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This research note provides an in-depth analysis of the complex interplay between Zionism, Jewish identity, power dynamics, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It traces the emergence of Zionism in the late 19th century, examining how early Zionist ideology aligned with prevalent nationalist and colonial ideologies while also encompassing diverse strands that challenged exclusionary perspectives. The analysis explores the contested notion of Jewish racial "whiteness", probing how Zionist aspirations intersected with racial paradigms and hierarchies. It also analyses how class divisions and capitalist development have impacted Zionist goals. The study draws on the current 2023 Israel-Gaza crisis to demonstrate how exclusionary ethnoreligious nationalism still takes precedence over ethical considerations for some in Israel, yet also highlights Israeli efforts across the spectrum to find just resolutions. Overall, the analysis emphasises the need for new frameworks that affirm the equal dignity of all involved while understanding the diversity of voices within Israel regarding this enduringly complex topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on the implementation and perception of red roofs in the context of Palestine-Israel, this paper examines how it turned into a symbol of settlercolonialism. Conducting a genealogical analysis of the use, and avoidance, of using this architectural element, this paper explains how it constantly shifted from one side to another, starting as an urban Palestinian component in the late nineteenth century, turning into a sign of Zionism, and then becoming Palestinian once again by the early 2000s. Using the framework of schismogenesis, that is, the act of self-definition through differentiation, this paper first challenges the common conception of the red roof as a foreign colonial element and shows how its appropriation and reappropriation were an integral part of national narratives. Therefore, more than asking whether red roofs are colonial or not, this paper asks when they became perceived as such, examining the consistent inconsistency of nation-building processes and their relationship to architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After retiring from a successful diplomatic career in 1966, Sir John Richmond (1909-90) and his wife Diana (1914-97) settled in Durham, where he had accepted a lectureship in Modern Near East History at the University's School of Oriental Studies. Following the Six-Day War in June 1967, the Richmonds became increasingly concerned at the suffering of Palestinians living in the occupied territories and the strong media bias prevalent at that time. They were instrumental in founding the Council for the Advancement of Arab-British Understanding (CAABU) and over the next few years devoted themselves to campaigning on behalf of Palestinians. In addition to monitoring and criticising the secular newspapers, the Richmonds—who were both converts to Catholicism—took a close interest in the leading Catholic papers: The Tablet , The Catholic Herald and The Universe. They engaged in extensive correspondence with their editors—both on the newspaper pages and in private—as well as involving a wider circle of influential Catholic writers and clergy. This article, drawing heavily from the Richmond Papers held at Exeter University's Special Collections, examines the motives and methods of the Richmonds' campaign, and attempts to assess whether or not their efforts achieved their aim of changing attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much continues to be made internationally and by Turkey herself and her leadership (and Jews as well) of Turkey's seemingly important role in saving Jews on two historic occasions: (1) the Spanish Inquisition, when (some) Jews fled Christian-controlled Spain and Portugal in the 15th century; and (2) the Holocaust/Shoah, when (some) Jewsfled Nazi Europe in the middle of the 20th century. Additionally, up until the present moment, Turkey positioned itself as the "broker" between the Arab East and the European-American West as regards the State of Israel and its (Turkey's) own desire to become part of the European Union (EU). 1-hefirst and second events have, increasingly, however, come under critical scholarly review, both positively and negatively. Furthermore, the increasing Islamicization Of Turkey under its current Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan (b. 1954) has carried with it an increasingly hostile, and, at times, overtly antisemitic discourse as regards Israel and Zionism andlews and Judaism, and, with it, an increasing sense of vulnerability on the part of Turkey's relatively small present-day Jewish population. (In this context, one also notes that Turkey continues to put pressure upon both Israel and American Jewry not to support any recognition whatsoever of the Armenian, Assyrian, and Greek Genocides.) However, to complete the historical picture, especially during the years surrounding World War I (1914-1917), it is important to remember that not only Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks were regarded as dhimmis (non-Muslim subjects of an Islamic state-despite the seeming secularism of the Republic of Turkey), but Jews as well, and all were subject to the jizya (a per capita tax levied on a section of an Islamic state's non-Muslim subjects, who met certain criteria, e.g. able-bodied adult males of military age). Ihis contribution, therefore, is a preliminary exploration of the tenuous and vulnerable relationship the Jews of Turkey held not only with regard to the government and the larger society, but with other minorities as well (specifically the Armenian and the Greek populations), their (Jewish) participation as soldiers in the First World War, and the reality of Jewish life in Turkey today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the Arab Fair that took place in Jerusalem in 1933 and