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Background: The overall prevalence of U.S. young adult alcohol use has decreased, but little is known about historical change in related behaviors such as simultaneous alcohol and marijuana (SAM) use that may increase alcohol‐related risks and societal costs. The purpose of this paper was to examine historical change in SAM use prevalence among U.S. young adult alcohol users from 1977 to 2016, and consider the extent to which observed historical change in SAM use among alcohol users reflects co‐occurring change in marijuana use during these years. Methods: Data on past 12‐month alcohol, marijuana, and SAM use at up to 6 modal ages (19/20, 21/22, 23/24, 25/26, 27/28, and 29/30) were collected from 11,789 individuals (45.0% men) participating in the Monitoring the Future panel study. Annual prevalence estimates within modal age group were obtained; historical SAM use trends among alcohol and marijuana users were estimated. Results: From 2014 to 2016, SAM use was reported by approximately 30% of alcohol users aged 19/20 and 21/22, and 20 to 25% of alcohol users aged 23/24 through 29/30. Since the mid‐1990s, age‐specific historical trends in SAM use prevalence among alcohol users followed 1 of 4 patterns: significant increase followed by oscillating increases/decreases (at modal age 19/20), consistent and significant increases (at modal ages 21/22, 23/24, and 25/26), stability followed by increase (at modal ages 27/28), or stability (at modal ages 29/30). In contrast, SAM use trends among marijuana users primarily reflected stability, with some evidence of a decrease across time at modal ages 19/20 and 23/24. Historical change in SAM prevalence among alcohol users was strongly and positively correlated with changes in overall marijuana use prevalence. Conclusions: A growing proportion of early and mid‐young adult alcohol users reported SAM use, with the highest risk among those in the early years of young adulthood. Young adult SAM use may continue to increase in proportion to the degree that young adult marijuana use continues to increase. This paper examined historical change in simultaneous alcohol and marijuana (SAM) use prevalence among U.S. young adult alcohol users from 1977‐2016. While the overall prevalence of U.S. young adult alcohol use has decreased, a growing proportion of early and mid‐young adult alcohol users reported SAM use, with the highest risk among those in the early years of young adulthood. Young adult SAM use may continue to increase in proportion to the degree that young adult marijuana use continues to increase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Alcohol-related blackouts are periods of amnesia that reflect the failure of the brain to record memories of what transpires while drinking. This paper examined the incidence, predictors, and behavioral correlates of blackouts among emerging adults and examined whether questions about blackouts could serve as better markers of risk for other alcohol related harms than questions about levels of consumption. Methods In 2012 to 2013, 1,463 (68%) of 2,140 respondents 1-year past high school reported having consumed alcohol. They were asked whether, in the past 6 months because of drinking, they forgot where they were or what they did. The survey also explored demographics, substance use behaviors, and other alcohol-related problems in the past 6 months. Chi-square and logistic regression analyses explored bivariate and multivariate predictors of blackouts and other alcohol-related problems. Results Twenty percent of respondents who ever drank alcohol reported a blackout in the past 6 months. Blackouts were more prevalent among females and those who, in the past 30 days, used multiple drugs, more frequently binged, were drunk, smoked, had lower body weight, and lived in college dorms. After controlling for drinking levels, having a blackout was the strongest independent predictor of most other alcohol problems examined, including in the past 6 months because of drinking, missing class or work, getting behind in work or school, doing something respondents later regretted, arguing with friends, experiencing an overdose, and total number of alcohol problems reported. It was also an independent predictor of hangovers, damaging property, getting hurt, and trouble with police. Conclusions Because blackouts indicate drinking at levels that result in significant cognitive and behavioral impairment, questions about blackouts could serve as important, simple screeners for the risk of experiencing other alcohol related harms. Additional work on this subject is warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background This paper examines the prevalence, the symptom profile, and the drinking and sociodemographic predictors of current (past 12 months) DSM- IV alcohol abuse and dependence among Mexican Americans living along the U. S.