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Negotiating a first contract can be a stressful experience for soon-to-be early-career physicians. Most trainees do not have extensive experience with the contract negotiation process, and this unfamiliarity often breeds a lack of confidence and anxiety. However, understanding some key points and the general mechanics of a contract will help bridge any areas of uncertainty. The following review article is designed to help explain these important points so that early-career physicians can feel prepared during the contract negotiation process. Additionally, seeking the help of a contract lawyer can further prepare a physician for successful contract negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global pandemic of Covid-19 has had massive effects on many levels. For many sectors, the restrictions are gone but normalcy is not fully restored. The performing arts, for example, have been especially vulnerable to sharp restrictions, with audiences staying at home. The aim of this article is to explore what it means for freelance musicians in the art/classical music genre to re-establish their careers after the pandemic. The empirical data consists of interviews with Swedish freelance musicians from 2021 and 2022. The article concludes that the pandemic and its aftermath present the freelancers with substantial practical challenges and emotional dilemmas. Some of the freelancers have been able to re-establish their careers and performer identities, while others are still struggling to get back into the loop. The pandemic has started processes of change, which are now negotiated in relation to going back to 'normal'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Six years after the union of Bessarabia with Romania, the works of a Soviet-Romanian conference began in Vienna, on 27 March 1924, after lengthy preparatory negotiations. The delegates of the two countries presented two divergent offers: a plebiscite versus the recognition of Romania's sovereignty over Bessarabia. Romania's offer was natural and in full agreement with its national interests of good neighborliness with the Soviets, but also with the policy of the Great Powers, signatories of the Paris Treaty on Bessarabia. On the contrary, draped in the democratic garb of the plebiscite, the Soviet offer aimed to turn Romania into the proving ground for dangerous and toxic experiences for its stability and state integrity, and also to deceive the Western democracies, seeking to demolish everything that had been built in this part of Southeast Europe, based on the decisions of the Paris Peace Conference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, Michael Dumper critically examines his engagement with the Middle East peace process from 1992 through to 2023. He provides an overview and a discussion of some of the key issues and the contribution played by Track Two discussions, particularly in relation to Palestinian refugees and Jerusalem. The section on Jerusalem explores in more detail the difficulties in finding a mutually agreeable framework for the management of the holy sites in the city and considers the approaches of some of the groups participating in these discussions. The author also reflects on the cultural and educational influences that guided his participation in these discussions and some of the pitfalls he failed to avoid. The way in which academia is coopted into policy making is also considered. The conclusion offers both some lessons learned and a prognosis for the prospects of a negotiated agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to foreground the importance of emotions in water diplomacy in general and in Nile water diplomacy in particular. Water diplomacy does not operate from a clean slate, but in a socio-hydropolitically mediated context which is, in turn, imbued with emotions. The existing water diplomacy approach primarily operates with the assumption that the riparian state is a rational actor. However, we argue that emotions have underpinned water diplomacy, including the ongoing Nile negotiations. These emotions are neither acknowledged nor negotiated but are dismissed as irrationality in both the theoretical understanding and practice of water diplomacy. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) has been a bone of contention between, and evoked deep emotions in, Ethiopia and Egypt. Even if they are often unacknowledged by water policy makers, diplomats, and engineers in negotiations on how to fill and operate the GERD, these actors are inevitably negotiating emotions such as fear of water insecurity, anger over water injustice, harm aversion, impact minimisation, and threat diffusion. Conclusions point to the understanding of emotions as one important element influencing the process and outcome of water negotiations in general and on the Nile River in particular. To achieve effective cooperation among riparian states, an assessment of the issues' emotional impacts may be necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite increasing involvement in a global market and growing sophistication of salesperson technologies, salespeople feel unprepared to negotiate digitally and student-learning outcomes tied to digital negotiation exercises are unclear. The present study first outlines the digital negotiation role-play exercise and then compares student learning outcomes between digital and face-to-face negotiation role-plays. It answers research questions revolving around middle-range-richness mediums, i.e., digital communication tools relying mostly on text (e.g., SMS texts). The benefits of digital experiential sales negotiation exercises are uniquely important for building real-world industrial sales negotiation skills due to the complexity and quantity of negotiation messages exchanged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents an in-depth qualitative case study on the negotiations underlying the introduction of an Independent Fiscal Institution and a Constitutional Balanced Budget Rule in Italy. The article looks