Search

Is it morally or politically acceptable to have wide differences in the quality of health care when one crosses a state line? Federalism in the United States has been defended as a political structure that enables people to coexist in a single polity despite deep disagreements about some of the most fundamental aspects of human life. This federalism of the compound republic of the United States can create space for difference and latitude for innovation, and its flexibility in levels of policy enactment can allow for fruitful state-level experimentation, especially in the areas of health and health care, which has long been celebrated. However, when federalism results in significant differences in health care availability within a single country-with abortion being the tip of the iceberg of these differences, albeit a very pointed one-it can generate enormous ethical challenges for health care providers and their patients. These challenges often engender questions of what should be considered an enduring right: Which freedoms should transcend borders? States of Health identifies the practical relevance of federalism to people facing ethical decisions about health and health care, and it considers the theoretical justifications for permissible differences among states. It asks whether authority over important aspects of health is misaligned in the United States today, with some matters problematically left to the states while others are taken over by the federal government. Health care is a basic good, central to the ability of people to flourish. If state policies result in a landscape where residents of some states can flourish in ways that residents of other states cannot, the mutuality of a federal union might be threatened. States of Health reminds us that there are some divisions that a nation cannot endure.

Misery beneath the Miracle in East Asia challenges prevailing views of the East Asian economic miracle. Existing scholarship has overlooked the severity, persistence, and harmful consequences of the social-welfare crises affecting the region. Arvid J. Lukauskas and Yumiko Shimabukuro fill this gap and put a major asterisk on East Asia's economic record. Combining big-picture analysis, abundant data, a dynamic interdisciplinary framework, and powerful human stories, they shed light on the social ills that governments have failed to address adequately, including low wages, child abuse, elderly poverty, and substandard housing. One of the major forces behind the multidimensional welfare crises is the region's productivist welfare strategy, which prioritizes economic growth while abandoning a robust social safety net, leaving the most vulnerable segments of society largely unprotected. Misery beneath the Miracle in East Asia brings the region into debates over the dangers of seeking growth at all costs that are currently embroiling the United States and other advanced industrialized countries.

Warum stellen einige politische Gewalttäter ihre Taten öffentlich und spektakulär zur Schau? Lee Ann Fujii geht dieser Frage anhand von drei extremen Gewaltereignissen nach: der Ermordung einer Tutsi-Familie während des Völkermords in Ruanda, der Hinrichtung muslimischer Männer in einem serbisch kontrollierten Dorf in Bosnien während der Balkankriege und des Lynchmords an einem schwarzen Landarbeiter an der Ostküste von Maryland im Jahr 1933. Fujii zeigt mit diesen Beispielen, dass es bei demonstrativer Gewalt immer auch darum geht, Einfluss auf die Umstehenden, auf Nachbarschaften oder gar ganze Bevölkerungen zu gewinnen. Das Zuschauen und die Teilnahme an diesen Gewaltspektakeln verändern die Beteiligten mitunter tiefgreifend und stärken politische Identitäten, soziale Hierarchien und Machtstrukturen. Solche öffentlichen Gewalttaten zwingen die Mitglieder der Gemeinschaft auch dazu, sich für eine Seite zu entscheiden: offen die Ziele der Gewalt zu unterstützen oder zu riskieren, selbst Opfer zu werden. In ihrem letzten Buch zeichnet Lee Ann Fujii nach, wie Gewalt zur Schau gestellt wird, analysiert Konsequenzen und zeigt, wie die Täter die Fragilität sozialer Bindungen für ihre eigenen Zwecke nutzen.

