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This book provides balanced critical linguistic and literary representations of gender and power relations in Ghanaian and Nigerian texts, contrary to most existing literary and linguistic studies on gender that have either focused on male chauvinism or male emasculation. This text provides novel insight into gender dynamics, liberation and empowerment especially as it relates to language and power in Africa.

Russia in the Pacific approaches the puzzle of why Russia, with much of its huge territory straddling Asia, has not had more success in establishing a position as a great power in the Asia Pacific. Russian leaders from Nicholas II in the late nineteenth century to Vladimir Putin in the twenty-first have periodically advanced policies to gain territory or influence, secure buffer zones in the region, develop the sparsely populated Far East and protect it against foreign intervention, and integrate into the regional economy, but have met with only partial success. Structural factors constraining Russian regional aspirations include geographic challenges, demographic imbalances, and persistent low levels of economic development. Institutional factors--the hyper-centralized, secretive character of Russian foreign policy making, bureaucratic competition, and dominance of a single powerful executive-also have been critical in shaping Russian foreign policy toward the Pacific. The persistence of certain patterns in Russia's Asia policy suggest even the most powerful autocrat faces constraints. Starting with Russian imperial expansion in the late nineteenth century, Charles E. Ziegler considers the impact of the Russo-Japanese War on late tsarist Russian autocracy and assesses Soviet Asian initiatives under Stalin and his successors during the Cold War. He examines the diplomatic, economic and military dimensions of Vladimir Putin's pivot toward the Asia Pacific. His conceptual approach is analytically eclectic, combining realism's focus on military and economic dimensions of power with a constructivist attention to domestic politics, culture, and questions of national identity.

¿Qué papel tuvieron las virreinas en la historia novohispana? Ante una pregunta simple hay una respuesta equivalente: ser las cónyuges de los virreyes; pero la vida y la historia no son tan sencillas, por lo que reformulamos la pregunta: ¿el ser esposa de un virrey fue la única agencia histórica de estas mujeres? La historiografía tradicional nos diría que sí, que no tenían responsabilidades en el gobierno o deber de asegurar la institución virreinal a través de la procreación: por lo tanto, el ser virreina era un mero título honorífico y su injerencia fue mínima en el devenir del virreinato. Hoy en día ya no satisfacen estas respuestas reduccionistas, y mucho menos cuando encontramos en la documentación de la época como resaltan las acciones de estas mujeres, se exhibe su presencia continua, se hacen visibles sus redes y, sobre todo, su poder; un poder que rompe con el concepto del ámbito privado, pues es un poder que actuó en la vida cotidiana, política, social, económica y cultural de Nueva España, pero es un poder en código femenino. Así pues, el estudiar a las virreinas como agentes históricos no sólo nos posibilita crear una imagen más completa del periodo novohispano, también nos permite repensar cómo hacemos historia. En suma, la historia de las virreinas es la historia de Nueva España.

In Forging Nations, Blaazer studies the relationships between money, power, and nationality in England, Scotland, and Ireland from the first attempts to unify their currencies following the Union of the Crowns in 1603 to the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis. Through successive crises spanning four centuries, Forging Nations examines critical struggles over monetary power between the state and its creditors, and within and between nations during the long, multifaceted process of creating the United Kingdom as a monetary as well as a political union. It shows how and why centuries of monetary dysfunction and conflict eventually gave way to the era of the sterling gold standard, when elite and popular beliefs about money converged around a set of almost unassailable monetary dogmas that transcended differences of nationality, party, and class. Sustained by a mixture of historical myths and imperial hubris, this consensus effortlessly reinforced the authority and served the interests of the monetary elite, even after its economic foundations had collapsed under the pressure of war and international competition. The book concludes by showing how the end of the UK's global hegemony and the prospect of Scottish independence have resuscitated historical differences between England, Ireland, and Scotland in attitudes to currency's role in defining national identity, while the Global Financial Crisis has revived forgotten debates over the nature of money and monetary power.

I poteri visibili e quelli invisibili che governano il nostro Paese nell'analisi e nel racconto di un protagonista della vita pubblica italiana.

This edited volume addresses geo-economic strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific, exploring both the theoretical and thematic contours of this concept and issue-specific dynamics in the areas of finance, trade, energy, and technology competition. Chapters focus on the impact of renewed great power competition between Washington and Beijing in the Indo-Pacific region across these four areas. Each addresses central concerns for the future of the global economic order and offers a lens to understand interstate competition in light of the geopolitical shifts resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic. Written by an international panel of experts, this volume provides a cohesive view of the region's most pressing issues. As such, it will be relevant to scholars specializing in Indo-Pacific domestic politics and foreign policy, U.S. foreign policy, middle powers, China-U.S. relations, China-EU relations, Asia-Pacific developments, international security, international political economy, and emerging markets.

Trump and Mussolini: Images, Fake News, and Mass Media as Weapons in the Hands of Two Populists compares two historic men of power and influence, Donald Trump and Benito Mussolini, to analyze the commonality of practices and mannerisms between the two. From rhetoric to body language, to their control over oral and written communication and analogous power strategies, they both possess an unusual talent for new technologies which they utilize to their advantage in unique moments in history. Mussolini lived at the beginning of mass society, Trump at the height of social media, both controversial leaders finding means to utilize these periods of time and the tools surrounding them to further their own agendas and influence society, culture, and authority. The authors examine a plethora of topics and themes such as outward personalities and consuming charisma, means and tools of communication and propaganda, and treatment of women, just to name a few, in order to define the relationship and similarities between these two controversial figures. This book was written before the Capitol Hill assault on January 6th 2021. Mussolini in November 1922 in front of the Parliament said: “I could have made a bivouac of this gloomy gray hall: I could have shut down the Parliament and formed a Government exclusively of Fascists; I could have done so, but I did not wish to do so, at least not at this moment.” Trump, however never said anything like this, but indeed, tried to do it.

