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Copyright of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies (JOLLAS) is the property of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines Vesna Parun's journey to Bulgaria as a mental construction, whose optical framework is the meeting ground of the dialogue about borders and identities, about surmounting time and space, about the physical and its metaphysical dimension, about escape and return. Immersed in the waters of the "inner self ", the author focuses on suggestion in order to invigorate intuition and unravel the essence of her own existence. The brainchild of her deep self-reflection and philosophical insights, her contact with Bulgarian topoi, artists, historical and cultural realities is presented as an ontological route that is a rationale for creative inspiration and a condition for spiritual resurrection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the complexities of belonging in Jean d'Arras's romance of Mélusine, or L'Histoire de Lusignan (1393). Drawing on Laura Bieger's theory of narrative and belonging, Martin Heidegger's notion of dwelling, and Gloria Anzaldúa's border theory, this article analyses the tensions between ownership and belonging as they arise in the early episodes of the text. The links between emplacement, dwelling and belonging, and how these have a productive relationship with narrative are explored. Teasing out these connections further illuminates the political imperative that underpins Jean d'Arras's production of the text, but also resonates strongly with important issues in our own era of mass migrations and population displacements. This article, therefore, seeks to create deeper understandings of the ways in which belonging can be inscribed or erased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While practices of visibility, visuality, and visualization have long impacted migration, recently the drone's-eye view has become part of the iconology and iconography of mobility. With the European "migration crisis" of 2015, varieties of drones were used by states to securitize borders, by NGOs to increase accountability and to aid migrants, and by independent drone photojournalists to document the event. This article discusses how the politics of drone use involves understanding the homologies between militarism, securitization, and humanitarianism in the history of the aerial view, and why drone ethics are intertwined with drone aesthetics. Focusing on the photojournalism of Rasmus Degnbol and Rocco Rorandelli, it argues that, while humanitarian drone images are becoming increasingly mundane and unremarkable in news media, there is an aporia immanent to such images, which require confrontation with histories of racialization and colonialism. It seeks to cultivate "aesthetic literacy" in drone journalism by addressing the way humanitarian events are being revisualized through remote technologies that are underpinned by histories of targeting and racialization in which "the human" is often hardly visible at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This portfolio attempts to express the expanding concept of borders, and boundaries through photographic images of objects and situations taken from various contexts, often unrelated to the geopolitical sphere. Scrutinizing borders and boundaries for the past several years as part of a funded project and realizing that borders are omnipresent and all-pervading led me to 'see' borders everywhere. And so, I started photographing real and potential border markers and manifestations in the urban everyday. Sometimes they refer to very manifest aspects of borders and in other cases, they are just subtle hints, or even purely metaphorical emanations, originating from a visually present reality, and purposefully framed to support the distinct notions and aspects of borders and boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Fronteras de la Historia is the property of Instituto Colombiano de Antropologia e Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nuclear power plants require cooling water. When numerous nuclear plants were built in the 1970s, they were thus placed at major rivers. This caused cross-border problems, since in Europe, many rivers crossed or constituted borders. As awareness for thermal and radioactive pollution grew, border areas became hotbeds of European anti-nuclear protest. Advocates of European integration suggested that the European Communities (EC) were best positioned to resolve this issue. This article analyses the EC rulemaking attempts regarding the siting of nuclear power plants and explains why they failed. It argues that while the cross-border nature of the problem of nuclear installations at borders justified EC-level legal solutions, the geography of nuclear plants militated against supranational solutions -- at a time of national vetoes and when energy security was considered a national sovereignty concern. The article is based on the analysis of primary sources from European Union and national archives. By taking the physical and political geography of nuclear energy into account, this article offers new perspectives on the role of borders and border studies, on the history of nuclear energy and society, and on the history of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the historical geography of nuclear energy through the spatial lens of river basins. Approximately half of the