- Mexico border and those living in metropolitan areas away from the border. Methods Respondents in the non-border areas (primarily Houston and Los Angeles) constitute a multistage probability sample ( N = 1,288) of these areas, interviewed as part of the 2006 Hispanic Americans Baseline Alcohol Survey ( HABLAS). Respondents in the border area ( N = 1,307) constitute a household probability sample of Mexican Americans living on the border. In both surveys, data were collected during computer-assisted interviews conducted in respondents' homes. The HABLAS and the border sample response rates were 76 and 67%, respectively. Results Although bivariate analyses revealed no overall differences between border and non-border locations, (negative) age trends were more pronounced on the border for male abuse and for dependence among both genders. Among females aged 18 to 29, border residence was linked to significantly higher rates of dependence. In multivariable analyses, the prevalence of male abuse declined more rapidly with age on the border than off the border. Other unique predictors of male abuse were Jewish/other religion and weekly volume of alcohol consumption. Being married or out of the workforce, attaining a higher education, having no religious preference, and weekly volume uniquely predicted female dependence. Age and weekly volume uniquely predicted male dependence. Conclusions The prevalence of alcohol use disorders among Mexican Americans on and off the U. S.- Mexico border largely mirrors previously documented patterns of alcohol consumption in these areas. For young Mexican American women in particular, border residence is linked to heightened vulnerability to alcohol dependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This paper examines differences in drinking and binge drinking between Mexican Americans living along the U.S.-Mexico border and those living in 2 metropolitan areas away from the border (Houston, Texas and Los Angeles, California). Methods: Respondents in the non-border area (Houston and Los Angeles) constitute a multistage probability sample ( N = 1,288), who were interviewed as part of the 2006 Hispanic Americans Baseline Alcohol Survey (HABLAS). Respondents in the border area ( N = 1,307) constitute a household probability sample of Mexican Americans living on the U.S.-Mexico border. In both surveys, data were collected during computer-assisted interviews conducted in respondents' homes. The HABLAS and the border sample response rates were 76 and 67%, respectively. Results: There were no differences between border and non-border Mexican American men in the proportion of drinkers, the proportion who binge drink at least once a year, and volume of alcohol consumption. However, within each location, there were significant differences in drinking by age, indicating that younger men drank more than men who were older. Border women showed significant differences across age-groups in the proportion of drinkers, in binge drinking, and volume of alcohol consumption, which were not seen among non-border women. Conclusions: Women's drinking seems to be more affected than men's by their residence on or off the U.S.-Mexico border. This is seen most clearly among young women 18 to 29 years old, and it is associated with an increased proportion of drinkers, a higher volume of drinking, and an increased proportion of women who report binge drinking. Increased drinking in this group of younger women seems to be associated with drinking in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There have been limited trend studies examining variations on the patterns of alcohol consumption among Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics in the United States. The current paper reports national trends in drinking patterns, volume of drinking (number of drinks per month), binge drinking, and drinking to intoxication among Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics over a period of 10 years and identifies sociodemographic predictors of these behaviors across the 3 ethnic groups. Methods: Data are from the 1991 to 1992 National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiologic Survey (NLAES; n = 42,862) and the 2001 to 2002 National Epidemiologic Study on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC; n = 43,093). Both surveys used multistage cluster sample procedures to select respondents 18 years of age and older from the U.S. household population. Results: Trends varied across different dimensions of drinking and ethnic groups. There were no statistically significant differences in the mean number of drinks consumed per month among men and women in any of the 3 ethnic groups between 1992 and 2002, but there was a significant rise in the proportion of current drinkers in both genders and in all 3 ethnic groups. Multivariate analysis indicated that, compared to Whites in 1992, Blacks and Hispanics did not increase their volume of drinking, but Whites did. Drinking 5 or more drinks in day at all did not increase between 1992 and 2002, but drinking 5 or more drinks at least once a month was more likely for all groups in 2002 compared to Whites in 1992. Drinking to intoxication at all was more likely among Whites in 2002 than 1992, but drinking to intoxication at least once a month was more likely among Whites and Blacks in 2002 than 1992. Conclusion: The only common trend between 1992 and 2002 across both genders and 3 ethnic groups was a rise in the proportion of drinkers. There was also a rise in drinking 5 or more drinks in a day (Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics) and drinking to intoxication (Whites and Blacks), but this was limited to those reporting such drinking at least once a month. The reasons for these changes are many and may involve complex sociodemographic changes in the population. It is important for the field to closely monitor these cross-ethnic trends in alcohol consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]