Is political equality viable when a capitalist economy unequally distributes private property? This book examines the nexus between wealth and politics and asks how institutions and citizens should respond to it.Theories of democracy and property have often ignored the ways in which the rich attempt to convert their wealth into political power, implicitly assuming that politics is isolated from economic forces. This book brings the moral and political links between wealth and power into clear focus. The chapters are divided into three thematic sections. Part I analyses wealth and politics from the perspective of various political traditions, such as liberalism, republicanism, anarchism, and Marxism. Part II addresses the economic sphere, and looks at the political influence of corporations, philanthropists, and commons-based organisations. Finally, Part III turns to the political sphere and looks at the role of political parties and constitutions, and phenomena such as corruption and lobbying.Wealth and Power: Philosophical Perspectives will be of interest to scholars and advanced students working in political philosophy, political science, economics, and law.

Creative Work and Distributions of Power is a journey toward an energized and expanded space for considering power in discussions of creative work.Starting with the participatory creativity framework, this book expertly guides readers through case studies of two very different examples of creative work: the 20th-century, groundbreaking systems theorist Gregory Bateson and the current musician/polymath Tyler, The Creator. Through skillfully interwoven narrative and theory, chapters provide readers with a deep understanding of the roles of power in the ways creativity emerges from complex social, material, and historical systems. Thoughtful metalogues featured throughout the book bring readers into the minds of the authors, illustrating the very processes being analyzed. The result is a model of the functions of creative work in mediating personal capacities and larger societal forces.This critical addition to the discourse around creativity and its practice is an ideal first step in understanding creative work and distributions of power for readers in creativity studies as well as sociology and psychology courses.

Power and Space sets out the inherently spatial nature of power today and seeks to change the conversation around how power exercises us in the contemporary moment.The essays brought together in this book are a response to the fact that conventional descriptions of power and its ordered geographies no longer chime with our lived experience. Spatiality matters to the workings of power nowadays, and this book sheds light on what it is that we face when power is exercised through more subtle, spatially nuanced arrangements. It is divided into three parts, each representing a different kind of engagement with power's relationship to space, from the spatial shifts in the way power is exercised through to its assemblage-like entanglements and, in turn, its progressive topological character. Throughout the book, a wide range of social, political and economic examples are drawn upon to illustrate a more provisional sense of power, ranging, for instance, from the seductive logic of privatized public spaces to the attempt by a data analytics company to manipulate political behaviour, through to the offshore spaces invented by rising financial elites to challenge the established banking order.Illustrating the new-found abilities of the powerful to make their presence felt, this book provides an accessible account of the practical workings of power in the present day. It will be invaluable to students and academics in human geography and urban studies as well as politics, sociology and cultural studies.

An illuminating new history of World War II–era Smolensk, a region at the crossroads of the two great dictatorships of the twentieth century.During the Cold War, the Smolensk Archive held the only collection of Communist Party documents available to Western scholars, becoming the foundation for generations of scholarship on Soviet history. Crucibles of Power returns to the Smolensk Region with fresh eyes and fresh sources. Prizewinning historian Michael David-Fox traces the experiences of Smolensk residents between the interwar years and the end of World War II, a period during which the city and region passed from Stalinist rule to Nazi occupation and back. The result is a revelatory examination of choice and power under dueling forms of murderous totalitarianism.Exploring the life-and-death decisions of a fascinating cast of characters—from young women in the Communist Youth League to a defense lawyer during Stalin's Great Terror who became Smolensk's collaborationist mayor during the German occupation—David-Fox shows how deeply the Stalinist and Nazi regimes relied on the cooptation of average citizens motivated by greed and need, but always within the orbit of ideology. Challenging today's Russian nationalist narrative of heroic WWII resistance, he finds that large numbers of Russians aided the Nazi occupation of Smolensk in order to protect themselves, secure their own self-interest, or pursue vendettas against a Soviet state they found no less corrupt or oppressive than its German foe.At a time when much of the world is tilting away from liberal democracy and toward authoritarianism, Crucibles of Power masterfully unravels the threads of dictatorial rule. Smolensk emerges as a laboratory for understanding the mechanics of both outright coercion and subtler forms of power, as well as the enabling behavior of ordinary citizens acquiescing to extraordinary crimes.

This book outlines an analytical framework to understand power, influence, and statecraft in the Pacific Islands region. With contributions by scholars from the United States, Australia, China, New Zealand, and across the Pacific Islands region, it provides ‘both sides of the story'of statecraft and explores how power and influence are being exercised in the Pacific Islands. Amid escalating strategic competition, the United States, China, Australia, and a range of other partners are trying to exercise power and influence in their Pacific Islands region through their statecraft. But which partners are doing what, where are they doing it, and how are Pacific Island countries and people responding? Through case studies of key examples – such as economic assistance, defence diplomacy, scholarships, and strategic narratives – this book analyses how tools of statecraft are being deployed by a range of key partners and Pacific Island states, and how they are being received by Pacific Island countries and people.A vital resource for scholars and practitioners in International Relations and diplomacy as well as those seeking to understand how statecraft, power, and influence are being exercised in the Pacific Islands region.The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons [Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND)] 4.0 license.

This volume explores the determinants of state power, the strategic options of rising powers, the drivers of conflict in dynamic international systems, and American grand strategy past and present to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of the current era of great power competition.Leveraging insights from international relations, history, economics, and political demography, it offers rich perspectives on the competition among newly rising powers and long-dominant leaders in the international system. This book presents novel theories and innovative empirical investigations into the economic and demographic challenges confronting rising powers, along with new inquiries into these countries'capacity to mobilize both their citizens and their militaries. While China's grand strategy has attracted significant attention in recent years, these authors look beyond U.S.–PRC relations by considering the war proneness and strategic repertoires of rising regional powers, including India and Russia. Yet, the possibility of great power war remains a justifiable concern. This book examines the so-called Thucydides's Trap by exploring both its explanatory power in the conflict that inspired its name, the Peloponnesian War, and the possible mechanisms for averting war between the two most powerful countries in the current era. Finally, several challenges confronting the United States are discussed, including climate change, competition over the interpretation of the international Women, Peace, and Security agenda, and the durability of America's commitment to upholding the liberal international order. The Sources of Great Power Competition brings together many of the most influential scholars to engage in lively debates about the current and future international system. It will be of interest to foreign policy practitioners and scholars of grand strategy, the causes of war, alliance politics, norms and narratives in foreign policy, power transitions, and international hierarchy.