at the interests of the relevant actors in the negotiation process of the Six Pack, Euro Plus Pact, Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance, and Two Pack by conducting interviews with the negotiators and analyses of parliamentary records and press declarations. The article demonstrates that functional mechanisms explain the outcome of such negotiations better than the consolidated literature of Liberal Intergovernmentalism, which expects that the preferences of the constellation of national actors are the key drivers of EU grand bargains impacting on member states' core state powers. As a matter of fact, Italian negotiators decided to accept the introduction of such instruments because they were potentially helpful in reducing macroeconomic risks both domestically and in other EU member states without having particular political costs, and not because domestic actors showcased clear preferences in favour of them. The results contribute to the academic debate on the integration of the Economic and Monetary Union by testing hypotheses deriving from traditional EU integration and International Relations literature and paves the way for future research allowing for a greater generalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We find that many administrative contract disputes occur during the execution of the contract due to drafting defects, which are either poor drafting, inaccuracy or ambiguity, and then arise between the parties to contracts that are defective in drafting complex disputes in their subject matter, which are prolonged, and result in wasting a lot of money. Time, effort, and money for the parties to the contract, as it appears through the analysis of judicial and arbitral rulings that administrative contract disputes are mostly about issues that the parties did not face or did not pay attention to, and thus the accurate and clear wording according to the conditions and legal rules, although it does not end the disputes between the parties to the administrative contract. However, it leads to a significant decrease in the proportion of such disputes. In view of the importance of administrative contracts, care must be taken in drafting them to avoid disputes between the parties to the contract, as it must be taken into account that this contract will serve as the law that governs the relationship between the two parties to the oil contract., and decipher and analyze them, in order to avoid the emergence of future disputes between the two parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Holy sites in cities present particular difficulties for negotiators seeking compromise and consent. All cities are sites of contestation and occupied cities, where the legitimacy of the occupation is repudiated by a significant part of the population, have special dynamics. Nowhere is this more clearly manifested than in the city of Jerusalem. In occupied Jerusalem, negotiations over the governance of the holy sites of Judaism, Islam, and Christianity involve many more parties than just the Palestinians and Israelis. In this review, Michael Dumper examines the authors' aim of establishing both a typology and a policy toolbox for managing conflict over these holy sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the gendered outcomes of career negotiations, which involve employees discussing career advancements with their direct supervisors. We apply relational inequality theory, which conceptualizes career negotiations as instances of relational claims-making, to explain gender differences in returns in terms of hourly wages, occupational status, and subjective perceptions of job advancements. Our empirical approach employs individual fixed-effect models using three waves of unique German linked employer-employee panel data on 2090 employees across 131 workplaces (LEEP-B3; 2012–2019). We find that men discussing career advancements with supervisors, experience pay raises and occupational upward mobility, whereas women do not. Yet, we find only minor gender differences in perceived job advancements following career negotiations. In workplaces with a more balanced gender representation in management and supervisory positions, women's wage returns from negotiations increase. Although individual negotiations seem to perpetuate gender inequalities, workplace structures can weaken inequality-generating mechanisms. • Research points to the importance of gender differences in negotiations as an additional explanation of gender inequalities in the labor market. • We find that men who discuss career advancement with supervisors see pay raises and occupational mobility, while women do not. • In workplaces with balanced gender representation in management and supervisory positions, women's wage returns to negotiations increase. • Yet, we find only minor gender differences in perceived job advancements following career negotiations. • Though individual negotiations may perpetuate gender gaps, workplace structures can reduce inequality-generating mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's invasion of Ukraine began a few months ago and continues at full intensity. For Moscow, the objective of the war with its western neighbor was to bring about a change in the world order that would position Russia as a highly influential global power. Regardless of whether the war continues and develops into a long war of attrition or some arrangement for ending it is reached, it is clear that the rules of the game have changed, and therefore the war's significance and implications for the world order should be assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the negotiations between Michael the Brave and the Habsburgs regarding the status of Partium during his rule in Transylvania, highlighting the complex political dynamics and territorial disputes of the time. Topics include Michael's efforts to assert his authority over Partium, the involvement of the Ottoman Empire in the region, and the diplomatic maneuvers aimed at securing recognition and support from both the Habsburgs and the Ottomans.