Masterarbeit aus dem Jahr 2019 im Fachbereich Führung und Personal - Sonstiges, Note: 2,4, Westsächsische Hochschule Zwickau, Standort Zwickau (Fakultät Gesundheits- und Pflegewissenschaften), Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Familiäre Pflege- und Erziehungsaufgaben sind genauso wie die Karriere zentraler Bestandteil der Lebenswelten. Durch das Instrument der familienfreundlichen Personalpolitik können Arbeitgeber die Mitarbeiterbindung fördern, bisher unberücksichtigte Personengruppen rekrutieren und Ausfallzeiten sowie Kosten reduzieren. Diese Masterarbeit hat das Ziel, den aktuellen Stand zur familienfreundlichen Unternehmenswelt abzubilden. Zudem sollen wesentliche Einflussfaktoren für eine gelungene Vereinbarkeit erforscht werden. Als Methode der Untersuchung wurde eine Onlinebefragung von abhängig Beschäftigten durchgeführt. Die Rekrutierung gestaltete sich offen über Mailverteiler und soziale Netzwerke. Die Auswertung, darunter auch eine binär logistische Regression, wurde mittels SPSS durchgeführt. Eine Auswahl der wichtigsten Ergebnisse: Das Betriebsklima wird von den 351 Studienteilnehmern insgesamt positiv bewertet. Vorgesetzte und Kollegen haben generell Verständnis für familiäre Aufgaben und unterstützen in der Regel auch praktisch nach familiären Absenzen. Der Majorität der Befragten gelingt die Vereinbarkeit der Lebensbereiche. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass 70% aller Arbeitnehmer ihren Arbeitgeber bereits als familienfreundlich einschätzen, auch wenn mehr als 50% der Unternehmen eine familienfreundliche Strategie nicht öffentlichkeitswirksam kommuniziert. Vor allem Mütter werden im betrieblichen Setting berücksichtigt, während die Bedürfnisse von Vätern und Pflegenden bei 35% der Betriebe bisher keine Rolle spielen. In der Unternehmensstrategie werden vorwiegend Maßnahmen zur familienfreundlichen Gestaltung von Arbeitszeit, Arbeitsort und Arbeitsorganisation geboten. Bereiche, in denen weniger geboten wird, sind die Personalentwicklung, das betriebliche Betreuungsangebot und die finanzielle Unterstützung. Die bisherigen Maßnahmen werden als hilfreich bewertet, obwohl zugleich noch mehr Bedarf nach betrieblicher Unterstützung besteht. Im Regressionsmodell zeigt sich die Zufriedenheit mit dem Gehalt als signifikanter Einflussfaktor für eine gelungene Vereinbarkeit. Weitere Faktoren sind die Verfügbarkeit flexibler Arbeitszeitmodelle, die Verlässlichkeit und Rücksichtnahme in der Dienst- und Urlaubsplanung als auch die Unterstützung von Vorgesetzten und Kollegen. Letzteres zeigt, dass Schulungen zur mitarbeiterorientierten Führung und Teambuilding wichtig sind.

Work Time is a sociological overview of a complex web of relations that shapes much of our experience of work and life yet often goes without critical examination. Cynthia Negrey examines work time past and present, exploring structural economic change and the gender division of labor to ask: what are the historical, cultural, public policy, and business sources of current work-time practices? Topics addressed include work-time reduction in the US culminating in the 40-hour statute of 1938, recent trends in annual and weekly hours, overtime, part-time work, temporary employment, work-family integration, and international comparisons. She focuses on the US in a global context and explores how a new political economy of work time is taking shape. This book brings together existing knowledge from sociology, anthropology, history, labor economics, and family studies to answer its central question and will change the way upper-level students think about the time we devote to work.

2009 Choice Outstanding Academic TitleA provocative look into civil rights progress in the Palmetto State from activists, statesmen, and historiansToward the Meeting of the Waters represents a watershed moment in civil rights history—bringing together voices of leading historians alongside recollections from central participants to provide the first comprehensive history of the civil rights movement as experienced by black and white South Carolinians. Edited by Winfred B. Moore Jr. and Orville Vernon Burton, this work originated with a highly publicized landmark conference on civil rights held at the Citadel in Charleston.The volume opens with an assessment of the transition of South Carolina leaders from defiance to moderate enforcement of federally mandated integration and includes commentary by former governor and U.S. senator Ernest F. Hollings and former governor John C. West. Subsequent chapters recall defining moments of white-on-black violence and aggression to set the context for understanding the efforts of reformers such as Levi G. Byrd and Septima Poinsette Clark and for interpreting key episodes of white resistance. Emerging from these essays is arresting evidence that, although South Carolina did not experience as much violence as many other southern states, the civil rights movement here was more fiercely embattled than previously acknowledged. The section of retrospectives serves as an oral history of the era as it was experienced by a mixture of locally and nationally recognized participants, including historians such as John Hope Franklin and Tony Badger as well as civil rights activists Joseph A. De Laine Jr., Beatrice Brown Rivers, Charles McDew, Constance Curry, Matthew J. Perry Jr., Harvey B. Gantt, and Cleveland Sellers Jr. The volume concludes with essays by historians Gavin Wright, Dan Carter, and Charles Joyner, who bring this story to the present day and examine the legacy of the civil rights movement in South Carolina from a modern perspective.Toward the Meeting of the Waters also includes thirty-seven photographs from the period, most of them by Cecil Williams and many published here for the first time.