The book presents good practices in humanitarian assistance and empowerment of Ukrainian refugees in various areas: emergency aid to large groups crossing the border, organisation of support in places of temporary stay, learning local languages, inclusion of children in school and adults in the labour market, and inclusion in the local community. It indicates the forms of international protection and the scope of their application by migrants from Ukraine, and discusses the temporary protection status dedicated to Ukrainian refugees.The volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of migration and diaspora studies, immigration law, and public policy.

Uncovering the complexity of linguistic diversity and semiotic creativity, this book examines the issues of power, affect, and identity in both physical and digital linguistic landscapes.Based on fieldwork with various Chinese communities in Australia, the book offers unique insights into the uses of languages, semiotic resources, and material objects in public spaces, and discusses the motives and ideologies that underline these linguistic and semiotic practices. Each chapter frames the sociolinguistic issue emerging from the linguistic landscape under investigation and shows readers how the personal trajectories of individuals, the availability of semiotic resources, and the historicity of spaces collectively shape the meanings of publicly displayed language items in offline and online spaces. Supported by a wealth of interviews, media, and archival data, the book not only advances readers'understanding of how linguistic landscape is structured by various historical, political, and sociocultural factors, but also enables them to reimagine the linguistic landscape through the lens of emerging digital methods.This book is an ideal resource for researchers, advanced undergraduates, and graduate students of applied linguistics and sociolinguistics who are interested in the latest advances in linguistic landscape research within virtual and material contexts.

This book analyses China's multidimensional rise in the context of the international political economy, drawing on Susan Strange's concept of'structural power.'Examining the sources of Chinese power along with its geopolitical, economic, and cultural reflections, the authors consider how China's rise is linked with the incremental process of multipolarization in world politics.Providing a systematic, analytical, and empirically rich account of China's surge in the international political economy, this study will appeal to scholars, policy-makers, and students with interests in China studies, international political economy, and international relations.

An urgent exploration of a world in constant crisis, where every regional disaster threatens to become a global conflict, with lessons from history that can stop the spiral—from the New York Times bestselling author of The Revenge of Geography“In this deeply erudite literary, cultural, and historical narrative, Kaplan offers a warning but also a hope that America amid such confusion and danger will be all right.”—Victor Davis Hanson, New York Times bestselling author of The End of EverythingOne of Financial Times'Most Important Books to Read This Year • One of Foreign Policy's Most Anticipated Books of the YearWe are entering a new era of global cataclysm in which the world faces a deadly mix of war, climate change, great power rivalry, rapid technological advancement, the end of both monarchy and empire, and countless other dangers. In Waste Land, Robert D. Kaplan, geopolitical expert and author of more than twenty books on world affairs, incisively explains how we got here and where we are going. Kaplan makes a novel argument that the current geopolitical landscape must be considered alongside contemporary social phenomena such as urbanization and digital news media, grounding his ideas in foundational modern works of philosophy, politics, and literature, including the poem from which the title is borrowed, and celebrating a canon of traditionally conservative thinkers, including Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Jeane Kirkpatrick, and many others.As in many of his books, Kaplan looks to history and literature to inform the present, drawing particular comparisons between today's challenges and the Weimar Republic, the post-World War I democratic German government that fell to Nazism in the 1930s. Just as in Weimar, which faced myriad crises inextricably bound up with global systems, the singular dilemmas of the twenty-first century—pandemic disease, recession, mass migration, the destabilizing effects of large-scale democracy and great power conflicts, and the intimate bonds created by technology—mean that every disaster in one country has the potential to become a global crisis, too. According to Kaplan, the solutions lie in prioritizing order in governing systems, arguing that stability and historic liberalism rather than mass democracy per se will save global populations from an anarchic future. Waste Land is a bracing glimpse into a future defined by the connections afforded by technology but with remarkable parallels to the past. Just as it did in Weimar, Kaplan fears the situation may be spiraling out of our control—unless our leaders act first.

Women, Politics, and Power provides a clear and detailed introduction to women's political participation and representation across all branches of government and a wide range of countries and regions. Using broad statistical overviews and detailed case-study accounts, authors Pamela Paxton, Melanie M. Hughes, and Tiffany D. Barnes document both historical trends and the contemporary state of women's political strength across diverse countries. The text considers experiences of women from a range of marginalized groups, including racial, ethnic, and religious minorities; indigenous peoples; and those that face discrimination based on their sexual orientation and gender identity. Readers will learn about cultural, structural, political, and international influences on women's access to political power, about the old and new barriers women continue to face like violence, and about the difference women make once in political office. Dedicated chapters on six geographic regions highlight distinct influences and patterns in different parts of the world. There is simply no other book that offers such a thorough and multidisciplinary synthesis of research on women's political power around the world.The fifth edition includes the latest information available on women in politics around the world, including current events as they have unfolded across the globe. The newest thinking in the field is presented, including on violence against women in politics and intersectional approaches.

Why are human societies hierarchical? How did centralized political authority originate? Anthropologists tell us that foraging societies are egalitarian compared to their agrarian and industrial successors. So what prompted our foraging ancestors to submit to the authority of big men, chiefs, and kings? And how did the big man once installed in the center maintain his authority in the face of the resentment mobilized against him? Shakespeare's Exiles addresses these fundamental ethical, political, and anthropological questions by looking at two of Shakespeare's most eccentric big men. Why does Timon, the once-legendary host of Athens, refuse to return to his beloved city? And why does Prospero, the exiled Duke of Milan, promise to break his staff and throw his books into the deep blue sea? In this highly original and provocative book, Richard van Oort shows that Shakespeare is not just a dramatist but a philosopher, political scientist, and anthropologist too.