in 1934 from the economic and political perspectives. It foregrounds the reasons and results of the absence of a continuously held international trade fair by Arabs in Palestine within the schema of Mandatory Palestine in particular and of the post-Ottoman Balkans and Middle East in general. Although it was successful in bringing businesspeople from various parts of the Arab World together, the lack of official support, broad participation, international recognition, and promotional efforts abroad, as well as strong Zionist propaganda campaigns against it, adversely affected the progress of the Arab Fair, and it did not take place after 1934. Unlike most other post-Ottoman states where collaboration between business groups and political elites gave rise to international fairs in the interwar period, Palestinian Arabs could not enjoy any official endorsement from the British to organize and sustain such a business gathering. In contrast with the Arab Fair, the Levant Fair in Tel Aviv in the same period grew in size and popularity and evolved into an international spectacle thanks to the contribution of Zionist leaders, enterprises, business associations, and journalists in and outside Palestine and the considerable support of the British and other colonial governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Liminal Church by Maria Chiara Rioli brings significant new historical information to the history of contemporary Palestine. Her central themes are the disruptions suffered by the Latin patriarchal diocese in Jerusalem following the war of 1948-49 and the efforts to reorganize this Church in Israel and Jordan. The chapters dedicated to the period 1946-1949 deal with the position of the Christian churches on partitioning Palestine, Catholic fears about the establishment of the State of Israel, the Arab reaction, Israel's occupation of Catholic properties, and accusations of Israeli desecration of Christian symbols. Of particular interest is the examination of the internal upheaval within the Latin patriarchal diocese of Jerusalem following the exodus of Palestine's Arab population as a result of Israeli military operations and forced expulsion. From 1950 to 1956, the Palestinian Latin Church faced a number of Israeli and Jordanian laws limiting the activities of the Christian communities. The author focuses as well on the symbolic phenomenon of a number of Jews married to Christians that began the controversial process of conversion to Christianity. The book also addresses Catholic anticommunism in Israel and Jordan and the attempts of the Latin and Greek Melkite churches to fight it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a rhetorical historiography of the last Palestinian crocodile, tracing its circulation across colonial zoological literatures between 1870 and 1935. This was the historic period of colonial zoologists' speculation about Palestinian crocodile extinction, and by extension, the whereabouts of the last Palestinian crocodile. The article argues that the Palestinian crocodile extinction story is intertwined with violent histories of colonial resource extraction, racialized labor exploitation, and indigenous human dispossession. By tracing the last Palestinian crocodile's rhetorical circulation to 1935 - when a Zionist zoologist declared that Palestinian crocodiles were finally extinct - the article connects Palestinian crocodile extinction with the British Mandate and the Palestine Jewish Colonization Association (PJCA)-led drainage and destruction of the crocodile's former habitat and the dispossession of the Ghawarna who lived on that land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Władysław Broniewski's political activities in Palestine during his stay there from February 1943 to November 1945. His personal history is presented against a backdrop of the political and intellectual life of Polish refugees in the Middle East. Broniewski, a revolutionary and avant-garde poet who belonged to the left-wing world, is depicted against the backdrop of events and tensions occurring at that time in Zionist communities, as well as in the centers of Polish power--both the communist government in Warsaw and the Polish government-in-exile in London--and the dispute between them concerning the future of Poland. The article presents Broniewski's friendships and acquaintances during his stay in Palestine. Extensive epistolary material as well as other archival and press sources were used. The article also explores the subject matter of Broniewski's literary output. The poems he wrote in Palestine are some of his most interesting works, exemplifying the most expressive poetry in the canon of literature written by refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the three years after World War II, prominent Jewish organizations in the United States and in the Land of Israel made films aimed at promoting Zionist goals. The film Adamah (Helmar Lerski, 1948) was produced in the Land of Israel with the support of the Jewish-American volunteer women's organization Hadassah. It tells the rehabilitation story of Benjamin, a Holocaust survivor in the Land of Israel. When the final version was sent to Hadassah for approval, the directorate felt that the American public would not relate to it. Hadassah altered the footage and distributed its own version entitled Tomorrow's a Wonderful Day (1949). This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the main differences between the two representations of trauma, which were taken from the same footage but shaped into two differing narratives. Based on studies in Zionism and a great deal of archival material, it shows how these films epitomized the differences in the perception of trauma and its representations between the Zionist organizations in the Land of Israel and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interrelationship between the disability category, military service, Zionism, and political thought in the State of Israel has rarely been