world's nuclear power plants were built along one or the other river. There, they gave rise to both conflict and cooperation. Drawing on the theoretical notion of water interaction, which takes into account relations of both conflictual and cooperative nature, we distinguish between such relations in three dimensions: space, environment, and infrastructure. The spatial dimension gravitates around social and political processes where proximity and distance are at the heart, often linked to the search for suitable sites for nuclear construction. The environmental dimension refers to conflict and cooperation around the radioactive and thermal pollution of waterways. The infrastructural dimension, finally, highlights how nuclear power plant builders, when they arrived from the 1950s onwards, had to relate to pre-existing infrastructural features of the rivers, which sometimes led to clashes with other actors and sometimes to more cooperative forms of interaction. In empirical terms, we focus on three European river basins that came to play particularly important roles in European nuclear history: those of the Rhine, Danube, and Elbe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies (JOLLAS) is the property of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article proposes to read Robert de Clari's account of Constantinople through the lenses of vibrant materiality, orientalism and the ethics and affects of colonial pursuit. Why was his account so different from Geoffroy de Villehardouin's? Why was he so focused on objects, on materials, and marvels? If we position his text, one of the first vernacular prose histories in French, in its relation to romance, to broader narratives of empire and the "Saracen" other, and in regard to the politics of colonial logic, we see that his version of events reflects broader logics and legacies of the Crusades and their attempts to colonize, rationalize, and interpret the "Other" through orientalist, racist, and marvelous lenses. Clari's account justifies the sacking of a sister empire—a Christian empire—due to the wealth of the relics conquered and the affective power therein, thus rationalizing the imagined end of Christendom at the borders of Byzantium. Clari thus uses the affective power of relics to imagine a united Christendom, united against a foreign, pagan/"Saracen" other, and to participate in the prophesy that, vaticinium ex eventu, Constantinople was always marked for conquest by the "French" and never for truce with the "Saracens." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws on the "Prevention through Deterrence" federal border enforcement policy, through which the United States Border Patrol weaponizes nature in order to deter migrants from moving north, to analyze the depiction of child migration in Javier Zamora's bilingual border poetry collection Unaccompanied (2017). I hone in on the Sonoran desert as a politicized landscape in order to demonstrate how Zamora re-claims the natural environment usurped by the Border Patrol in his quest for greater immigration justice, equality, and visibility of underage refugees. Using an ecocritical approach to reading Zamora's transcultural border crossing poetry, I argue that the poet recovers the environment and its nonhuman actants as agents of solidarity in the battle for both human rights--the right to migrate--as well as nature's right to not be utilized in terms of deterrence, that is to be made an ally in the attempt to forestall migratory movement. Understanding the precarity of both the human and the natural world as a shared ground, Zamora's poetry hereby draws on feelings of connection and participation between the animate and the inanimate world, as it seeks out possibilities for more global forms of solidarity across borders as well as natural and infrastructural divisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes as its prompt a persistent misprint in the early editions of Marlowe's Hero and Leander, where Abydos and Sestos are termed "Seaborders" rather than the correct "Seaborderers". The confusion is appealing: to speak of seaborders raises questions about where and how the borders lie between sea and land, questions, I argue, with which Marlowe was perennially interested. While precious scholars have focused on his land geography, I turn to the places where the sea meets the land, the shallow edges of the sea, the heavily contested, fought over, and politicized seaborders. The article focuses briefly on Hero and Leander, with its partially submerged lovers, before moving on to more extended readings of the shore in Dido Queen of Carthage, the road in The Jew of Malta, and monsters of the sea in Edward II. Marlowe's experiments with seaborders are highly various - perhaps even contradictory. Dido Queen of Carthage stages the ethics of international hospitality; and questions the claims and duties of both hosts and guests, sovereign and refugees. The Jew of Malta insists on the highly specific role of islands to trade within the Mediterranean while repeatedly imagining the loss of those islands to a rapaciously reflowing sea. Edward II sees threats to England's national borders through the figure of the sea monster who comes ashore - but not as a refugee this time, but as a man personally invited by a king, who will end up submerged. The article concludes by treating the fleeting fantasy moments that challenge the largely negative depiction of