Positive Special Education spotlights the power of positive special education, combining insights from researchers and teachers in special education from several countries. The expert team of authors, being both teachers and academics, highlight the powerful influence of teachers fostering optimistic approaches as well as the impact a positive educational experience has on young students. Instead of focusing on medical perspectives and individual difficulties, this book's uniqueness lies in showcasing how educators, students, and care workers can be empowered to overcome daily challenges by changing beliefs and attitudes. Based on extensive experience in schools across Sweden and the UK, this book: contains a history of positive special education and central theoretical concepts such as self-efficacy, implicit theories, and inclusion explores the potential of digital tools and how they can support students with their learning and development focuses on instructional methods in reading, writing, and vocabulary development Practical case studies throughout the book provide various examples for educators to apply the principles of positive special education in different learning environments. It is a must-read for teachers in SEND and mainstream schools, in preschool, pre-service teachers as well as undergraduate or masters'students in education.

In 1972, the US Navy installed a base for nuclear submarines in the Archipelago of La Maddalena off the northeastern shore of Sardinia, Italy. In response, Italy established a radiation surveillance program to monitor the impact of the base on the environment and public health. In the first systematic study of nuclear expertise in Italy, Davide Orsini focuses on the ensuing technopolitical disputes concerning the role and safety of US nuclear submarines in the Mediterranean Sea from the Cold War period to the closure of the naval base in 2008. His book follows the struggles of different groups—including local residents of the archipelago, US Navy personnel, local administrators, Italian experts, and politicians—to define nuclear submarines as either imperceptible threats, much like radiocontamination, or efficient machines at the service of liberty and freedom. Unlike inland nuclear power plants, vividly present and visible with their tall cooling towers and reactor containers, the mobility and invisibility of submarines contributed to an ambivalence about their nature, perpetuating the idea of nuclear exceptionalism. In Italy, they symbolized objects in constant motion, easily removable at the first sign of potential harm. Orsini demonstrates how these mobile sources of hazard posed special challenges for both expert assessments and public understandings of risk, and in contexts outside the Anglo-Saxon world, where unique social power dynamics held sway over the outcome of technopolitical controversies.

Die tiefgreifenden Unterschiede, die zwischen den deutschen Ländern vor 1870/71 bestanden, werden meist durch die preußisch-deutsche Nationsbildung in den Hintergrund gerückt. Doch in den Verfassungsstaaten Süddeutschlands hatten sich andere Formen von sozialer Konfliktbewältigung, von Partizipation und Reformbereitschaft ausgeprägt als in dem wirtschaftlich dynamischeren Preußen. Die vergleichende Betrachtung von Herrschaftspraxis mithilfe des methodischen Konzepts der »symbolischen Herrschaft« macht die gesellschaftlichen Bedingungen in Bayern und Preußen sichtbar und bietet damit auch Hinweise auf einen möglichen alternativen Weg ins 20. Jahrhundert. Unveränderter Nachdruck der Ausgabe von 1997

How do societies identify and promote merit? Enabling all people to fulfill their potential, and ensuring the selection of competent and capable leaders are central challenges for any society. These are not new concerns. Scholars, educators, and political and economic elites in China and India have been pondering them for centuries and continue to do so today, with enormously high stakes. In Making Meritocracy, Tarun Khanna and Michael Szonyi have gathered over a dozen experts from a range of intellectual perspectives--political science, history, philosophy, anthropology, economics, and applied mathematics--to discuss how the two most populous societies in the world have addressed the issue of building meritocracy historically, philosophically, and in practice. They focus on how contemporary policy makers, educators, and private-sector practitioners seek to promote it today. Importantly, they also discuss Singapore, which is home to large Chinese and Indian populations and the most successful meritocracy in recent times. Both China and India look to it for lessons. Though the past, present, and future of meritocracy building in China and India have distinctive local inflections, their attempts to enhance their power, influence, and social well-being by prioritizing merit-based advancement offers rich lessons both for one another and for the rest of the world--including rich countries like the United States, which are currently witnessing broad-based attacks on the very idea of meritocracy.

Oggi il potere è un gioco complesso, a più voci, sempre meno decifrabile, stabile e riconoscibile Anche se il conflitto scatenato in Ucraina ci ha presentato il suo volto più primitivo e violento, non possiamo ignorare le grandi metamorfosi che hanno profondamente trasformato il potere e i suoi scenari negli ultimi decenni. Abbandonate le severe vesti del government, più verticale e decifrabile, a favore di quelle della governance, più orizzontale e diffusa, il potere ha assunto nuove facce, diventando di volta in volta nazionale, internazionale, pubblico, privato, hard, soft, smart, poco visibile, indiretto. Numerosi nuovi attori, non solo poteri finanziari ed economici, ma anche tecnologici e padroni dell'intelligenza artificiale, muovendosi disinvoltamente tra politica ed economia, forgiano le nuove fondamenta del nostro mondo.

In Anarchist Prophets James R. Martel juxtaposes anarchism with what he calls archism in order to theorize the potential for a radical democratic politics. He shows how archism—a centralized and hierarchical political form that is a secularization of ancient Greek and Hebrew prophetic traditions—dominates contemporary politics through a prophet's promises of peace and prosperity or the threat of violence. Archism is met by anarchism, in which a community shares a collective form of judgment and vision. Martel focuses on the figure of the anarchist prophet, who leads efforts to regain the authority for the community that archism has stolen. The goal of anarchist prophets is to render themselves obsolete and to cede power back to the collective so as to not become archist themselves. Martel locates anarchist prophets in a range of philosophical, literary, and historical examples, from Hobbes and Nietzsche to Mary Shelley and Octavia Butler to Kurdish resistance in Syria and the Spanish Revolution. In so doing, Martel highlights how anarchist forms of collective vision and action can provide the means to overthrow archist authority.

'Power'is the central organizing concept for politics. However, despite decades of debate across political science, sociology, and philosophy, scholars have not yet settled on a proper definition of power. Existing definitions fail because they are either circular or so far removed from the ordinary, quotidien meaning of power that they cannot credibly claim to be about the same concept. Political science has looked at how power works, but according to Guido Parietti, fails to define what power means. In On the Concept of Power, Parietti proposes a more proper definition of power--as the condition of having available possibilities and representing them as such--and examines its implications for the study of politics, both empirical and normative. By neglecting the category of possibility, significant portions of political science and philosophy become incapable of conceptualizing power, and therefore politics. Specifically, Parietti asserts that the main failure of political science is in obscuring power's correspondence to the category of possibility in favor of causality and probability; political philosophy, on the other hand, tends to prioritize various forms of a teleologically oriented normativity. All these approaches end up discarding possibility in favor of oriented potentialities, ultimately anchored to various forms of necessity, and are therefore incapable of properly conceptualizing power in accordance with its meaning in ordinary language. Bringing together different disciplinary discourses, On the Concept of Power concludes by examining the conditions for power to have an actual referent; in other words, for politics to appear in our world. In this original and ambitious critique of the prevailing approaches to political theory and political science, Parietti examines what it means to have power and what may endanger our access to and exercise of it.