studied. This Article offers, for the first time, a comparative perspective on three Israeli disability books and an inquiry into the hierarchy between them in the context of Zionist ideology. The first book is the military profiles book, which examines the medical fitness of candidates for military service and, consequently, affects the roles selected for them. The second is the Ministry of Defense's disability book that estimates disability because of and/or during military service. The third is the civil disability book, which estimates the disability of work or disabled people in general. Based on the theoretical intersection of critical disability studies, critical military studies, and science and technology studies, the article examines the mutual relations between political thought, social concepts, and the disability category. On the one hand, the article explores the effects of political thought and social concepts on the construction of the disability category. On the other hand, it inquires into the influence of the construction of the disability category on political thought and society. The potential and dangers of these mutual relations are appraised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the lesser-known chapter in the life of the Polish poet and writer of Jewish origin Julian Tuwim during World War II. With the German invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, and after suffering in pre-war ethnocentric and anti-Semitic Poland, Tuwim fled to Romania, where he tried, in vain, to obtain a visa for the British Mandatory Palestine, without having any Zionist affinity. This attempt was based on friendly relations with Leib Jaffe, the director of the Zionist National Fund in Poland. Tuwim's attitude towards Zionism is analyzed in the context of similar attitudes of Joseph Roth and Stefan Zweig. Shortly thereafter, Tuwim came to Paris where he manifested, for the first time, anguish of exile, a feeling that didn't leave him until the end of the war. After the German invasion of France, Tuwim fled to Portugal where he experienced a deep anguish over the refusal of an American visa, lack of money and prospects. In Lisbon, with the help of a Brazilian writer and diplomat, Tuwim obtained a visa to enter Brazil, where, with ambivalent feelings, he began his famous poem "Kwiaty polskie" [Polish flowers]. After nine months, Tuwim and his wife finally arrived in the USA where, in addition to being a writer, Tuwim became a political engagé. "We Polish Jews . . ." is the poem written in the shadow of the Jewish tragedy which reflects the complexity of Tuwim's Polish-Jewish identity before and during World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 20th century, one of the perpetual, unresolved problems of Arab leaders in the Middle East is the Palestinian question. Despite fine rhetoric they are constantly confronted that to this day they have not been able to establish Arab unity on the Palestinian question, or at least achieve that they be seen as equal negotiating partners by the Western powers. Between 1920 and 1940, Harry St. John Philby, a renowned British Arabist, explorer and historian of Arabia, and later an adviser to Ibn Saud, also made an attempt to resolve the issue. There are at least as many legends about Philby as there is about Captain Thomas Edward Lawrence, the leader of the Arab uprising, and later the confidant of the Emir Feisal ibn Hussein. There are also opinions that in the 1930s, Philby circumvented the Iraqi Petroleum Company against the American Socal, persuading Ibn Saud to grant a concession not to the British but to the American oil company, helping to trigger a reorganization of great-power relations in the Middle East. Contemporary British diplomats and officials, however, said he was just a careerist rogue. The purpose of my study is to explore the section of Philby’s activities in the Middle East on Palestine and to present the initial Judeo-Arab diplomatic settlement aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mesovita Gradja is the property of Istorijski Institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines three works by Jewish writers that offer a counterfactual narrative of the establishment of Israel: Nava Semel's IsraIsle (2006), Michael Chabon's The Yiddish Policemen's Union (2007), and Lavie Tidhar's Unholy Land (2018). Focusing on indigenous experiences of settlercolonialism, these novels use alternate histories to examine a Jewish identity not exclusively defined by Zionism. This, in turn, creates a sense of empathy, or at least sympathy, with Palestinians and Palestinian history, and opens up a space for critiquing Israel's actions in the contemporary period, while exploring the implications of Israel's treatment of Palestinians on Jewish, and Israeli-Jewish, identities today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of the modern Arabic literary writing of the Jews of Iraq and, after only a few decades, the start of its demise, in both Iraq and outside it, and then the switch to writing in Hebrew in Israel. The high point of such writing in Arabic was during the 1920s when Iraqi-Jews started to produce literary works that "were Arabic in essence and expression." It was a secular literature, inspired by a cultural vision whose most eloquent dictum was "religion is for God, the fatherland is for everyone." However, during recent decades the Arabic literature that 20th-century Iraqi-Jews have produced has been totally relegated to the margins of Arabic culture. This development was due not only to political and national circumstances but also to the aesthetic and cultural norms of both Arabic-Muslim and Hebrew-Jewish cultural systems. The vision embedded in the aforementioned dictum was the product of a very limited period, a very confined space, and a very singular history. It lived to the age of a sturdy human being, by this rare combination of time, space and history, before disappearing and being forgotten, at least for