Research in recent years has emphasized that the Habsburg Monarchy was a state operating with thoroughly modern approaches. One of these modern methods was to allow negotiation processes between representatives of different, sometimes antagonistic socio-economic, estate and ethno-national groups. While much research has been devoted to official and public, e.g. parliamentary, processes, this article focuses on informal negotiation processes that were ultimately decisive in reaching compromises. Through the example of the negotiations conducted for the Galician Compromise of 1914, the article demonstrates that class and party-political concerns had to be taken into account equally seriously in order to ultimately reach a national compromise. Based on archival material from L'viv and Vien -na, this article analyzes the concerted interplay of Galician politicians at the provincial and central state level, simultaneously mediated by the Austrian prime minister, the Galician governor, and the Greek Catholic archbishop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study illustrates the interaction of international and domestic factors that influenced China's stance in the climate negotiations from 1992 to 2015. After providing a historical overview of China's climate diplomacy, it elaborates on the external and internal factors that have shaped China's climate diplomacy. At the international level, it examines the pressures that China has faced from both developed and developing countries at the United Nations climate change conferences. At the domestic level, it analyses three factors—China's political system, its energy scenario and its environmental non-governmental organisations—that pushed China to soften its traditional positions. It ends with an elaboration of the interface of the international and domestic factors that have driven China's shift away from blunt rejection of mitigation responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accession of Cyprus to the EU changed the nature of the dispute on the island. As a result the government from the north stopped perceiving the Union as a neutral player. Despite EU help, it accuses the EU of bias and uneven treatment of the two communities. However, the EU is limited in its activities due to Greece and the Republic of Cyprus blocking any EU cooperation with the TRPC Government, because in the future it could help Turkish Cypriots in obtaining international recognition. The fifth president of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Ersin Tatar, used the weariness of the Turkish Cypriot communities with endless negotiations to build a new narrative around the conflict - the creation of two independent states. On April 27, 2021, in Geneva, an informal meeting of 5 + 1 took place, during which Tatar presented his vision of the political solution of the impasse on the island. The aim of the article is to present the EU policy towards the Cypriot Turkish community during the 17 years of the presence of Cyprus in the EU in order to provide an insight into the changing moods of Turkish Cypriots and the rhetoric used by their representatives. Since 2004, the EU has demonstrated an inconsistency in its policy and a lack of plan to solve the dispute on the island, despite the fact that it has the ability to use its skills, knowledge and competences, as could be seen during the round of negotiations in 2017 in Crans Montana. Turkish Cypriots still show pro-EU tendencies, however, time works to the disadvantage of the federal solutions supported by the Union and the perception of the organization itself. The text is based on an analysis of the source material especially EU legal acts pertaining to the Republic of Cyprus and the community of Turkish Cypriots, as well as the official statements of the TRNC government - in the part which characterizes the policy pursued by Ersin Tatar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Desalination changes incentives & strategies for interstate water negotiations. • It alters power dynamics and alternatives to negotiated solutions. • It poses challenges to interpretation of basic concepts in international water law. • Desalination can introduce conflicts over previously undisputed marginal waters. • With desalination marine pollution directly impacts freshwater supplies. Much of the literature on the political ramifications of desalination has emphasized its potential to mitigate transboundary water conflicts by increasing the quantity of available water (thereby alleviating scarcity), and also by reducing variability and uncertainty regarding the timing, location, and quality of water supplies. Of less focus has been the potential for the introduction of desalination to affect efforts at hydrodiplomacy, by, for instance, shifting international negotiating positions, strategies and outcomes. Desalination allows for countries to be more flexible in their negotiating positions, however, it also changes the set of alternatives to negotiations and can reduce incentives for cooperation. Moreover, while desalination has much potential to reduce interstate conflict over shared water resources, it can also introduce new disputes, for instance, by generating demand for previously unusable waters. This article provides an overview of the potential and actual impacts of desalination on international hydrodiplomacy, and provides case studies of how desalination can introduce new issues of concern over previously uncontentious waters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decision-making process is considered for a firm, in which two coexisting groups of interests pursue different goals. An original model based on a non-neoclassical production function is proposed. The function satisfies the conditions formulated by R. Frisch, which makes it possible to investigate firms operating in the environment far from the perfect competition and pursuing goals other than profit maximization. A two-criteria optimization problem is formulated with the two criteria representing the goals of the groups: maximization of profit and maximization of income generated by the firm with respect to capital and labor. The problem is considered in two variants of the product market, namely the perfect and the imperfect competition. Solutions of the problem are analyzed including the derived Pareto sets. The importance of knowledge about the Pareto set in negotiations between the groups of interests in the firm is illustrated and discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a negotiation process, knowing the preferences of the decision-maker and building a negotiation offer scoring system are very challenging tasks. There are many different methods that can be used to develop such a negotiation support tool, including, but not limited