seaborders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The maritime border separating Europe from Africa has become the backdrop for a photojournalism that bears witness to the suffering and death of thousands of migrants since the early 1980s. The beach, the sea, and the fence are the specific sites where such a humanitarian crisis has been photographed. Taking the work of some of those committed photographers as its object of study and drawing mainly from the writings of Susan Sontag, Ariella Azoulay, and Emmanuel Levinas, this essay evaluates the possibility of studying photographic images of the humanitarian crisis at the so-called gates of Europe to reframe established theories of the relation between spectatorship, ethics, and otherness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Via Panorâmica: A Journal of Anglo-American Studies / Revista de Estudos Anglo-Americanos is the property of Universidade do Porto, Faculdade de Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A new partnership project aims to create a guide to decoloniality for use in Ukraine, the UK and globally. Decoloniality – a developing practice in the UK and elsewhere – is essential for the long-term protection of cultural heritage in Ukraine and other countries impacted by Russian colonial rule. By encouraging readers to question long-held assumptions about Russia’s role as a colonizing power, the guide will act as a tool for specialists and non-specialists struggling to accurately identify and describe cultural heritage from Eastern Europe. At the time of writing, planning for this pilot project is at an early stage, but the guide is envisaged as a much-needed step towards enhancing global perspectives on the rich cultural heritage of this often misunderstood and underrepresented region. This paper focuses on two key challenges we face in embarking on this one-year project: concepts of nationality in a region with historically shifting borders and issues surrounding language, terminology and transliteration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the political ideas of Zbigniew Brzezinski as they relate to his position on United States policy over the question of Poland's western border in the 1960s. The main goal is to show to what extent Brzezinski's advocacy of formal US recognition of the Oder-Neisse border was linked to his aim of overcoming the Cold War division of Europe and the problem of national borders. Brzezinski's position on the border issue is also examined in relation to his views on Polish-German and Polish-Soviet relations, as well as Polish nationalism and communist ideology. Accordingly, the question of the Oder-Neisse Line is addressed here with reference to Brzezinski's comments on US policies towards West Germany, the Soviet Union, and Europe as a whole. The main sources are Brzezinski's political commentaries, publications and archival material from the 1960s concerning Poland's western border. However this study extends beyond the purely diplomatic history of the Polish border question, examining the relationship between Brzezinski's views on the Oder-Neisse Line and his internationalist concept of European political and economic relations. It is demonstrated that Brzezinski's support for formal US recognition of the Oder-Neisse border in the 1960s developed within the framework of American political, geopolitical and economic designs for Germany, the Soviet Union and Europe as a whole, against the background of the Cold War. Although his arguments regarding Poland's western border contributed to a desirable increase in US political interest in Poland and Central and Eastern Europe, Brzezinski favoured a kind of European interdependence of states and the "Europeanisation" of Poland, rather than the restitution of its full sovereignty based on anti-Soviet nationalism. This distinctive universalist vision of Central and Eastern Europe, coupled with socio-economic determinism, appears to have profoundly affected Brzezinski's position on the Polish border question, which was based on the assumption that both the Cold War division of Europe and national borders would eventually diminish in political significance as a result of Western recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The revival and popular success of theories on the Pelasgian origin of Albanians since the late 1990s is a significant phenomenon of post-socialist identity processes, yet relatively neglected by the scientific literature. The now well-established neo-Pelasgian discourse sees Albanians as direct descendants of the Pelasgians, a prehistoric population conceived as the origin of all civilizations in the ancient Mediterranean. The aim of this article is to provide a first picture of this quest for origins and to propose an explanation. The argument is that neo-Pelasgianism can be seen as the result of a combination of the history of ideas about the origins of Albanians since the nineteenth century, on the one hand, and of the dynamics of identity linked to the opening of Albania’s borders at the beginning of the 1990s and the massive migration of Albanians to Greece, on the other. The demonstration is based both on a review of the neo-Pelasgian literature and on fieldwork conducted in southern Albania. It aims to show that far from being limited to the reveries of amateurs, discourses on imagined origins, of which neo-Pelasgianism is an example, have real effects on societies and territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socialno