indicate the salient features of this type of social organization as documented for the Natchez, and to point out seemingly related features in the cultures of other historic groups. We will then outline the culture area as defined archeologically in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and indicate specific cases in which there is archeological evidence for the existence of this social system. It will then be possible to discuss its origins and its breakdown in late prehistoric times. In briefest outline, the data for the Natchez and Taensa indicate the existence of a type of social organization having as major features clearly defined social classes, each with specific sociopolitical functions. These ranged from a near sacred ruling class, the "Suns," through a not too readily separable class of specially privileged nobles, closely related to the Suns. At the bottom of the pile was the bulk of the population, the "Stinkards" (Swanton 1911:138-81). Physical demonstrations of the privileged position of the upper classes were numerous. And, in retrospect at least, certain of these demonstrations might be expected to leave traces archeologically recoverable. These would include special ornaments, dwelling places on mounds, movement in litters, and mortuary ceremonialism which included retainer sacrifice, sacrifice of wives, and interment of these in graves whose locations were patterned with respect to the grave of the key individual whose death started the cycle. There seems to have been a rather rigid placement of graves according to rank, after rites and ceremonies involving the use of a scaffold or platform. It is entirely possible to see in these mortuary ceremonies physical demonstration of the rigidly stratified social system. There are scattered references in the literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, assembled by Swanton (1911), which indicate the existence of a preeminent, near sacred position for the chief, movement in litters, and dwellings on a mound in interior Alabama (pp. 152-234), among the Apalachee of the Florida Northwest Coast and Southwest Georgia (pp. 116-18) and

T HE relationship of culture to environment is one of the oldest problems in the science of anthropology and has provided a leading source of controversy. Early students, impressed with the ways in which cultures were adjusted to the unique features of their local environments, developed the concept of environmental determinism. As more field work was done by trained observers, the variability in culture patterns became more evident and the idea of determinism was rejected. Then, as individual cultures were grouped into culture areas and recognized as specific manifestations of a general pattern, the role of environment once again compelled attention. Wissler (1926:214) expressed the correspondence that exists between culture areas and "natural" areas in the form of a law: " . . . when two sections of a continent differ in climate, florae and faunae, or in their ecological complexes, the culture of the tribal groups in one section will differ from that in the other." In the last two decades this situation has been examined in broad-scale analyses (Forde 1934; Kroeber 1939) and detailed field studies (Steward 1938) and the relationship between environment and culture has been clarified to such an extent that Coon (1948:614) could phrase it recently in more causal terms than Wissler could use two decades before: "Differences in environment . . . are the chief if not the only reason why historical changes have proceeded at different rates in different places, and why more complicated systems have not diffused more rapidly from centers of development." There are few anthropologists today who would disagree with the general statement that environment is an important conditioner of culture. However, efforts to establish the relationship more specifically seem to give negative results. The potentialities of a particular habitat can be seen reflected in the subsistence pattern, the material culture, and by extension, in the social and religious aspects of the culture that is exploiting it, but when cultures of similar subsistence patterns or general features are compared they are not found to occupy similar environments. Hunting tribes, for example, may live in semideserts, swamps, forests, grasslands, or mountains, and in the arctic, the tropics or the temperate zone. Conversely, areas that seem similar geographically may differ greatly culturally. This has led to the conclusion expressed by Forde (1934:464)

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The species problem and its implications in the origin of man controversy had grown in importance in prewar America owing largely to the question of slavery. Implicit in the problem was the position of the so-called inferior races in society. The monogenists, despite their emphasis on environmentalism, were no more favorable to the Negro, except in their remote theoretical stance. The Civil War—not Darwin—brought the controversy to an end in America, but it continued to rage in Europe. The apparent synthesis of the schools during the 1870s did not disturb the stereotyped ideas of racial inferiority. The “inferior races” remained the basis of evolutionary discussion, leaving them as remote outcasts of the evolutionary struggle.