the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. humanitarian activity in Jerusalem, and Palestine as a whole, from the early nineteenth century onward challenges the traditional view that the United States played a relatively marginal role in the region until the end of World War II. This article argues that American aid, initially understood as a religious duty of individuals, was transformed into an organized form of aid that served as a form of soft power in the region. The agency of U.S. consul Otis Glazebrook is under scrutiny in this article and its analysis shows the fundamental role he played in this shift. Individual aid was superseded by institutional help and the shift was embodied in the aid and relief sent to the Jews. Eventually U.S. institutional aid during the war paved the way for formal support for Zionism and the notion that only Jews (and especially American Jews, who thought of themselves as agents of innovation) could lead Palestine into modernity. While Glazebrook was arguably not a supporter of political Zionism, his agency led America and Zionism to meet each other and initiate a lasting relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to underscore the need for a broader historical framework for understanding belonging in Mandate Palestine in order to incorporate nonsettler migrants. Using the notion of "home" and situating physical houses and structures of home, I investigate the stories of certain migrants who came to Palestine not as part of the settler-colonial, Zionist movement but nonetheless with the hope to settle and reside there alongside and within Arab societies and communities. These individuals, from a variety of socioeconomic backgrounds and situations, positioned themselves as "indigenous" in order to maintain their homes and residences in the territory. I interrogate the physical realities and emotional sentiments of "home" as Palestine transitioned from an imperial to a national space. As part of this transition, many of these migrants came to be classified by the British authorities as illegally resident in Palestine. Unable to claim any legal status of indigeneity and not entirely able to integrate themselves as settlers, both more prosperous migrants and more marginalized migrants made articulated intimate pleas and legitimizations of belonging. Ultimately, the histories here lead to the question of how historians of the Mandate can know who is "at home" in Palestine during the decades before the Nakba and who gets to make that determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatian Journal Educational / Hrvatski Casopis za Odgoj I Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal Educational / Hrvatski Casopis za Odgoj I Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explains Martin Buber's pre-dialogical philosophy. In this paper, the author analyzes key thoughts expressed by Martin Buber on Judaism and Zionism. This essay mainly focuses on Buber's thinking about the concept of the so- called 'Jewish Renaissance', which Buber discusses in many of his essays, articles and especially in his book entitled Three speeches on Judaism. This is Buber's most important work concerning Judaism written during his pre-dialogical period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The enormous politicization of public life in the interwar period did not spare Czechoslovakia or the Jewish religious communities in that country, as evidenced by, among other things, the involvement of many rabbis in political activities. Zionists were gaining more and more importance within the communities - including the religious community in Nový Bohumín on the border with Germany and Poland, despite the fact that the majority of its members were Orthodox Jewish families who had come from Galicia before 1914. Between 1936 and 1938, an intense conflict arose there between the community board, which was dominated by the General Zionists, and Karl Blan, a supporter of Revisionist Zionism who had been appointed Rabbi of Bohumín a year earlier. The board unsuccessfully tried several times to dismiss the rabbi, citing the fact that he lacked the full rabbinical qualifications. Blan's supporters, however, succeeded in bringing about the dissolution of the board in 1937. Ultimately, the rabbi was accused, without proof, of collaborating with the Gestapo and the Third Reich to the detriment of the Czechoslovak Republic. The dispute was covered in the domestic and foreign press and served to foster a negative image of the Jewish community in the tense period before the outbreak of World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an article published in June 1930, Muhammad Roshan Akhtar, the editor of the English edition of the Palestinian newspaper Filastin, called for the establishment of an Arab federation, considering Jews to be an integral part of a political community whose territory sprawled "from Basra to Jaffa." Akhtar's article met with an enthusiastic response from Jewish author and essayist Yehoshua Radler-Feldman (also known as R. Binyamin). RB considered the large space between Basra and Jaffa - intended to serve as the basis for the anti-colonial unification of the Arab lands - as a basis for a different thinking about Jewish existence in Palestine particularly and in the Middle East generally. He foresaw an existence of Jewish masses dispersed throughout the whole region, where the old Middle Eastern Jewish communities would play an important role. This article focuses on the crystallization of RB's spatial perception in the period of the British Mandate, the importance he saw in the identification with the anti-colonial struggle, and the affinities between this orientation and the attitudes held by Palestinians intellectuals and political activists. It also examines the theological perception of Eretz Yisrael and the "lands that are adjacent to it" that lay at the foundations of the spatial logic RB developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]