Delo is the property of Socialno Delo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Médiévales is the property of Presses Universitaires de Vincennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Antiguo Oriente is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are many suggestions offered within the literature to decide if a job type is a profession, some using tick box type trait and characteristics analyses to compare the actions and qualities of individuals to a predefined list. However, there is no specific way to resolve what makes or defines a profession. Writers in many disciplines, including radiography, have used these different models, sometimes with conflicting results. This paper explores the use of Bourdieu's replacement of the concept of profession with that of a 'field', meaning a network of occupants with common attributes, in this case radiographers, in an attempt to resolve this issue. In the UK, radiography practitioners and professional bodies generally use the term profession to describe radiography, and this paper explores a defence of the term for radiography. Using Bourdieu's field theory not only helps define a profession, but also explains the difficulties at the boundaries of professions, and the work needed to protect a profession as a credible entity. This paper supports the argument that radiography is a profession when using Bourdieu's field theory. Radiography continues to work to maintain its status by increasing its symbolic capital by increasing the research output and evidence base of the profession and through role extension. Radiographers can perhaps be assured that radiography is a profession when using Bourdieu's field theory. This paper shows how theoretical frameworks and concepts from outside radiography can be used to support new ways of thinking within the profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates photography as a tool of neocolonial territorial politics in the Cordillera of the Andes Boundary Case of 1902, in which Chile and Argentina re-negotiated their border in Patagonia. To avoid an impending war, they brought their case to the English King for arbitration. Scientists from all three sides compiled reports, maps and notably, photographs, providing proof for each country's interpretation of the border. In a first step, I argue that the images of the hitherto uncharted land posed a challenge to the understanding of this land as national territory, having first to undergo a process of overcoming the uncertainty of empty space and acquiring scientific meaning during the arbitration. In a second step, I trace how the photographs and the case itself were resignified as expressions of neocolonial modernity and nation building. In this process, the previously limited capacity of photography was extended to support legal claims. The analysis of the development of the visual material in the trilateral negotiation distills the key factors that made the survey photography of this case successful in terms of contemporary imperial standards, or in other words, an example of 'best practice'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kronika is the property of Kronika, Casopis za Slovensko Krajevno Zgodovino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La crise sanitaire de 2020 amène les autorités à rétablir des mesures à la frontière franco-allemande. Les médias parlent de « fermeture » de la frontière. Il s'agit d'un évènement rapide et violent sur le plan des pratiques et des mobilités transfrontalières des habitants locaux. En considérant la fermeture comme une crise socio-spatiale, nous questionnons en premier lieu la structure thématique du discours des médias pendant la période de fermeture, et en deuxième lieu la continuité psychologique du discours de crise en le comparant avec des entretiens pre -crise. Une analyse thématique du discours est effectuée sur un corpus de 407 articles de presse locale et sur 12 entretiens semi-directifs avec de jeunes habitants locaux. L'analyse identifie cinq thèmes qui soutiennent la structure discursive médiatique, et qui organisent et permettent le débat. La comparaison internationale et l'utilisation de contenus historico-mémoriels dans le discours permettent aux acteurs de prendre position sur la fermeture. L'analyse des liens avec les entretiens montre que le rapport à la frontière pendant la crise se structure sur des dimensions représentationnelles déjà présentes dans le discours pre -crise des habitants. Les résultats montrent les liens de continuité psychologique entre les discours pre et in crise : le discours médiatique révèle des représentations de la frontière préexistantes, qui prennent le rôle de générateurs de prises de position sur sa fermeture. En outre, nous discutons les résultats en nous concentrant sur la place des ressentis identitaires dans le rapport représentationnel à la frontière : ce phénomène est analysé ici sur le plan groupal et positionnel. The COVID-19 crisis of 2020 has led authorities to re-establish measures at the French-German border. The media refer to a "closure" of the border. This constitutes a rapid and brutal event in terms of the cross-border practices and mobility of local inhabitants. By considering the closure period as a socio-spatial crisis, we question, first, the thematic structure of media discourse during the period of border closure, and second, the psychological continuity of the crisis discourse, by