How succession in authoritarian regimes was less a competition of visions for the future and more a settling of scores “Joseph Torigian's stellar research and personal interviews have produced a brilliant, meticulous study. It fundamentally undermines what political scientists have presumed to be the way Chinese Communist and Soviet politics operate.”—Dorothy J. Solinger, University of California, Irvine The political successions in the Soviet Union and China after Stalin and Mao, respectively, are often explained as triumphs of inner‑party democracy, leading to a victory of “reformers” over “conservatives” or “radicals.” In traditional thinking, Leninist institutions provide competitors a mechanism for debating policy and making promises, stipulate rules for leadership selection, and prevent the military and secret police from playing a coercive role. Here, Joseph Torigian argues that the post-cult of personality power struggles in history's two greatest Leninist regimes were instead shaped by the politics of personal prestige, historical antagonisms, backhanded political maneuvering, and violence. Mining newly discovered material from Russia and China, Torigian challenges the established historiography and suggests a new way of thinking about the nature of power in authoritarian regimes.

This volume offers new theoretical approaches to the study of concepts and manifestations of power in the ancient world. Bringing together scholars from Egyptology and ancient Near Eastern studies, this volume aims to synchronize our understanding of the complex mechanics of Power across our fields. Broad in theoretical, geographical, and temporal scope, it presents theoretical models in an approachable manner, showcasing ways in which they can be employed by all scholars of the ancient world.

This book is an exercise in ethical criticism. It draws on and works with ideas and suggestions from two of its notable exponents, Wayne C. Booth and Martha C. Nussbaum, who propose that we regard cultural texts as “friends” with whom we can enjoy productive conversations that address contemporary challenges and developments, such as coercive control in gender relations, imperial and colonial thinking, and the centuries-long history of slavery. Throughout, attention is drawn to female agency in figures from Joan of Arc, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, and Rebecca in Sir Walter Scott's Ivanhoe through to Princess Diana. The book begins by looking closely at The Thousand and One Nights in terms of its wayward narratology, its displays of female power, and its significance for arguments over the relationship between the Enlightenment and the conceptual underpinnings of the Holocaust. Montesquieu in Persian Letters and Voltaire in Zadig destabilise any certainty that the Enlightenment was straightforward or easily definable. After evoking a slavery thread in chapters on Jane Austen's Persuasion and Mansfield Park, Patricia Rozema's film Mansfield Park, and Jamaica Kincaid's Annie John, the book concludes with a radical re-reading of Middlemarch.

Les organisations, qu'elles soient de petite, de moyenne ou de grande envergure, existent dans la mesure où les gens qui y travaillent unissent leurs efforts dans la poursuite d'un objectif commun. Sous l'impulsion d'un leader, les personnes sont censées subordonner leurs intérêts à ceux de l'organisation dont ils font partie afin de réaliser un projet collectif. Cette conception de l'organisation ne doit pas occulter une autre réalité organisationnelle, celle selon laquelle cette harmonie relative entre les personnes est souvent négociée, voire imposée, à travers des « jeux de pouvoir ». L'organisation devient alors une arène politique au sein de laquelle s'affrontent divers intérêts qui font l'objet de tractations entre les membres de l'organisation. Celles et ceux qui disposeront de plus de pouvoir pourront faire faire aux autres membres ce qu'ils souhaitent et obtiendront leur contribution à la réalisation des objectifs organisationnels. C'est alors que l'on pourra constater quels sont les individus qui ont le plus d'influence, c'est-à-dire celles et ceux qui amèneront les autres à adopter les comportements souhaités. Certains seront plus habiles que d'autres à utiliser leur pouvoir et à exprimer l'influence qui en découle, et obtiendront ainsi plus facilement les résultats souhaités. C'est ainsi que la dynamique du pouvoir, de l'influence et des habiletés politiques (les habiletés à utiliser efficacement son pouvoir pour exercer son influence) se déploie au sein des organisations. Cette quatrième édition de l'ouvrage, considérablement revue et augmentée, décrit les dynamiques du pouvoir au sein des organisations, les facteurs qui en sont à l'origine et qui les soutiennent, ainsi que les stratégies pour gagner le pouvoir, pour en donner, pour le conserver et pour le retirer à celles et ceux qui en font un usage délétère pour l'organisation et ses membres. Conçu dans le but de rendre accessibles ces notions souvent mal comprises et abstraites, il vise à outiller le lecteur des moyens nécessaires pour utiliser habilement et efficacement son pouvoir au sein des organisations. Enfin, cet ouvrage a une visée prescriptive dans la mesure où il procure des conseils afin de jouer le jeu politique... pour gagner!

This text offers a comprehensive analysis of the concept of the modern creative and imaginative child in Western education. Drawing on archived sources and historical works, it reframes childhood creativity as a social, cultural, and scientific construction, asking how our thinking and acting toward the creative child have been produced historically. The text dissects the discursive construction of creativity as a natural and developmental attribute of the child. It argues that the idea of the White creative child, constructed through comparative reasoning, shaped by primitivism, and illustrated through botanical metaphors as close to nature and the senses, is a notion embedded with colonialities, forming part of a Western civilizing project and entrenched power-knowledge relations. A compelling and original account of childhood creativity, this text will appeal to researchers in arts education, early childhood education, curriculum studies, and the history of education.