to, techniques based on the multiattribute utility theory (MAUT) or the outranking relation, for instance SAW, AHP or PROMETHEE II. In this paper we present the procedure of evaluating the negotiation template using an unconventional and inventive method called SIPRES, which combines the key elements of the revised Simos' procedure and the ZAPROS method to elicit the negotiator's preferences over some reference solutions. This transparent and easy to implement technique - thanks to the ZAPROS-like approach applied within it - allows the decision-makers to define their preferences in a simple manner, providing an effective method for analysing the trade-offs between the alternatives using selected reference alternatives only. Simultaneously, the revised Simos' procedure, applied in the method, allows for determining the cardinal scores of the alternatives. Thus, sophisticated negotiation analyses can be carried out. As an illustrative example the problem of basketball contract negotiations is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States address many of today's global problems in international organizations (IOs). At the same time, regional international organizations (RIOs) play important roles in IOs, as a series of case studies suggests. RIO member states can speak on behalf of an RIO in IO negotiations. This paper explores under what conditions states voice RIO positions instead of national ones in IOs and thereby turn into agents of regionalization. Based on a novel dataset of more than 500 international negotiations and a quantitative analysis of theory-guided International Relations hypotheses, this paper shows that states are increasingly likely to negotiate on behalf of an RIO, when they regard grouping positions into regional blocs in IO negotiations as more effective, when they have a formal role as RIO chair, and when they possess financial and staff capacities needed in order to voice a regional position in international negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Internasjonal Politikk is the property of Cappelen Damm Akademisk and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Delegitimization of groups and individuals who are part of Israel's peace camp takes place on a daily basis. Those who are delegitimized are civil society and human rights organizations, politicians, public figures, or individuals who support an agreed-upon, long term political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The discourse on peace in Israeli society seems to have reached a stalemate, where the hope for change and for an Israeli-Palestinian co-existence initiative no longer has any place on the public agenda. Israel's Declaration of Independence states that Israel is to be "based on freedom, justice and peace" and will extend its hand "to all neighboring states and their peoples in an offer of peace and good neighborliness." Despite this, delegitimization of peace camp advocates has increased in Israel, and reached the level of demonization. Like a mirror image of Palestinian society, Israeli society has shifted rightward; a radicalization of positions has led to a rejection of the legitimacy not only of moderate opinions that are identified with the political left wing, but also of those who hold these opinions. This essay examines the delegitimization of peace camp advocates, including the monopolistic appropriation of patriotism in Israel, socio-psychological obstacles to peace, and the role of the media and social networks. It proposes a multi-faceted approach to eradication of the phenomenon, while understanding the inherent difficulty of mobilizing a right wing government for this purpose. The proposal will therefore be based mainly on work that can be done by different civil society organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Year-Book of Lithuanian History / Lietuvos Istorijos Metraštis is the property of Lithuanian Institute of History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, Chinese students studying in doctoral and postgraduate programmes outside of China numbered over 600,000 (2017). A number of these students may return to China to gather data. This article explores tensions between compliance with the bounds of formal ethical approval and further research opportunities that may arise in the field of one's home country while studying a PhD enrolled in New Zealand. It also reports on negotiation in approaches between socio-cultural contexts of doctoral study in New Zealand and data gathering in China by acknowledging the tensions using two decision-making experiences in one Chinese doctoral scholar's journey of collecting data 'at home'. One is the negotiation of the ethics of situations and the other is how combined reflective journaling and timely supervisor feedback supported researcher decision-making. Some recommendations to new researchers who are going to collect data from their home country are shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Daena: International Journal of Good Conscience is the property of Spenta University Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

• Marine plastic pollution requires international cooperation. • Treaty design influences the success of environmental regulatory regimes. • Seven treaty elements can improve the success of a marine plastic pollution treaty. Treaty design is a key determinant of success for environmental regulatory regimes. Well-designed treaties incentivise participation, reward compliance and deter non-compliance among the parties to the agreement. The design process can also positively affect interactions between states and help shift national perspectives and interests during negotiations. Based on treaty design evaluations of the Montreal and Kyoto Protocols, a review of existing measures to curb plastics at sea, and expert interviews, this study identifies seven treaty design elements likely to improve the success of a future legally binding mechanism to address marine plastic pollution. These include: a) the adoption of a principle of common but differentiated responsibilities; b) an adequate scope considering land- and sea-based sources, as well as chemical additives and all stages of the lifecycle of plastics; c) issue-linkage to international plastics trade; d) a financial mechanism to support implementation measures; e) built-in flexibility to adapt to changes; f) effective monitoring, reporting and review procedures; and g) enforcement through incentivising compliance and deterring non-compliance. Developed out of an inclusive treaty negotiation process, these elements can help overcome current governance challenges regarding the elimination of marine plastic pollution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Delegitimization of groups and individuals who are part