T HE Algonkian tribes who occupied New England at the time when its known history began were probably not its earliest inhabitants. Remains of what may have been a pre-Algonkian culture have been discovered, notably that of the so-called Red Paint People of Maine. No indication, however, is given as to when these people flourished, and but little as to when the Algonkians themselves first arrived and displaced them. There is evident value in any discovery that contributes even slightly to the problem of determininghow long this portion of the country has been inhabited. The writer believes that he has found evidence

That totemism exists among the Indians of California seems to have escaped the notice of ethnologists. This may be due to the less conspicuous part it plays in the lives of the people compared with its high development in some other regions, notably Alaska and British Columbia. Nevertheless totemism not only exists in California, but is rather widely prevalent; it is present in many tribes tribes distributed among widely different stocks ; and, when one comes to understand something of the inner life of the people, it is found to be as deeply rooted, and in some cases as important, as in other regions. It is not my object to discuss the subject totemism, but to record the widespread prevalence among California Indians of certain totemic beliefs and practices which, apparently, have not been previously observed. And it is interesting to note that of the several degrees and phases of totemism, at least three occur in California, namely: (I) The non-hereditary individual totem; (2) the hereditary patriarchal totem; and (3) the hereditary matriarchal clan totem.

UGANDA was declared a Protectorate of the British Government in 1893, and at that date virtually no foreigners, except for a small number of Arab traders, were resident in the country. As the territory was developed, Indian settlers moved in from Kenya and Tanganyika to open up trade and to assist, as clerks and skilled artisans, in the administration of the country. There were then too few Africans able to fill these roles. It is important to note that Indians did not come as agriculturalists and that the law in Uganda today does not, with a few unimportant exceptions, allow non-Africans to own freehold land. In a population of almost five million in 1948, Indians numbered approximately 35,000, Europeans 6,000, and Arabs 1,200. Of the Indians, about 20,000 were Hindus of various castes, and some 11,000 were Muslims, divided among Shia and Sunni sects. Just over half the gainfully employed Indian men were engaged in commerce and 44 per cent of the whole Indian population lived in five towns, one-quarter of the whole in Kampala. Gujerati was the most widely spoken language, but Punjabi, Urdu, and Hindi were also used. (Annual Report 1952; Census Report 1953a.) The majority of Indian settlers in East Africa derive from the north-western coast of India, in particular from Gujerat, Kathiawad, and Cutch, whose inhabitants for the most part speak varieties of the Gujerati language and whose traditional social arrangements, in spite of regional differences, are generally similar. The Indians who came to East Africa were in a sense a selected group. They were selected by geographical proximity to convenient ports in India and by their positions in society at home. Representatives of different Muslim sects and Hindu castes came to Africa, but the educated, the rich, and the poor did not usually leave India. In coming to Africa the immigrants had necessarily to alter many of the distinguishing marks and much of the behavior which had characterized them as sects and castes at home. One of the more prominent features of society in India, particularly the Hindu section of it, is that the component groups, the castes, are arranged in a hierarchy, with the Brahmins at the top and the Untouchables at the bottom. In Gujerat, as in other parts of India, the Muslim sects also had a defined position in relation to one another and to the Hindu section of society. In East Africa the immigrants did not find it possible to reproduce these traditional arrangements, and no representative cross-section of society from Gujerat was transplanted to Africa. The principal reason was that though most of the immigrants came from Gujerati-speaking districts, their homes were in fact widely separated, and each district in India tended to have a local hierarchy which did not apply elsewhere. For this reason, when two well-represented