Subversion, Power and Hierarchy in Organisations and Society: Carnivalesque Leadership explores a leadership strategy that dates back centuries but has become so normalised that it can be invisible as a strategy. Extrapolating Mikhail Bakhtin's ideas on carnival and its potential for communal freedom and subversive challenge to existing hierarchies, this book identifies components of the carnivalesque, considers why and how they have impact and then maps the application of Carnivalesque Leadership to a series of case studies. Exploratory in nature, these diverse case studies focus on the historic evolution of carnivals in Trinidad and Notting Hill, the safety-valve mechanisms ubiquitous in the education sector, the standardisation of control and release within the corporate sector and the dynamic tension between protest, challenge and fun in Pride events. Readers will benefit from an increased awareness of a strategised Carnivalesque Leadership model and a greater understanding of the potential not only for the safety-valve release of pressure in society and in organisations but also for longer-term change through exposure to alternatives to the official norm.

The Power to Persuade provides an innovative and eye-opening analysis of strategic arguing as a means of power in global politics. Based on an empirical case study of arguing processes in the World Trade Organization (WTO), the book shows how discursive contexts, institutional norms and procedures, and unequal human resources condition who has the power to persuade. While accounts of arguing in international relations are typically based on a notion of arguing as a power-free mode of interaction oriented towards understanding, Angela Geck shows how such an approach precludes the question of persuasive power. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Geneva diplomats and a document-based analysis of the negotiations on two Doha Round issues, the book examines the practices governing strategic arguing in the WTO and uncovers two sources of persuasive power: firstly, prevalent discourses and connected regime norms empower some actors over others; secondly, their ability to debate is conditioned by exclusionary procedures and unequal human resources. Offering a grounded theory of strategic arguing in trade politics, The Power to Persuade presents a novel analysis of the relationship between arguing and power.

The first of its kind, this book focuses on the personal and educational experiences of three Latina teachers in the Deep South, using contemporary young adult literature written by three Latina authors. The three-month narrative ethnographic study explored the lived experiences of these teachers during the global COVID-19 pandemic. Data collection methods included book talks, altered book tasks, in-depth interviews, questionnaires, and ethnographic field notes. This study disrupted traditional methods by emphasizing cultural trenzas (braids), highlighting the linguistic and cultural attributes of the Latina teacher participants. Findings revealed three predominant themes in the narrative stories shared by the participants, namely: grounding by family, the experience of belongingness, and empowerment (stemming from bilingualism and increased awareness through young adult literature).

Prophetic and apocalyptic rhetoric play critical roles in the development and articulation of political authority in the reigns of Charlemagne (d. 814) and Louis the Pious (d. 840). The rhetorical authority derived from claims of receiving revelation, interpreting divine communication, speaking for God, and foreseeing calamities became a competitive medium through which individuals legitimized political behaviour, debated their long- and short-term aspirations, and struggled for political supremacy. Ranging from claims of revelations, dreams, and visions, to the adoption of rhetorical voices based on biblical prophets, to the interpretation of signs and portents, prophetic rhetoric enjoyed extensive experimentation and varied application throughout early medieval political discourse.Prophecy and Politics in the Early Carolingian World argues that claims of divine revelation, resistant to any attempts to monopolize them, provided a powerful means of speaking with authority for all participants in Frankish political discourse. This authority proved instrumental in the articulation and dismantling of effective Carolingian royal authority from 768 to 840. The volume introduces and reinterprets early Carolingian political discourse and intellectual activity, as well as the centrality of apocalypticism in the Carolingian period, by emphasizing prophecy, or revelation and authority, rather than prediction and calamity.Early Carolingian political discourse was a dialogue that took place across royal proclamations, legal statements, historical texts, visions, scriptural commentaries, and manifestations of the natural world, and in this dialogue, the ability to interpret God's will was as powerful as it was problematic.

This prescient Handbook examines inequalities in humanitarianism at multiple levels, highlighting the long-lasting impact of colonialism on contemporary power relations.Silke Roth, Bandana Purkayastha and Tobias Denskus bring together esteemed experts from the global north and south who introduce crucial research ethics frameworks and methodologies in order to study humanitarianism and inequality. Adopting an intersectional approach, this Handbook demonstrates the ways in which race, gender, class and other sources of inequality intersect in relation to a range of contemporary issues including the role of the media and technology, the COVID-19 pandemic, linguistic inequality, trafficking, and refugee protection and assistance. Looking ahead, the contributors stress the need for academics and practitioners to reflect on the inequalities that both underpin and are perpetuated by humanitarian contexts.Providing a detailed overview of the ways in which inequality has affected the development and transformation of humanitarianism, this Handbook will be essential reading for academics, students and researchers of humanitarian and development studies, international relations, and sociology and social policy. It will also be of interest to public policymakers focussing on humanitarianism and striving for global equality.

On Social Closure reinvigorates the idea of social closure as a basic sociological concept for understanding the strategies powerful groups use to improve their life chances at the expense of the less powerful. Jürgen Mackert provides sociological tools for analysing three critical forms of closure in the world today: exclusion in the context of neoliberalism; exploitation within global capitalism; and elimination in the ongoing legacy of settler colonialism, thereby transcending Eurocentric analyses. Mackert puts forward a mechanism-based explanatory approach identifies two critical social mechanisms that operate in various kinds of social closure struggles. The first explains how human beings, social groups, or communities are denied access to resources, rights, or critical networks, while the second explains how the powerful exert control that leaves the less powerful vulnerable and unable to fight back. Through a critical reconsideration and revision of existing concepts and by bringing in new ones, Jürgen Mackert develops a novel theoretical approach to social closure.

This volume analyzes the iconography of bound foreigners on New Kingdom monuments and artifacts to better understand Egyptian perspectives on foreigners and their treatment of prisoners of war.Depictions of foreign captives in humiliating or torturous poses are ubiquitous in Egyptian iconography and reflect the celebratory nature of royal ideology, in this case by degrading enemies. Egyptologists have scrutinized these scenes for details regarding various military matters, but existing scholarly literature offers few studies focused on enemy captives and the sheer physical brutality of the depictions of their bindings. Janzen examines the bound foreigner motif in New Kingdom sources, demonstrating that these prisoners of war played vital roles in Egyptian ideology and religion. Their depictions in bizarre or torturous poses served to reinforce ideological underpinnings of pharaoh's right to rule, perpetually ritualizing their defeat and/or punishment through the presence of this iconography on ceremonial objects used primarily by the king and on temple walls and monuments. The subjugation of foreigners also constituted an important economic function, as incorporating prisoners of war into the Egyptian workforce was crucial for economic prosperity and growth in New Kingdom Egypt. The volume also explores cross-cultural and anthropological parallels, placing Egyptian treatment of foreign prisoners in its ancient context.The book provides a fascinating study of the subject suitable for scholars and students of Egyptology and ancient history, particularly that of New Kingdom Egypt, as well as those working on power, warfare, and violence in the ancient world more broadly.