Why did some offenses in the South end in mob lynchings while similar crimes led to legal executions? Why did still other cases have nonlethal outcomes? In this well-researched and timely book, Margaret Vandiver explores the complex relationship between these two forms of lethal punishment, challenging the assumption that executions consistently grew out of-and replaced-lynchings. Vandiver begins by examining the incidence of these practices in three culturally and geographically distinct southern regions. In rural northwest Tennessee, lynchings outnumbered legal executions by eleven to one and many African Americans were lynched for racial caste offenses rather than for actual crimes. In contrast, in Shelby County, which included the growing city of Memphis, more men were legally executed than lynched. Marion County, Florida, demonstrated a firmly entrenched tradition of lynching for sexual assault that ended in the early 1930s with three legal death sentences in quick succession. With a critical eye to issues of location, circumstance, history, and race, Vandiver considers the ways that legal and extralegal processes imitated, influenced, and differed from each other. A series of case studies demonstrates a parallel between mock trials that were held by lynch mobs and legal trials that were rushed through the courts and followed by quick executions. Tying her research to contemporary debates over the death penalty, Vandiver argues that modern death sentences, like lynchings of the past, continue to be influenced by factors of race and place, and sentencing is comparably erratic.

This primer for teachers (prospective and practicing) asks students to question the historical present and their relation to it, and in so doing, to construct their own understandings of what it means to teach, to study, to become'educated.'Curriculum theory is presented as the interdisciplinary study of educational experience. The mentral concept of curriculum studies as a'complicated conversation'is explored. Within this framework, Pinar offers a compelling interpretation of contemporary'school reform'policies and practices, and an explication of curriculum theory's power to bring forth understanding, resistance, and change. His argument is this: Public education today is dominated by a conservative agenda based on a business model of education focused on the'bottom line'(test scores). The origins of this agenda go back to the 1950s, when gendered anxieties over the Cold War and racialized anxieties over school desegregation coded public education (not for the first time) as'feminized'and'black.'The nature of many politicians'and some parents'criticisms of public education is intelligible only as a recoding of these gendered and racialized anxieties, deferred and displaced from their originating events onto'school reform.'This has rendered the classroom a privatized and racialized domestic sphere which politicians--mostly (white) men--endeavor to control, disguised by apparently commonsense claims of'accountability.'What is dangerously at stake is academic freedom and control of the curriculum--what teachers are permitted to teach, what children are permitted to study. This text offers both an understanding of the problem and a way to address it. Pinar uses the concept of currere--the Latin infinitive of curriculum--to describe an autobiographical method that provides a strategy for self-study, a way for both individuals and groups to understand their situations, leading to action. Through currere, it is possible for educators to begin to reconstruct the public sphere--now a'shopping mall'in which citizens and students have been reduced to consumers--by connecting academic knowledge to their students (and their own) subjectivities, to society, and to the historical moment. In doing so, they can take back (relative) intellectual freedom and rebuild schooling to speak to persisting problems of race, class, and gender. It is this link, this promise of education for our private-and-public lives as Americans, that curriculum theory enables. Comprehensive and ground-breaking, What Is Curriculum Theory? is indispensable for scholars and students worldwide across the fields of curriculum studies, foundations of education, educational policy, school reform, and teacher education.