of Israel's peace camp takes place on a daily basis. Those who are delegitimized are civil society and human rights organizations, politicians, public figures, or individuals who support an agreed-upon, long term political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The discourse on peace in Israeli society seems to have reached a stalemate, where the hope for change and for an Israeli-Palestinian co-existence initiative no longer has any place on the public agenda. Israel's Declaration of Independence states that Israel is to be "based on freedom, justice and peace" and will extend its hand "to all neighboring states and their peoples in an offer of peace and good neighborliness." Despite this, delegitimization of peace camp advocates has increased in Israel, and reached the level of demonization. Like a mirror image of Palestinian society, Israeli society has shifted rightward; a radicalization of positions has led to a rejection of the legitimacy not only of moderate opinions that are identified with the political left wing, but also of those who hold these opinions. This essay examines the delegitimization of peace camp advocates, including the monopolistic appropriation of patriotism in Israel, socio-psychological obstacles to peace, and the role of the media and social networks. It proposes a multi-faceted approach to eradication of the phenomenon, while understanding the inherent difficulty of mobilizing a right wing government for this purpose. The proposal will therefore be based mainly on work that can be done by different civil society organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the circumstances in which the entrance of Romania into the First World War was negotiated. More precisely, it analyzes the various arguments that determined the signing of the 1916 Alliance Treaty with the Entente, as well as Romania's military situation. Another segment of this research focuses on the significance, the importance, and the practical results of the presence of the French Military Mission in Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

the article comments on the circumstances in which the entrance of Romania into the First World War was negotiated. More precisely, it analyzes the various arguments that determined the signing of the 1916 alliance treaty with the Entente, as well as Romania's military situation. another segment of this research focuses on the significance, the importance, and the practical results of the presence of the French Military Mission in Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to analyze the proceedings of negotiations concerning compensations to be paid by Germany to the Polish victims of Nazi crimes. These negotiations ultimately led to the adoption of the agreement of 16 October 1991, which opened the way for providing help to those victims who live in Poland. This is a relatively scantily studied area of the entire packet of regulations (Treaty on the Confirmation of the Frontier, the so-called "Big" Treaty, the Two-Plus-Four Agreement) which opened a new chapter in Polish-German relations. The article for the most part refers to documents published for the first time. The negotiations that led to the agreement of 16 October 1991 took more than two years to conclude and were extremely complex. Their outcome was the so-called pragmatic solution and within its scope - regardless of discrepancies in legal attitudes (which formerly blocked the payment of compensations by the FRG) - the way was opened for providing concrete help to those victims of Nazi crimes who live in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Magistrates' courts are the workhorses of English and Welsh criminal process. Efficient processing of high caseloads in these courts depends on a cohesive network of co-operation among the parties. That co-operation depends on a culture of perceived informality among courtroom personnel, whilst proceedings are actually subject to nuanced uses of legal and procedural provisions. Those nuances are obscured by the seemingly informal way that the workgroup operates to keep magistrates' courts functioning so that they can manage high volume caseloads. Here I argue that the veil of informality that falls over magistrates' court proceedings undermines defendants' abilities to participate in proceedings. Data gathered through observation of magistrates' court proceedings and follow up interviews with lawyers highlighted that the courtroom workgroup operates as a network perpetuating co-operative behaviours. That data suggests defendants cannot properly participate because a strong culture of workgroup co-operation both informalises the proceedings and obscures their complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Internasjonal Politikk is the property of Cappelen Damm Akademisk and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

National critical infrastructures are vital to the functioning of modern societies and economies. The dependence on these infrastructures is so succinct that their incapacitation or destruction has a debilitating and cascading effect on national security. Critical infrastructure sectors ranging from financial services to power and transportation to communications and health care, all depend on massive information communication technology networks. Cyberspace is composed of numerous interconnected computers, servers and databases that hold critical data and allow critical infrastructures to function. Securing critical data in a cyberspace that holds against growing and evolving cyber threats is an important focus area for most countries across the world. A novel approach is proposed to assess the vulnerabilities of own networks against adversarial attackers, where the adversary's perception of strengths and vulnerabilities are modelled using game theoretic techniques. The proposed game theoretic framework models the uncertainties of information with the players (attackers and defenders) in terms of their information sets and their behaviour is modelled and assessed using a probability and belief function framework. The attack-defence scenarios are exercised on a virtual cyber warfare test-bed to assess and evaluate vulnerability of cyber systems. Optimal strategies for attack and defence are computed for the players which are validated using simulation experiments on the cyber war-games testbed, the results of which are used for security analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With Unwired Planet v Huawei, the UK High Court has handed down its first decision determining FRAND royalties and has provided clear guidance as to the rights and obligations of parties to licensing negotiations and litigation relating to standard essential patents (SEPs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]