The most powerful woman in American political history tells the story of her transformation from housewife to House Speaker—how she became a master legislator, a key partner to presidents, and the most visible leader of the Trump resistance. When, at age forty-six, Nancy Pelosi, mother of five, asked her youngest daughter if she should run for Congress, Alexandra Pelosi answered: “Mother, get a life!” And so Nancy did, and what a life it has been. In The Art of Power, Pelosi describes for the first time what it takes to make history—not only as the first woman to ascend to the most powerful legislative role in our nation, but to pass laws that would save lives and livelihoods, from the emergency rescue of the economy in 2008 to transforming health care. She describes the perseverance, persuasion, and respect for her members that it took to succeed, but also the joy of seeing America change for the better. Among the best-prepared and hardest working Speakers in history, Pelosi worked to find common ground, or stand her ground, with presidents from Bush to Biden. She also shares moving moments with soldiers sent to the front lines, women who inspired her, and human rights activists who fought by her side. Pelosi took positions that established her as a prophetic voice on the major moral issues of the day, warning early about the dangers of the Iraq War and of the Chinese government's long record of misbehavior. This moral courage prepared her for the arrival of Trump, with whom she famously tangled, becoming a red-coated symbol of resistance to his destructive presidency. Here, she reveals how she went toe-to-toe with Trump, leading up to January 6, 2021, when he unleashed his post-election fury on the Congress. Pelosi gives us her personal account of that day: the assault not only on the symbol of our democracy but on the men and women who had come to serve the nation, never expecting to hide under desks or flee for their lives—and her determined efforts to get the National Guard to the Capitol. Nearly two years later, violence and fury would erupt inside Pelosi's own home when an intruder, demanding to see the Speaker, viciously attacked her beloved husband, Paul. Here, Pelosi shares that horrifying day and the traumatic aftermath for her and her family. The woman who has been lauded by her opposition as “the most powerful Speaker” ever shows us why she is not afraid of a good fight. The Art of Power is about the fighting spirit that has always animated her, and the historic legacy that spirit has produced.

At the heart of the fiercest international conflicts is the struggle for the future of globalizationIn the wake of a pandemic that tested economies and societies, geopolitical conflict has taken on a new intensity. The Rest and the West locates the origins of this development in the turbulent dynamics of the capitalist world market. Rather than reducing global conflict to a matter of great power rivalries or the process of economic decoupling, Sandro Mezzadra and Brett Neilson investigate the increasing centrality of war to capital operations and to the transformation of capitalism. The goal is to forge a theory of imperialism adequate to a world in which the “rest” no longer provides a putative unity that defines and opposes the“West.”

NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • From the Pulitzer-prize winning author, an alarming account of how autocracies work together to undermine the democratic world, and how we should organize to defeat themA BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR: Economist, Financial Times, Foreign Affairs, The Times'A masterful guide to the new age of authoritarianism... clear-sighted and fearless.”—John Simpson, The Guardian •'Especially timely.'—The Washington PostWe think we know what an autocratic state looks like: There is an all-powerful leader at the top. He controls the police. The police threaten the people with violence. There are evil collaborators, and maybe some brave dissidents.But in the 21st century, that bears little resemblance to reality. Nowadays, autocracies are underpinned not by one dictator, but by sophisticated networks composed of kleptocratic financial structures, surveillance technologies, and professional propagandists, all of which operate across multiple regimes, from China to Russia to Iran. Corrupt companies in one country do business with corrupt companies in another. The police in one country can arm and train the police in another, and propagandists share resources and themes, pounding home the same messages about the weakness of democracy and the evil of America.International condemnation and economic sanctions cannot move the autocrats. Even popular opposition movements, from Venezuela to Hong Kong to Moscow, don't stand a chance. The members of Autocracy, Inc, aren't linked by a unifying ideology, like communism, but rather a common desire for power, wealth, and impunity. In this urgent treatise, which evokes George Kennan's essay calling for'containment'of the Soviet Union, Anne Applebaum calls for the democracies to fundamentally reorient their policies to fight a new kind of threat.

This exciting and wide-ranging volume examines the construction and dissemination of the image of female power during the Renaissance.Chapters examine the creation, promotion, and display of the image of women in power, and how the artistic and cultural patronage they developed helped them craft a self-image that greatly contributed to strengthening their power, consolidating their political legitimacy, and promoting their authority. Contributors cover diverse models of sixteenth-century female power: from ruling queens, regents, and governors, to consorts of sovereigns and noblewomen outside the court. The women selected were key political figures and patrons of art in England, France, Castile, the Low Countries, the Holy Roman Empire, and Italian city states. The volume engages with crucial and controversial debates regarding the nature and use of portraiture as well as the changing patterns of how portraits were displayed, building a picture of the principal iconographic solutions and representational strategies that artists used.The book will be of interest to scholars working in art history, gender studies, women's studies, and Renaissance studies.

Traces changing visions of mystical power and authority on the island of Pemba, whose people's reputed resistance to outside rule has shaped the national narratives of both Zanzibar and Tanzania.For two centuries, Pemba, the second largest island of Zanzibar, has been known by East Africans and outsiders alike as rich in dangerous knowledge. Despite Pembans'reputation for piety and deep Islamic knowledge,uchawi-'mystical work and power', sometimes termed'magic','witchcraft', or'sorcery'- has long featured in diverse visions of their identity and as key to worldly power. Today, as traditional methods of securing agency are called into question and new ways proliferate, the mystical world is an intensely conflicted realm where the nature of power, ethical action, and reality itself is continually reframed.This luminous ethnography follows Pemban notions of invisible and worldly power through the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964, the trials of multiparty democracy, the rise of Islamic revival, and intensifying neoliberalism. Through an exploration of rural imaginings of power, it argues that nations and the grammars that underwrite them are made in and by their peripheries, which give'the centre'shape. Highlighting the intersections of mystical practices, religion, and politics-as-such on the Swahili Coast, the book contributes new perspectives to studies of the imagination, power, and religious transformation in Africa, the Indian Ocean, and the larger Islamic world.