THIS is a "case history" of diffusion in aboriginal Texas. From 1683 to 1692, if not longer, Juan Sabeata was chief of the Jumano and Cibola Indians. During that period he made at least eight journeys across almost the entire breadth of the state of Texas, from the Rio Grande to the Neches, in addition to known journeys to El Paso, Parral, and Julimes in Mexico. The Jumano and Cibola under Sabeata were bison hunters and traders. Sabeata himself was an inveterate gossip and a master at frontier intrigue. He made a deliberate effort to gather "news" and to pass it on to those with whom he visited. He served as a "gossip" not only among such Indians as the Patarabueye of the Rio Grande and the Tejas [Hasinai] of eastern Texas but between the Spanish and French as well. It was Sebeata who informed the Spaniards in Nueva Vizcaya of the presence of La Salle's party in southeastern Texas, and eventually of the destruction of La Salle's fort at the hands of the Indians. Conversely, it was Sabeata or one of his lieutenants who described so well for La Salle's party the habits and settlements of the Spaniards to the west. It was Sabeata who inveigled the Spaniards under Mendoza into serving as his bodyguard on a journey through the territory of his enemies, the Apache. Archeological and ethnological evidence of the activities of Sabeata and his Jumano is available, though rare, and will be discussed. But this is not a paper devoted especially to the diffusion of specific traits or complexes. Interest here lies in the means of diffusion, the process, the functioning machinery itself. There must have been many Sabeatas among the Jumano, and the Jumano were certainly not the only bison nomads who developed a profitable trade between Plains and Southwest, Plains and Southeast, and Southwest and Southeast. And perhaps more important culturally than the bison products, the salt, the bows and arrows, the turquoise and cotton, the feathers and shells, that made up the tangible currency of the trade, was the traffic in "news."

THE four tribes whose various blood group frequencies constitute the principal subject matter of the present paper are found associated here because they speak languages of the same phylum; i.e. Chibchan. Chibchanspeaking tribes have been distributed throughout the area between Honduras in the North and Colombia and Ecuador in the South, and according to recent investigations they are also supposed to have penetrated into such distant eastern territories as the Orinoco Delta and southern Venezuela. Generally speaking, however, the Chibcha are highland people who occupied the mountainous regions of the above mentioned territories, where they developed a formative type of culture with chiefdoms, relying on a stable surplus production of agricultural goods for the maintenance of their political and religious institutions. From several points of view the Chibcha represent one of the more important indigenous populations of our continent, the study of which can greatly advance our knowledge of American anthropology and which should actually be accelerated by all priority measures available. Unfortunately, however, they have never been studied comprehensively from the different angles of our specialization, so that there exists considerable confusion as to the definite cultural and genetic identification of the various ethnic entities they comprise.

In the year 1891, at my suggestion, the late J. G. Owens began a collection of data relating to Tusayan ethnobotany. It was my intention to prepare with him an elaborate memoir on the foods and food resources of the Hopi Indians, but the death of this talented young student prevented the completion of our work together. Since his death, however, my interest in the subject has not flagged, but I have found the accumulation of material* so vast that an extensive article would be necessary to present the subject in anything like a complete form. The portion dealing with maize and food products from it would alone fill a volume, and the various kinds of animal foods would take many pages to adequately discuss. The present article is offered as a contribution to the study of a few Tusayan plants, and is more or less preliminary in nature. The specimens were identified for me by the late Dr Sereno Watson, of Harvard University, and have been deposited in the herbarium of that institution. I have had the aid of the late Mr A. M. Stephen in some of the etymological suggestions, but in many instances it has been quite impossible to arrive at any satisfactory analysis of the components of Hopi names of plants. It may seem strange to the reader that I have picked out a few of the plants used by the Hopi for alimentary, medicinal, and other purposes and omitted others equally important. It is not my intention to offer a monograph of the subject, nor would the limits of an Anthropologist article allow it. I simply wish to call attention to the interesting field of ethnobotany which the Hopi Indians furnish the ethnologist, leaving the more systematic and exhaustive discussion to a memoir which I have in preparation. The reason 1 have chosen the food plants instead of food animals will be patent when we call to mind that the Pueblos are and have been agriculturists, so far as our knowledge of them goes. They took to agricultural products rather than to flesh for their subsistence. I believe they have employed for food as large a