comparing it with pre-crisis interviews. A thematic analysis of the discourse is done on a corpus of 407 local press articles, and on 12 semi-structured interviews with young, local inhabitants. The analysis identified five themes which support the discursive media structure, and which organize and enable the debate. The international comparison and the use of historical and memorial content in the discourse enable actors to take a position on the border closure. The analysis of the links with the interviews shows that the relationship to the border during the crisis is structured on representational dimensions already present in the pre-crisis discourse of the inhabitants. Results show a psychological continuity in pre- and post-crisis discourse: the media discourse reveals preexisting representations of the border, which act as generators of opinions on its closure. Additionally, we discuss the results by focusing on the place of identity-based feelings in the representational relationship to the border: this phenomenon is analysed here on a group and positional level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Agora (0211-6642) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Galician Journal of Economics / Revista Galega de Economía is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The expression "Dissolving Boundaries" bears adherence to the annihilation of boundaries which are generally created for the purpose of division and separation. Such divisions of boundaries can be created on the basis of national, cultural, regional, geographical, ethnic, racial, economical, class, caste and even attitudinal differences. These are the differences on multiple aspects of lives and societies that restrict the total assimilation of people from various backgrounds to the crossroad of sameness. Prevailing the soul heterogeneity, writers across the world have expressed their solidarity in their literary creations to connect people with a unified sense of being. In One Amazing Thing Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni has brought characters of diversified backgrounds to a single platform with the objective of giving them a distinct voice. In the novel, man-made boundaries are dissolved by interaction, cross-cultural communication, sharing of views, and more importantly by human solidarity. This article is an attempt to explore the Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni's indulgence with the theme of borders and boundaries and the relative redundancy of the boundaries in human existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper examines land formalization in the former enclaves of India inside Bangladesh. • Drawing on ethnographic research methods, it sheds light on the ambiguities of land ownership and negotiations. • It offers a lens of flexible land to comprehend such ambiguities. • It argues that attention must be paid to legibility, sovereignty, and negotiation in a post-colonial context. The former enclaves of Bangladesh and India existed as de facto stateless spaces for almost seventy years before they were exchanged and merged with the host state territories in 2015. Because of their extra-territorial existence, land ownership and transactions remained effectively a local affair in the enclaves. After the exchange, however, enclaves became regular parts of the state territory, and the host state officially recognized private ownership of enclave land. Drawing on fourteen months of ethnographic research in India's ex-enclaves inside Bangladesh, in this paper, I shed light on the complex and multi-layered process of land formalization. As such, I offer a lens of flexible land to comprehend how the state and the citizens employ numerous resources and tactics in claiming and formalizing land that becomes the simultaneous reasons and results of its flexibility. In so doing, I argue that the key to our understanding of flexible land lies in an attentive reading of legibility, sovereignty, and negotiation in a post-colonial context, especially in South Asia. Thus, flexible land becomes an innovative lens, explained and developed throughout this paper, to address how flexibility functions as an embodiment of land formalization for the citizens and the state in the former enclaves of India inside Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ciência & Saúde Coletiva is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Pos-Graduacao em Saude Coletiva and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After an overview of the Near East and the Fertile Crescent as a liminal (border) space where cultural transgressions and exchanges take place, this study aims to show how Hellenistic influences were present in the formation of Arab-Islamic historiograplly. We argue that the latter incorporated rhetorical and methodological notions already installed in the late Mediterranean and added them to strictly Semitic traditions. The interaction of two 'parallel' cultural worlds -the Hellenistic and the Islamic- is detected in the rhetorical uses expressed in historiographic production. The culmination of this process is exemplified in Al-Tabari'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Procesos Historicos is the property of Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Procesos Historicos is the property of Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This keynote lecture argues that both the perpetrators of policed mobility