What is structural injustice, and who ultimately bears responsibility for it? In answering these questions Maeve McKeown goes beyond the widely accepted narrative of unintended consequences and blameless participation to explain how power and responsibility truly function in today's world.Drawing on case studies from sweatshops to climate change, McKeown identifies three types of structural injustice: the pure and unintended accumulation of disparate activities; the avoidable injustice that could be ameliorated by the powerful but nevertheless continues; the deliberate perpetuation of structural processes that benefit powerful political and economic agents. In each of these, the role of power is different which changes the allocation of responsibility. From this understanding, we can shape a deeper, more sophisticated idea of how structural injustice operates and what we as individuals can do about it. What is the political responsibility of ordinary individuals? How can ordinary individuals with very little power pressure morally responsible, powerful agents to address structural injustice? Do we have the same responsibility for historical injustice as we do for that which we see in today's world? This is fundamental reassessment of the relationship between power, ordinary people and responsibility for structural injustice.

This book critically analyzes the global hegemony of the United States – a hegemony whose innovative aspect consists in articulating postcoloniality to imperial control – in relation to knowledge and knowledge production.Through targeted case studies on the historical relationship between regional areas and the United States, the authors explore possibilities and obstacles to epistemic decolonization. By highlighting the connection between the control of work and the control of communication that has been at the core of the colonial regimes of accumulation (‘classic colonialism'), they present an entirely new form of disciplinary practice, not based on the equation of evolution and knowledge. An extensive introduction outlines the historical genealogy of Pax Americana epistemic hegemony, while individual chapters examine the implications for different regions of the world and different domains of activity, including visual culture, economy, migration, the arts, and translation.This interdisciplinary collection will appeal to students and scholars in many fields, including Asian studies, American studies, postcolonialism, and political theory.

Rulers and Rulership in the Arc of Medieval Europe challenges the dominant paradigm of what rulership is and who rulers are by decentering the narrative and providing a broad swath of examples from throughout medieval Europe. Within that territory, the prevalent idea of monarchy and kingship is overturned in favor of a broad definition of rulership.This book will demonstrate to the reader that the way in which medieval Europe has been constructed in both the popular and scholarly imaginations is incorrect. Instead of a king we have multiple rulers, male and female, ruling concurrently. Instead of an independent church or a church striving for supremacy under the Gregorian Reform, we have a pope and ecclesiastical leaders making deals with secular rulers and an in-depth interconnection between the two. Finally, instead of a strong centralizing polity growing into statehood we see weak rulers working hand in glove with weak subordinates to make the polity as a whole function. Medievalists, Byzantinists, and Slavists typically operate in isolation from one another. They do not read each other's books, or engage with each other's work. This book requires engagement from all of them to point out that the medieval Europe that they work in is one and the same and demands collaboration to best understand it.

En la actualidad, la sociedad internacional está inmersa en un período de incesantes cambios geopolíticos, que derivan en numerosas crisis, conflictos y tensiones. En el centro de esas transformaciones se encuentra una creciente lucha por el poder internacional. El poder es un concepto clave dentro del estudio de las relaciones internacionales, ampliamente discutido por los distintos enfoques teóricos de la disciplina. El libro Poder y Orden Mundial en el siglo XXI. Una visión desde las Relaciones Internacionales tiene como objetivo acercar a estudiantes, investigadores y curiosos al estudio del poder en la sociedad internacional del siglo XXI, a través del análisis de las principales dinámicas, factores y características que comienzan a dar formar a un nuevo orden mundial. Este libro es un trabajo colectivo de distintos autores que buscan analizar y comprender el escenario internacional a través del poder. La obra realiza una exposición de los principales debates teóricos dentro de la disciplina sobre el concepto de poder y orden mundial, así como la evolución de la propia sociedad internacional en las últimas décadas. En la misma línea, existen varios capítulos centrados en examinar los principales actores y procesos que configuran las relaciones internacionales, además de explicar los elementos más determinantes para la estabilidad y seguridad internacional como pueden ser el auge dediversos conflictos y la irrupción delos avances tecnológicos. El resultado es una descripción completa y adaptada del poder a los nuevos tiempos. En la actualidad, la sociedad internacional está inmersa en un período de incesantes cambios geopolíticos, que derivan en numerosas crisis, conflictos y tensiones. En el centro de esas transformaciones se encuentra una creciente lucha por el poder internacional. El poder es un concepto clave dentro del estudio de las relaciones internacionales, ampliamente discutido por los distintos enfoques teóricos de la disciplina.

This collection of essays describes and analyzes the ways in which government policymakers go about designing police forces and militaries. The author includes both wide-ranging comparative investigations of the dimensions of the state security phenomenon and specific case studies.Dr. Enloe uses the sociological concept of ethnicity to demon-strate how the armed forces in sev-eral nations have capitalized on racial and ethnic diversity to foster their own goals and those of the government and power elites. She examines this idea by focusing on the ethnic factors involved in the evolution of the South African military, the military-ethnic con-nection in Malaysia, and the role of the armed forces in the conflict in Ulster.The author illustrates convin-cingly that not only individual citizens desire security, but that nation-states themselves are en-gaged in the same pursuit. What often passes for or is justified in the name of citizen protection is in fact done to strengthen the state itself. Militaries are recruited in ethni-cally skewed ways, and increasing numbers of police forces through-out the world have military capacities not to enhance the secu-rity of private individuals, but to protect the status quo of the central government and the nation's'es-tablishment.'Dr. Enloe covers an assortment of countries within the framework of her central argument, which is practically as well as theoretically significant. Each chapter can be read on its own, and all deal with currently salient political condi-tions.