and its victims can learn tremendous lessons from COVID-19’s nimble-footedness, which humbles racialised technologies of containment and politics of redlining or something akin to it. The talk asserts that using technological gadgets that are very good at making it possible for us to be present in absence and absent in presence, strangers at various borders could borrow a leaf from COVID-19 on how to compress time and space in ways that enable even unwanted wayfarers to see, hear, smell, feel and touch virtually, thereby regaining freedom of movement by crossing borders undetected. The world as a whole could learn from resilient philosophies of kinship and solidarity in Africa to approach mobility in a more humane manner. Priority would be less on containment and more on accommodation of the stranger and freedom of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Agrobiodiversity loss can occur in various ways. • Political violence often indirectly affects agrobiodiversity. • Agrobiodiversity loss can occur due to policies against swidden cultivation. • Lack of citizenship can indirectly affect agrobiodiversity loss. • Studying the indirect influences on agrobiodiversity loss is important. In the 1970s and 1980s, the borderlands between southern Laos, northeastern Thailand and northern Cambodia were a hotbed of militarized conflict and insurgent activity. Various armed groups, on the political left and right, operated in what was later referred to as the Emerald Triangle. This article considers how ethnic Kuy (Souay) Indigenous peoples from the Lao side of the border in Mounlapoumok District, Champasak Province, southern Laos, fled to neighboring parts of Ubon Ratchathani Province, northeastern Thailand as political refugees after Pathet Lao communists took over Laos in 1975. Many later became stateless insurgents fighting for Lao anti-communist groups opposed to the Lao People's Democratic Republic. In particular, the article considers the influence of political armed conflict on migration and citizenship status, and subsequently on agrobiodiversity loss, particularly of native varieties of upland rice cultivated in swidden fields. This includes considering the structural violence associated with Thai government policies and practices related to forest conservation and preventing swidden cultivation. Agrobiodiversity loss was not centrally influenced by political violence, but it significantly influenced the conditions that affected agrobiodiversity, emphasizing the potential usefulness of studying political violence and agrobiodiversity loss through considering indirect influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how Covid-19 has impacted borders and xenophobia. In particular, it looks at how four countries with generally right-wing politics, but not necessarily right-wing viewpoints, have used xenophobia to deal with Covid-19: The United States, Japan, Brazil, and Australia. This paper chronicles the expected rise in blaming other countries for the spread of Covid-19 with unexpected consequences. Rather than solidifying national borders and constituencies in the face of an international threat through xenophobia, right-wing countries have instead created a successful border creation process with little room to expand. The options seem to be a fragmentation of these countries into internal borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le Voile de la Peur (Veil of Fear) by Samia Shariff (2006) is the French autobiography of an abused Algerian wife who describes her forced "illegal" migration to Canada in search of asylum. Shariff's testimony has so far been seen as the life narrative of an oppressed female fugitive fleeing Islamic "misogyny." In this article, I offer a more complex assessment that sees Veil of Fear as a border text that unveils the paradoxes of a globalized and yet heavily policed world. My exploration of Shariff's autobiography emphasizes the contradictions of globalization, which call for borderlessness while policing the mobility of citizens of poor countries. My transnational feminist reading of Shariff's clandestine journey highlights the intersectional nature of the oppressive forces that torment Algerian women and the wrongness of reducing the problems of Muslim female asylum seekers to patriarchy. My investigation of the difficulties which Shariff faced in migrating to Canada generates a reading of the unauthorized crossing as a bodily act through which paperless women challenge local gendered and global spatial hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I critically review the literature on the Bangladesh-India borderlands to raise a couple of questions: What are the major themes and issues on the Bangladesh-India border? What are the research prospects on the border issues between the two states? Bangladesh and India share a common border of 4096 km, with a range of cross-border issues determining their bilateral relationship and cooperation. Several border issues have not only clouded these relations but have also led to the exchange of fire between the two countries' border security forces over disputed territory. This contribution broadly reviews Bangladesh-India cross-border issues and specifically calls attention to Bangladesh-India cross-border relations in the realm of comparative border research, which will expand our socio-political, economic, geographic and cultural understandings of bordering practices and border policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of the Schengen Agreement was to abolish border checks at internal borders between Schengen Member States. This principled idea was later transposed into the provisions of the Schengen Convention and reiterated in the Schengen Borders Code. Despite the fact that the priority objective of the Schengen Agreement is to apply the principle of free movement of persons and to abolish internal border controls, there is one exception, in cases where public policy or national security so require, the Schengen State, in consultation with the other Contracting Parties, may decide to carry out border checks at the internal borders of the country concerned for a limited period, depending on the situation at the internal borders. The abolition of controls at internal borders is not an irreversible process, which means that rules governing the reintroduction of controls at internal borders must be introduced into national law. This article analyzes the norms of the Schengen acquis and the main elements of the concept of protection of internal borders, evaluates the principles of reintroduction of control at internal borders. It is assumed that EU countries that have agreed on common security standards have the right to decide and implement national measures to ensure public order and national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New cross-border regimes of biometrics and databasing in the EU are contributing to a conflation of the treatment of irregularity, asylum seeking, and criminality. States provide migrants' biometric data to transnational databases that are increasingly interoperable in the area of migration and crime control, to be accessible for state-based law enforcement actors. This article uses the case of Eurodac - a biometric database initially developed for migration control purposes - to explore the ongoing expansion of law enforcement access to the collected information for the purpose of crime control. The article studies how borders are selectively made permeable for biometric data flows in the light of "crimmigration" discourses. It combines insights from critical migration, border, and security studies that address the increasing overlapping of migration and crime control in policy discourse, law, and surveillance technologies. The study addresses the reconfiguration of crimmigration - and the normalisation and diversification of the figure of the "crimmigrant other" - through the expansion of cross-border flows of biometric data by law enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has reminded us of the significance of borders. In 1989, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, many predicted that sealed gates would soon become relics of a bygone era. Today, we find a different reality. Instead of disappearing, borders are transforming. In this article, we build upon the shifting border logic to explore how responses to the global pandemic have accelerated processes of detachment of mobility control from a fixed territorial marker. From global travel bans to mandating pre-arrival proof of a negative test result taken within 48 or 72 hours prior to departure to requiring digital registration of a passenger's travel history to enforcing strict post-arrival mandatory quarantine orders that arrest mobility, the shifting border paradigm has provided a template for policymakers to respond to a mounting global crisis. In addition to regulating movement across international borders and within countries, we trace the surprising return of subnational and inter-regional division lines in managing mobility, the erosion of the once taken for granted right to return to one's home country, and the spatial and legal techniques used to block refugees from reaching terra firma during the pandemic. Next, we critically evaluate the authorization given under emergency regulations to deploy novel biometric and AI technologies, big data, and predictive algorithms to surveil moving bodies at real time and reprimand those deemed to have breached their quarantine or related governmental emergency measures. While drastic times call for drastic measures, techniques of movement control that "scan" and trace our bodies raise serious questions about justice, fairness, and the risk of discrimination, which may well remain with us even long after the pandemic is over. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The globalizing forces of trade, capital movement, the circulation of information, and human mobility have challenged conventional understandings of borders as entry gates that are under the firm control of nation states. Some scholars have even assumed that nation states would eventually lose control of their borders due to new challenges. However, borders have proved to be resilient institutions as states have adapted and reinvented border controls in several ways. First, states have responded to new challenges by hardening their territorial boundaries through border fortifications. Second, governments have shifted border control to third countries by using tools such as visa policies or readmission agreements. Third, nation states have designed "smart borders" through biometric passports, shared databases, and digital surveillance technologies. Lastly, de-facto borders show that clearly delimited boundaries can be attractive to countries, even in regions with limited statehood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]